ARTICLES

 

Responsible Citizens Within Social Contract Within The Representative Democracy. Mission And Political Theology Perspective

 

 

Leepo Modise

 

 

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ABSTRACT

This article focuses on the social contract within democratic South Africa, as well as the success and failure of the people and the government to adhere to the social contract. The point of departure is the definition and clarification of democracy in general and democracy in Africa, with particular reference to participatory democracy. The responsibilities of the people within the social contract are as follows: after they have delegated their power to the government, they are responsible for their moral, social, economic, and political responsibilities and obligations. This process entails transferring power from participatory democracy to representative democracy. The researcher reflects on the Municipal Structures Act No. 117 of 1998, which aims to deepen participatory democracy within the social contract signed with the Local Council during the local election. The purpose is to deepen the role of the church in educating the people on their responsibilities and obligations within the social contract and to advocate for well-informed voters as actors within the social contract. The goal is for the church to play its prophetic and missional role in guiding and teaching its congregants about their responsibility within the social contract. The primary outcome of this article is to demonstrate that once congregants are equipped and informed about the social contract, they willparticipate effectively within the social contract as voters and active actors in the governance of the country in general and local government in particular.

Keywords: democracy; mission; Rresponsible Ccitizens; social contract

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1. Introduction

The government and citizens have a social contract based on democratic principles, as outlined in the South African Constitution of 1996. The government is responsible for providing services to the people of South Africa. In contrast, the people of South Africa are responsible for holding the government accountable for services they ought to provide to the people. First, the researcher will examine citizens' responsibilities towards their government within the social contract. Then, the researcher will assess the competence of candidates to assume governance responsibilities based on their skills, knowledge, and abilities in local government, as well as their adherence to the social contract with residents.

Residents and candidates for the Local Council should familiarise themselves with the Structures Act No. 117 of 1998 before engaging in the voting process. Knowledge of this Act enables residents to understand their roles in the local government as they enter into a social contract with the regional Local Council prior to the election and induction of the council. Structures Act No. 117 of 1998 provides space for citizens to participate in the most critical level of government where service delivery is provided at the local government. As one of the societal structures within the local government, faith communities are responsible for empowering their members on knowledge about governance as the church father has laid the foundation for governance and the kingdom of God on earth.

 

2. Problem statement

After the struggle for freedom and democracy for most South Africans, a social contract was created between the government of national unity and the people of South Africa in 1996. Rautenbach and Malherbe (1998:1) indicate that the South African Constitution's preamble declares that the people of South Africa recognise the injustices of the past, honour those who suffered for justice and freedom and respect those who have built and developed the country. Furthermore, it declares South Africa belongs to all who live in it, united in their diversity. The freely elected representatives of the people of South Africa have adopted the Constitution as supreme law. According to the South Africa Constitution (1996), the social contract (Constitution) intends to:

• Heal the divisions of the past and create a society based on democratic values, social justice and fundamental human rights;

• Lay the foundations for a democratic and open society in which government is based on the people's will and every citizen is equally protected by the law;

• Improve the quality of life of all citizens and free the potential of all people; and

• Build a united and democratic South Africa to take its rightful place as a sovereign state in the family of nations.

This envisaged social contract within democratic South Africa was not fully realised for almost three decades, like all other African countries contaminated by Western political philosophy (Kondlo, 2011:3). Some factors that undermined the social contract were recognised as ethnic rivalry, lousy governance, and failure to apply the rule of law and multinational corporations (Amanze, 2018:140-141). Furthermore, Kondlo (2011:3) indicates:

The political elites have responded in various ways to a range of problems and made different choices in response to opportunities. But there are core challenges common to all African states in the twenty-first century and these require a collective response. The challenges include underdevelopment and economic stagnation, shallow political democracy, collapsing of public institutions and a growing number of failed states on the Africa continent, despite interventions by organisations such as the African Union.

South Africa shares similar challenges with other African states, as colonial strategies were uniformly implemented across colonies. These challenges manifest as underdevelopment, economic stagnation, limited political democracy, and the deterioration of public institutions. Evidence of this can be seen in reports such as the Zondo Commission on state capture and the crises affecting entities like Eskom, Transnet, South African Airways, and Denel (Zondo, 2022).

On racism and Ethnicism, Kondlo (2011:7) congratulates South Africa on the successful multiracial elections and, at the same time, laments South Africa's failure to guarantee the incorporation of all social groups into the democratic system. This is evident from racial tension in KwaZulu-Natal during the 19 July 2021 unrest against the detention of former President Jacob Zuma in Pheonix in Durban. The above-cited example of the state's failure to uphold the rule of law to sustain democracy reflects the poor governance in South Africa, which resembles the colonial administrative style, which governed with impunity and without the people's consent (Ake, 2000:7). The Zondo Report of 2022 exposes significant governance failures in South Africa.

According to Amanze (2018:142), the rule of law is meant to safeguard and advance the civil and political rights of the people and create conditions under which their legitimate aspirations and dignity may be realised. The level of poverty and unemployment in South Africa undermines the aspirations, human rights, and dignity as encapsulated in Chapter 2 of the Constitution of South Africa (South African Constitution, 1996). Terreblanche (2012:125-127) points to the failures of the South African government as follows:

• South Africans did not succeed in adequately addressing the apartheid legacy of abject poverty, high unemployment and growing inequality;

• Failure to put in place moral and humane system in its place;

• The creation of a large new black elite with an extravagant get-rich-quick mentality and their consequent preparedness to use immoral and devious methods;

• Only a small minority have benefitted from black economic empowerment;

• South Africa did not succeed in creating a people-centred society;

• Failure to replace the deeply divided South African society of the apartheid period with a society of social solidarity and proud South Africanism; and

• Eradicate the politico-economic system that was dominated by the Mineral and Energy Complex during apartheid, which is still happening.

Terreblanche's (2012) argument above illustrates the collapse of the social contract between the people and the government, highlighting key elements of corruption.

Amanze (2018:142) postulates that corruption is one of the most incapacitating factors in the socio-economic development of African countries, and South Africa is no exception. These corrupt activities are captured in the Zondo (2022) Commission Commission of Inquiry Inquiry on State estate Capture (Terreblanche, 2012). International corporations were also identified as leading to the collapse of social contracts in many African countries like South Africa (Amanze, 2018:143). These factors contributed negatively to the maintenance and sustenance of the social contract. The solution to these challenges above needs well-informed citizens on their responsibilities and obligations as stated in the Constitution of South Africa (1996). Evanoff (2012:194) indicates that democracy cannot function well without educated citizens who are well-informed about issues and morally sensitive to the implementation of the policies. Therefore, the central argument of this article focuses on the role of the church in educating ordinary citizens about their responsibilities and obligations. The research questions in this study are centred on addressing the afore-mentioned problem statement.

 

3. Research questions

This article addresses these questions generated from the problem statement:

• Are South African citizens well-informed about their roles, responsibilities, and obligations within the social contract they sign through voting in the Local Council, provisional, and national government?

• Are the citizens equipped or well-informed about the government's responsibility towards them?

• What is the role of the church and theology in responding to these questions?

 

4. Theoretical framework

The theoretical framework is derived from a political-missiological perspective. Mangayi and Baron (2020:1) present the missiological pointers to consider in research in missiology. They postulate that recent missiological pointers include evangelisation in context, intercultural communication, interreligious dynamism, patterns of mission theology, mission practice and history, women and youth (human) empowerment, sustainable communities, and earth healing. In this article, the missiological focus area is on human empowerment and sustainable communities by strengthening the social contract through evangelism in the context of churches to empower citizens to be responsible signatories of the social contract.

Mangayi and Baron (2020:7) see the mission of God as being people-centred rather than institution-centred and programme-centred, and they believe that people are participants in the mission of God. Furthermore, they agree that there is an imbalance in terms of people's participation in the mission of God. Therefore, the involvement of the people in a social contract ought to be people-centred rather than institution-centred (government). Missiology teaches that people are important because they are part of the Oikos (Mangayi & Baron, 2020:7); hence, this article argues that people must be educated and empowered to participate in the social contract. It would be insightful to examine how the emphasis on citizen engagement shapes the emergence of the social contract. This discussion will explore the responsibilities of both citizens and the government within this framework.

 

5. Citizens and government responsibilities within the social contract

Potari (2012:312-313) maintains that democracy is defined by four key concepts: equality, liberty or freedom, participation, and accountability. Furthermore, Potari (2012;313), when engaging Dahl (1959), indicates:

The role of democratic theory is to be 'concerned with the process by which ordinary citizens exert a relatively high degree of control over leaders'. Such control is realized via operation of the mechanism of elections, where non-leaders assume control over the selection of their 'leaders. The element of competition between leaders for the votes of the people is precisely what Dahl sees as democratic about this method of governance, and the accountability of the system is assured by the participation qua voting, which, if effectively satisfied, can preserve a high degree of responsiveness of leaders to non-leaders and their political interests. Although there is, under this model, a correlation between accountability and participation, democratic accountability is not grounded upon participation, but rather on the procedure of political decision-making, which essentially stem from external - to the conceptual constellation of democracy - normative consideration relating to the concept of equality and liberty.

In a democratic society where ordinary citizens have an influence in the affairs of the country, equality and liberty are essential. Through election, when ordinary citizens participate in the selection of the leaders to sign social contracts, such participants ought to sign as equal political actors. Kondlo (2011:4) concurs with Potari (2012) that electoral democracy has been emphasised over the meaningful participation of ordinary citizens in governance matters. The requirement is the expansion of a conducive public space, which in turn requires self-confidence and informed participants (Kondlo, 2011:4). These equal, self-confident and informed political actors ought to have responsibilities and obligations to fulfil their tasks within democratic governance. In this context, the social contract is between the citizen (participants in participatory democracy) and the government (representatives in the representative democracy). In an African philosophy and religion, morality is based on the sustenance of the community through the notion of Ubuntu and Ujamaa (togetherness). The political responsibilities are outlined in the South African Constitution and relevant Acts.

 

6. Moral responsibilities within the social contract

The moral responsibility within the social contract is derived from the African philosophy anchored in the three critical African concepts: community, Ubuntu, and Ujamaa. In the African worldview, the community's responsibility is collective. There are no individuals or groups outside the community. Nürnberger (1991), Mbiti (1969) and Setiloane (1976) contend that the formation of the African community begins with the extended family, which forms interconnectedness to each other through common ancestry or marriage. This social pyramid developed spontaneously to create a clan under a headman and, finally, a tribe under the leadership of the chief. This philosophy is based on Ubuntu and Ujamaa African philosophy, which states that the leader cannot do anything without the community's support, where the power lies. Rautenbach and Malherbe (1998:5) support the notion of a united community that will build one African nation in South Africa; this nation is built through mechanisms such as one citizenship and values such as human dignity, equality, non-racialism, and non-sexism, simultaneously accommodating the diversity of interests in South African society and to ensure justice for the entire nation.

Resane (2017:100) agrees that concepts such as independence, autonomy, self-sufficiency, or self-reliance have no place in African communities, where Ubuntu is the cohesive force binding the community together. When the spirit of Ubuntu permeates relationships between government leaders, politicians, and ordinary citizens as co-participants in the social contract, a collective and prosperous future can be achieved. The social contract between the citizens and the government enforces citizens' participation within this contract. Rautenbach and Malherbe (1998:5) state:

There is a common South African citizenship. All citizens are entitled to the rights, privileges, and benefits of citizens and are subject to the duties and responsibilities of citizenship. The Bill of Rights also provides that no citizen may be deprived of citizenship.

Therefore, South African citizens should embrace these duties and responsibilities to empower and support each other as Africans, ensuring they hold the government accountable whenever human dignity, rights, and privileges are compromised.

These responsibilities encompass understanding the terms and implications of the social contract that citizens enter into with their elected local or national government through the electoral process. As outlined in the South African Constitution, the social contract is the binding agreement between the government and the people to operate as a unified African community governed by the Constitution. Each party contributes equally as a participant in this social contract.

The government bears the moral responsibility to safeguard the lives of citizens from all forms of injustice, oppression, and exploitation. This duty of the government is justified by Belgic Confession Article 36. The church believes that due to human depravity, the gracious God has instituted government so that the world may be governed by specific laws and policies. This is intended to restrain the unruli-ness of humanity and promote good order and decency in all things. Therefore, God bestows the government and legislation with the sword for good order and morality to punish wrongdoers and protect those doing well (Belgic Confession, 1561). Protecting the citizens is the government's contractual and moral obligation within the social contract. Bonhoeffer (2012:292) states that the normative government's mission consists of serving the dominion of Christ on earth by exercising the worldly power of the sword and justice to sustain human rights and dignity. The government should fulfil Christ's mission as described in Luke 4:18-19 by establishing and maintaining outward righteousness through the sword entrusted to it by God. In its role as God's deputy, the government not only has the solemn duty to punish the wicked, but also the joyful responsibility to encourage and promote the good. Therefore, it is vested with judicial authority to administer justice and the right to educate for righteousness. The praise and the protection of the righteous is an integral part of the government's mission, independently of the decision of the faith of the persons who exercise government. Indeed, it is only by protecting the just that the government fulfils its true mission of serving Christ (Bonhoeffer, 2012:292).

The ecumenical church ought to have an obligation collectively to assist the government in educating ordinary citizens about their responsibilities and obligations within the social contract. Potari (2012:320-321) postulates:

It would require a well-elaborated and virtuous educational system to support and guarantee the educational standards and psychological harmony of the democratic citizens, as these are essential for the effective functioning and fulfilment of the political community.

In South African democracy, participatory democracy is one of the pillars that ought to help citizens exercise their responsibilities. On the contrary, representative democracy has overtaken participatory democracy. Modise (2017: 3) argues that participatory democracy is a significant challenge for democratic South Africa due to the lack of adequate members' knowledge about political operations. The prevalence of service delivery protests and marches highlights significant challenges to participatory democracy in democratic South Africa. This argument extends similarly to the context of the social contract. In an African community, every member is responsible for each other, as Ubuntu teaches us "I am because we are." Moral responsibilities ought to be interrelated with political responsibility within the social contract.

 

7. Political responsibilities within the social contract

According to Grant (2021:3), human rights are defined as those contractual rights unanimously agreed upon by all reasonable persons and formalised in a social contract. Human rights stem from the inherent nature of individuals as human beings, granting them entitlement to certain treatment from all others. These rights derive from a social contract that imposes upon everyone the universal obligation to behave in specific ways, either by taking action or refraining from it. Grant (2021:4) contends that human rights are based solely on the authority assumed by unanimous consent. Thus, by implication, human rights are unalienable and "cannot be taken away or even abridged." These contractual rights are enshrined in Chapter 2 of the South African, which serves as the Bill of Rights within the South African legal framework.

In the South African Constitution (1996), the South African citizen has the following responsibilities and the directive from the Municipal Structures Act No. 117 of 1998:

• Responsibility to vote to give the state or government the mandate to act on their behalf; responsibility to screen the candidates provided to them in terms of work scope versus their educational, political, and moral standards;

• Responsibility to participate in structures created by the Structural Act No. 117 of 1998, in ward committees, anti-corruption committees;

• Responsibility to participate in Integrated Development Plans of the municipality (IDPs) and the Budget of their local municipality; and

• Responsibility to use the Chapter 9 institutions whenever they feel their democratic rights are infringed and the state breaches the social contract.

In the South African context, individual citizens' responsibilities towards their political, social, and economic well-being should be guided by the understanding that all authority and power originate from God, who is the sovereign ruler of all human beings. This notion of the divine mandate of the government in South Africa is based on the fact that South Africa is a religious country. Forster (2019:22, 23) highlights that 84.2% of the South African population identifies as Christian, with 74% indicating that religion plays a significant role in their lives. As active participants in the social contract within a religiously diverse country, individual citizens are responsible for holding the government accountable for any misuse of religious demographics during elections. Furthermore, African philosophy and belief support the awareness that power is hierarchical, from God, human beings (living or dead), and the natural environment. God's omnipotence is seen in His exercise of power over nature among many peoples. Some see God's supremacy in terms of His ability to deal with or control the spirits - these being more powerful than human beings. Therefore, in this context, power is viewed hierarchically (Mbiti, 1967:31). At the apex is God, omnipotent; beneath God are ancestral spirits and natural phenomena; and at the lowest rung are human beings, whose power is comparatively limited or non-existent (Mbiti, 1967:31-32). In the social contract of this African and religiously oriented country, God remains integral to the power dynamics. Those entering into this contract should do so with the understanding that God is the creator and facilitator of such an agreement. Therefore, when the government fails its people, the church is duty-bound to hold the government accountable.

 

8. Transfer of power from individuals to a collective representative: Participation as centre of democracy

In the social contract in a democratic country, participatory democracy is critical; people need to participate through the election, decision-making processes, and consultation. Theoretically and ideologically, 'democracy' refers to the state system in which sovereignty is officially invested in the people or citizens (Raadschelders, 2003:98). The researcher agrees with Raadschelders (2003) that democracy is the business of the people and the people's engagement in the country's governance - from the individual to the national level. The citizens' voices ought to be echoed in the actions of the government and politicians in the implementation of the social contract. Therefore, in a social contract, the sovereignty of the state system is invested in the people. Amanze (2018:136) argues that humanity's involvement is crucial to good governance as far as participation is concerned. Such participation can be direct or indirect. This implies the direct participation of the people in the affairs of the state, and the enabling environment in this instead ought to be the local government where most people are. In this sense, participatory democracy is essentially about the question of whether, and if so, how, citizens should be given the right to participate in decision-making processes that affect them. However, the primary form of political organisation in the modern nation-state is, and is likely to remain, representative democracy. The above argument indicates that in the social contract, the people and the state must engage each other to negotiate a safe space for the well-being of the citizens.

 

9. Representative democracy as delegated power within a democracy

The governance of a nation cannot feasibly be managed by its entire population; hence, a select few credible individuals are entrusted with the responsibility to lead. The social contract serves as a guiding framework dictating how these leaders should govern. This arrangement embodies representative democracy within the context of the social contract.

In a democratic state, there exists a ruling party and an opposition party. The role of the opposition party is to hold the ruling party accountable, ensuring that it adheres to proper governance practices and remains vigilant in its responsibilities. However, in the representative democracy in South Africa, there is an extreme collapse of democracy and social contract, as evident in the coalition governance in municipalities. Therefore, the rise of coalition governance in the 2021 local elections may diminish the traditional critical oversight of opposition parties within the governing municipality. In coalition governance, parties must negotiate and agree on key positions and operations. Typically, if one party allows another to hold the mayoral position, it may secure roles like the speaker or oversee municipal finances. However, in a coalition government, similar to a single-party dominant system, dissenting voices may be muted, potentially weakening the role of opposition parties in a democratic system. In such scenarios, the church's prophetic voice becomes crucial as it fills the void left by diminished opposition scrutiny under coalition governance. Failure of the church to assert its prophetic role could jeopardise the social contract in an era dominated by coalition politics.

 

10. Faith communities' prophetic and missional role within the social contract

The church bears equal responsibility for the citizen as the government does. The church plays a role in balancing and scrutinising the terms and conditions of the social contract. Bonhoeffer (2012:292) argues that if political responsibility is understood exclusively as governmental responsibility, then it is evident that this responsibility rests solely on the government. However, if the term is understood more broadly as relating to life within the polis, then there are several aspects in which it becomes necessary to discuss the political responsibility of the church in response to the government's expectations of the church. Once again, there are distinctions between spiritual leaders and individual Christians' responsibilities. Forster (2019:19) reminds South Africans that Christian churches, constituting the largest segment of the population, have a history of speaking prophetically for the common good of the nation's citizens. He further emphasises that when the church challenges the abuses of state power, it does not do so without resistance. The state's pushback against the church does not diminish the church's duty to confront ungodly governance.

According to Thielicke (1969:626), in the context of war, corruption, and social ills in the country, the political and theological involvement of the church is necessary. It clarifies that the church cannot refuse to take a stand on the current questions. The church is invited to perform this duty as part of its pastoral ministry. Apart from this pastoral kind of concern, the church is invited to take a stand on the current politico-socio-economic situation so that it may not succumb to the present state of affairs unconsciously, uncritically, and under the bewitchment of aliens so that it may not become the unwitting agent of the spirit of the age in whatever form instead of being impelled by the Holy Spirit (Thielicke, 1969:626). In the current context in South Africa, the South African Council of Churches (SACC) has aligned itself with the people of South Africa. The Council has revitalised its efforts to champion the everyday mission of the church. The church's role is articulated in SACC's booklet titled, ,Church in Action South Africa We Pray For.' Modise (2017) argues that critical socio-economic challenges were identified on 16 December 2015 at Regina Mundi church in Soweto, including (Mpumlwana, 2016):

• Healing and reconciliation

• Restoration of the family fabric

• Destruction of poverty and inequality

• Economic transformation

• Anchoring democracy

These five critical socio-economic challenges identified primarily revolved around one central issue: poverty and inequality. The church or faith community, by restoring a blend of theocracy and democracy, reminds people that God is the ultimate sovereign and humans are entrusted to govern on His behalf. This perspective can strengthen the social contract by appealing to conscience. As agents of reconciliation and bearers of hope, the church has a crucial role in educating citizens about their moral and political responsibilities. By doing so, the church not only deepens democracy but also contributes to advancing Agenda 2063, particularly in the realm of education. In the social contract of any country, there is no constitutional form that perfectly defines the relationship between the government and the church, highlighting their varying degrees of closeness or separation. The government and the church are bound by the same Lord and are bound together. While their roles and tasks may be distinct, they operate within the same sphere of action, namely humanity. Still, the government and the church have the same field of action: humanity (Bonhoeffer, 2012:29). Through its divine mission, the church aims to restore the South African social contract, guided by the principle from John 10:10: "I have come so that they may have life in fullness."

 

11. Findings

The researcher has observed several issues that weaken effective citizen participation within the social contract. Through involvement in ecumenical movements, participation in local government meetings, and serving as a minister of the Word and Sacrament, the researcher has had the opportunity to observe the following:

Interestingly, groups of South African citizens remove themselves from the entire community. Firstly, the intellectual South African elites remove themselves from most South Africans who need assistance understanding their responsibilities within the social contract. It is evident that illiteracy is a reality in South Africa, and South African intellectuals are needed within participatory democracy in local government. The 2019 South African statistics reveal a significant illiteracy rate, with 12% of South African adults classified as illiterate, totalling 4.4 million individuals. This statistic underscores the prevalence of political illiteracy among rural and semi-rural citizens who often endorse the government's social contract. Conversely, educated and literate political citizens tend to dissociate from the marginalised, oppressed, or disenfranchised.

Another group consists of pockets of white communities identifying as taxpayer organisations. These groups aim to undermine service delivery and distance themselves from black local administration. While purportedly addressing governance deficiencies or corruption in local government, these organisations weaken the democratic principle of governmental accountability. Nevertheless, within these organisations, there exists a reservoir of skilled individuals who can potentially aid citizens in fulfiling their responsibilities under the social contract.

Thirdly, black elites often relocate from black communities to former white urban areas seeking better conditions rather than fostering integrated, mutually empowering communities as envisioned under the principle of 'the people shall govern.' This detachment undermines the social contract in South Africa, calling into question two critical factors: the level of political awareness among the majority of voters and the voter turnout as a percentage of the total population. As highlighted earlier, approximately 12% of South Africans are illiterate, reflecting a significant educational gap. Moreover, the voter turnout in the 2019 national election was below 50%, with only about 47% of the population participating, marking one of the lowest rates globally. Therefore, it can be argued that a genuine social contract necessitates a baseline level of political knowledge, meaningful voter participation, and shared civic responsibilities.

 

12. Recommendations to sustain participatory democracy

In this article, I propose the following recommendations: • The church should actively engage in providing essential civic education to citizens through workshops, seminars, and informed sermons.

• The prophetic voice should be translated from mere statements into meaningful actions.

• The SACC wards ministry should be proactive and prominent in educating citizens about their responsibilities within the social contract.

• The Student Christian Fellowships should be revived to equip students with a missional approach to address the political challenges of our time.

• The Bully pulpit must be translated into seminars, conferences, and workshops focusing on civic responsibilities and obligations. These events will educate citizens on holding the government accountable and encourage active participation to support government functions.

• Lastly, the missional church must transition from theoretical theology to action-oriented theology. This shift is essential to equip citizens with the necessary skills to govern and be governed peacefully, justly, and on equal terms.

 

13. Conclusion

In conclusion, this study finds that the social contract in South Africa is articulated in the 1996 Constitution. However, participants in this contract require enhanced basic and political education. Secondly, the exodus of professionals and elites from the township to towns and cities reduces the quality of participation within the social contract in the local government in the township. Additionally, there is a lack of participation from the white people in local government activities. Community is the totality of relationships that do not depend on exchanges of wealth and power, namely marriages, families, congregations, communities, charities, and voluntary associations. Therefore, to sustain the social contract in South Africa, churches ought to educate the communities about their responsibilities to vote and guard against misuse of their rights and responsibilities within the social contract by their representatives. Lastly, if churches empower ordinary citizens through basic education on citizenship and political awareness, these individuals can participate more effectively within the social contract. This enhanced participation would extend to their roles as voters and active participants in both national governance and local government affairs.

 

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1 Prof Modise, Leepo; University of South Africa. Email: modislj@unisa.ac.za