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South African Journal of Childhood Education
versão On-line ISSN 2223-7682
versão impressa ISSN 2223-7674
SAJCE vol.9 no.1 Johannesburg 2019
http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/sajce.v9i1.516
ORIGINAL RESEARCH
Barriers and bridges between mother tongue and English as a second language in young children
Nora E. Saneka; Marike de Witt
Department of Psychology of Education, University of South Africa, Pretoria, South Africa
ABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: Social and economic aspirations held by parents can reflect a desire for their children to learn English as a second language. Bilingual education has the potential for empowering traditionally disadvantaged groups, particularly through competence in English, a language that positions identity with power, privilege and status, thus being a political and an economic issue.
AIM: The aim was to look critically at the language development of young second-language learners within their social context
SETTING: An early childhood centre in Durban, South Africa.
METHODS: Methodologically, a qualitative praxeological framework was used. Parent partnership in sustaining the mother tongue was sought and explored in focus group interviews, using an action-reflection cycle to understand the dilemma of young second-language learners in South Africa. Ways of overcoming language barriers using the strengths of the child were explored using persona dolls. These methods helped to develop sustained, shared thinking between children, their parents and the researcher.
RESULTS: Young children found their own means of engaging in meaning-making processes both at home and at school. The issue of linguicism was tackled by encouraging parental participation in sustaining the mother tongue while children learned English as a second language
CONCLUSION: As long as English means access to improved economic opportunities, there will be a bias against those whose home language is not English. The dilemma of the young English language learner remains an issue of equity, access and redress for past injustices.
Keywords: parent participation; the young second-language learner; the right to participation; socio-constructivism; critical constructivism; praxeological research.
Introduction
The purpose of this research was to look critically at the language development of young second-language learners within their social context, in relation to theory and practice (praxis). Language and communication are seen as fundamental to the child's right to participation, according to the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989). Young children, seen as agents of their own life, find their own means to engage in meaning-making processes both at home and at school. In this research, different ways were explored to overcome language barriers using this strength of the child, in the process documenting the child's capabilities to share with the parents and in discussion with them, to build up an image of identity of each child. The research became a means of encouraging parent participation in sustaining the mother tongue while the child learned English as a second language, that is, additive bilingualism.
Social and economic aspirations held by parents for their children can reflect a desire for their children to learn English as a second or additional language. Robb (1995:19) argues that bilingual education has the potential for empowering traditionally disadvantaged groups, particularly through competence in English, a language that positions identity in relation to power, privilege and status. Therefore, it is not just a political issue but also an economic issue.
The dilemma of the young English language learner from a lower socio-economic environment is that additive bilingualism means more; however, the mother tongue tends to be subtracted in favour of English. This results in what is known as subtractive bilingualism - to the detriment of the young child. Additive bilingualism can add complexity of thought; the young child can think conceptually beyond the restrictions of the one right word to multiple perspectives. Added vocabulary can also add a richness and complexity to thought. However, this type of intellectual development, mediated through more than one language and culture, is seen in elite bilingualism as additive bilingualism. Elite bilingualism develops within higher socio-economic classes where families provide books in both languages and have the leisure time to support the mother tongue as well as the additional language(s). In such families, high levels of conceptual skills are encouraged in both English and the mother tongue. However, children from lower socio-economic communities tend to have parents who are faced with many challenges including a lack of formal education, the low social status of their mother tongue and a lack of time if they work long hours away from their children. Their mother tongue may also not have a value within the formal education system or the economy. Common bilingualism as subtractive bilingualism or semilingualism tends to develop (Toukomaa 2000:215). The child may have acquired basic interpersonal communication skills in the second or additional language of English, but finds difficulty with cognitive academic language proficiency (Cummins 1979). This is the dilemma of the young second or additional language learner.
Children can also develop an arrogance when they use English because language use reveals social positioning. This can manifest in what has been termed 'linguicism' (Phillipson 2007). When children become more schooled than their parents or grandparents (in South Africa this schooling would be in English), this can lead to an intergenerational breakdown in communication. Wong Fillmore (1991:323-346) describes the resulting lack of respect of children for their older family members and loss of traditional family values or the wisdom of the elders.
Therefore, linguicism refers to the hegemony of language, the language spoken by the dominant social class. In South Africa, this tends to be English, possibly left over from the colonial era, where English has become a language seen as holding status and power. A family's mother tongue does not have this advantage. In spite of the Constitution, not much happens at grassroots level to enforce indigenous language use in South Africa. Children become aware of subtle social cues and see the power in language from their parents and are aware of non-dominant languages. Language ties in with race, ethnicity and social class which in turn reflect unequal access to resources in terms of job opportunities, social status and political power. English has its power in being the language of global communication.
Active collaboration between school and home becomes important, especially when the teachers do not speak the home language(s) or mother tongue. The early years are a vital period of time, but in this research the English language learner was already showing a choice to speak English in preference to the home language(s) or mother tongue. It was also seen that some parents encouraged their children to speak English as a home language even when their own spoken English was very limited (Saneka 2014:128).
Similar results have been found from research in other countries: '… they may refuse to use their home language anymore as it is difficult to use both, and English may have greater status in the children's eyes' (Gordon & Browne 2008:490). Wong Fillmore (1991) went so far as to suggest that learning a second language means losing the first.
The Republic of South Africa's (1997) language-in-education policy is that of additive bilingualism. The particular pre-primary school used in this research has been registered under the South African Department of Basic Education. It follows the curriculum and has both Zulu- and Xhosa-speaking teachers as well as English-, French- and Afrikaans-speaking teachers. However, as there is a need for children to be prepared for English-medium primary school education, English is the language of learning and teaching. Therefore, English is spoken by the teachers and English is the language the children are encouraged to use in response. The children are also free to converse with each other during free play in whichever language they prefer.
Issues arise for the mother tongue, particularly for children who come from disadvantaged backgrounds. This is especially the case when, according to Heugh (1995:179), the young English language learner receives such a strong, positive message about English in contrast to that of his or her mother tongue. Therefore, this research sought ways of encouraging the parents of young children to sustain mother tongue practice in the home while their child learned English as a second language in an early childhood centre situated in a lower socio-economic area.
Research methods and design
The setting for this study was an early childhood centre in a lower socio-economic area in Durban, South Africa. At the time of this research, 90 children within the age range 2-6 years old attended this centre and were educated at Grade 000, 00 and 0 (or R, the reception year) levels in preparation for entering school at the Grade 1 level. In terms of the nature of the research approach used, these children together with their parents and five teachers formed an inclusive purposive sample.
The researcher as a practitioner in the early childhood centre used a participatory action research methodology within a praxeological conceptual framework, using a socio-cultural and critical theoretical framework to examine practice (praxis). She used this methodology to explore the interface between the role players, the socio-cultural language context and interventions which could affirm the importance of sustaining the mother tongue of the young child while he or she was learning English as a second language. Parent partnership in sustaining the mother tongue was sought and explored in focus group interviews, with an action-reflection cycle used to understand the dilemma of the young second-language learner in South Africa. While participation was open to all parents, there were 16 who participated in the first round of focus group interviews and 8 in the second round 5 months later.
The inclusion of children as participants was motivated by the right to participate (United Nations General Assembly 1989), where participation was seen as a lens through which to critically examine values and beliefs. As Carla Rinaldi (2006:101) says: 'It is the value of research, but also the search for values'. Aims (reflecting our values) and methods (pedagogical practice) can be conceived of as closely interlinked. These aims and methods are socio-cultural in nature and therefore reflect how the norms and values of language practice are shaped and developed within a social and historical context.
In working with the children and their teachers, different methods were used in the research process to explore ways of overcoming language barriers using the strengths of the child. These methods, as '100 ways of listening to children' (Clark 2007:77) ultimately helped to develop 'sustained, shared thinking' between the children, their parents and the researcher and co-construction of knowledge around language practices (Siraj-Blatchford et al. 2002:10). Specifically, for this research, persona dolls were used (Saneka 2014):
Persona dolls are used as a 'tool' for the implementation of anti-bias education and are a means to 'narrate and create' the persona doll's life-story, in dialogue with the children. Each doll has its own 'persona', family history and individual identity. This is seen as a non-threatening way to include issues of language, identity, culture, race, class, and other anti-bias issues. The story of each doll is recorded in their 'I.D. Book' which can also be a type of 'journal' of the events in that doll's life as it is a record of the dialogue between the doll and the insights of the children. Children's participation (the dialogue between the 'persona doll' and the children) enables the story of the doll's life-situation to unfold in terms of how she/he (the persona doll) reacts and responds to the events in his/her life, with questions, suggestions and advice from the children. Each time he or she visits the children and 'chats' to them, the persona doll gives the children a 'voice' to express their thoughts and fears, hopes and struggles, leading the children from interpersonal awareness to intrapersonal awareness. The doll can become a 'mirror' to reflect the children's life-situation back to them, in order for them to reach a deeper understanding of their own thoughts and feelings and learn to empathize with the feelings of others, including the persona doll. (pp. 110-111)
Data were obtained from observing the behaviour of the children when interacting with the persona dolls. A picture of the persona dolls may be seen in Figure 1.
The research followed a praxeological methodology to discern the principle of the best interests of the child in relation to the right to participation and language practice at home and school (United Nations General Assembly 1989). Praxeology can lead to critical reflection on practice, particularly when using dialogue with others on subjective perceptions and values in relation to knowledge and experience (Pascal & Bertram 2012:480-486). According to Saugstad (2002:380-381), the Aristotelian description of knowledge is not just episteme ('factual knowledge' or 'universal, certain, eternal, general, non-contextual and abstract knowledge') but knowledge developed through praxis, incorporating values and ethics. Phronesis, through 'knowledge of political, social and ethical practice' becomes 'an ability to act morally correctly on the basis of the correct deliberations' (Saugstad 2002:380-381). Similarly, Pascal and Bertram (2012:486) outlined six principles for praxeological research, namely that it is ethical, democratic, critical, subjective, systematic and action based. These can all be seen as relevant to research on language practice, as the research could then explain the social and cultural context within which meaning-making develops, as well as provide the means of enquiring into the dilemma of the young second-language learner, with a view to transformative action to motivate and support parents.
Ethical considerations
This research received ethical clearance from the University of South Africa College of Education Research Ethics Committee (Reference Number 2013 MAY 4056485/CSLR).
Results
There were four broad sets of results, namely observations from interaction with the teachers, the first focus group interview, the second focus group interview and observations from the use of the persona doll. These findings are presented briefly here and explored in more depth in the discussion.
The interaction with the teachers is provided as anecdotal and used for background purposes as the teachers did not sign consent for participation in this research at this stage. There were weekly review meetings to discuss concerns and plan interventions. Concerns raised included observations that languages have different dialects, with Zulu being no exception. With its different dialects, the question of what pure Zulu is was raised. Some dialects can sound like slang. Thus, the purity of the mother tongue was challenged. Further challenges were noted where parents chose not to speak their mother tongue to their children, as well as children opting to speak English in preference to their mother tongue.
The first focus group interview with 16 parents was able to identify the advantages of English easily. It was argued that English is a universal language and makes it easy to communicate throughout the world. They also felt that English was necessary in education, particularly at tertiary level, as concepts are not easily translatable. Furthermore, they noted that there are not enough books available in the mother tongue. Additionally, the mother tongue became problematic when trying to communicate with their children on a number of levels - it was useful for discussing problems when children were younger than 4 years old, but older children would respond in English. The breakdown of communication also became intergenerational - when children went back home to the rural areas, they could not communicate with their grandparents who now saw their grandchildren as having a 'white' education and the grandparents doubted the value of this. Children would be labelled terms like 'coconut' (black on the outside and white on the inside). The parents noted that their children understood their mother tongue but refused to speak it to parents because of the school environment with much exposure to English. Finally, the parents were concerned about their children being isolated and bullied if they spoke only one language against a majority who spoke another language. They felt one language alone was incomplete and another was needed for better understanding.
There was a conceptual shift in the second focus group interview with 8 parents which took place 5 months later. It was noted that children isolated themselves from other Zulu-speaking children in the townships and would not play with them. English became the language of choice even if they were spoken to in an indigenous language such as Zulu. As the children were attending the centre in a lower socio-economic area, there was also the issue of exposure to 'street English' where the language usage would come across as rudeness and was seen as a culturally unacceptable way of speaking, for example, swearing. Thus, English was seen as not all good, especially when sounding disrespectful. It was necessary to promote the mother tongue home language, such as in having more story books available in other languages. It was difficult to reprimand in the second language as children could ignore their own language or block it out. Therefore, it was important to hold on to identity and family values, and language was tied to identity and power.
The use of the persona dolls with the children was a useful way to dialogue with them where they could identify on common ground, develop empathy and develop friendship, thus being able to discuss problems and situations. Thus, the dolls gave the children a chance to be heard, thereby also helping parents to communicate with their children, and the children would not be excluded by language. Specific instances of persona doll interactions are explored in depth in the next section.
Discussion
Children reached out intentionally to others seeking information and through gesture and language, used different modes and means of expression. They showed their curiosity: they investigated, expressed their ideas and feelings and wanted to be taken seriously (United Nations General Assembly 1989, Article 12). Some of the modes and means of expression in the research included painting and drawing, wooden block construction and outdoor play with water and sand. They also took their own photographs to show what their likes and dislikes were in their school environment. The research broadened the idea of participation from mere consultation to ways of listening to children for adults to understand their point of view. As Lansdown (2005) points out, a culture of listening to children is not generally the norm for adults (cited in Morrow & Richards 1996:97).
A central concern in the research was that children who are learning in a second or additional language can be silenced in many ways. This is why using the right to participation and children's rights as a lens for critical reflection on the research process emphasised the right to seek, receive and impart information, share experiences and ideas (United Nations General Assembly 1989, Article 13) and hold one's own opinion on matters (United Nations General Assembly 1989, Article 14). Of course, these rights are dependent on respectful and inclusive adult support and guidance (Lansdown 2004:5), as well as taking into account the evolving capacities of the child, as discerned by the adults (United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child 2005:42). The challenge for adults was to take account of the abilities, strengths and ways children expressed their own ideas, including the culture of childhood. In actualising these rights, we are informed that we have a duty to consider 'the best interests of the child as a primary concern' (Organization of African Unity (OAU) 1990, Article 3, (1) and Article 4; United Nations General Assembly 1989). However, there may be differing cultural and social perspectives on the value of the mother tongue or home language(s) in relation to English - a language of power. Therefore, the 'best interests' principle can become a matter of interpretation, contestation and debate between parents, children and teachers. In the post-apartheid situation, additive bilingualism is also a political question of equity and access.
Language as co-construction of meaning, but also of self-expression or identity, is shaped by the socio-cultural context. Affirming the child's emotions in the mother tongue as well, English becomes an important way for the child to develop empathy with others (Saneka 2014:131): 'Through others, we become ourselves' (Vygotsky 1931). This resonates with the deep African philosophical value of uBuntu, showing humanity, expressed as 'umuntu, ngumuntu, ngabantu'. This is translated as 'a person is a person because of other people'. In Africa this can be seen as expressing both humaneness as care or empathy for the other, and social solidarity. This can challenge us to ask the question about what kind of society we want and how our actions realise the values of that society. Many of the children in this research were enrolled in the early childhood centre to learn English because of the perceived social and economic advantage, but could become 'an English-speaking someone' which would cause a barrier between themselves and their friends at home (Saneka 2014:283).
The results of the research in the second focus group discussion revealed a perceived powerlessness experienced by the parents in the face of what seemed to be this choice or option for English made by their children, even when they spoke the mother tongue to them (Saneka 2014:159), and, in the case of one child, when he had had a Zulu-speaking teacher for the past 2 years (Saneka 2014:162). However, by the end of the research both the parents and the teachers were more aware of the issues in relation to language, power and identity. At the second focus group discussion, which concluded the research, a parent stated emphatically: 'The children must not lose their identity, but cling onto it and carry on with everything else. They must plant that one tree, then grab whatever they can, from everything else!' (Saneka 2014:294). Article 29 (c) of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (AOU 1989) stipulates the critical importance of:
… the development of respect for the child's parents, his or her own cultural identity, language and values, for the national values of the country in which the child is living, the country from which he or she may originate, and for civilizations different from his or her own. (p. 9)
The sense of belonging, which can come through interactions with peers, family or their teachers, is said to be a way to create 'a caring community of learners' (NAEYC 2009:16). A sense of belonging is essential for an infant to thrive and later for the well-being of the young child, as seen in attachment theory (Richter 2004:15). However, those who are perceived as not belonging may experience discrimination, bullying or teasing and the child may feel forced to conform to peer pressure, including in language practices.
The problem of linguicism
A crucial factor in the child's language development is the child's attitude towards the second or additional language(s), the value given to these languages by the parents and motivation to use the mother tongue. As an illustration, in the research process a newly enrolled Zulu-speaking child was observed by teachers in the fantasy play area, which they said was like a 'mother tongue nest', playing silently on the old computer while the other children were chatting to each other in their mother tongue, Zulu. In going through what has been termed the initial silent period while learning English, she was silent even in the midst of this busy hive of activity, surrounded by children speaking her mother tongue. Over the next couple of months at her school, single words in English and Zulu slowly started emerging and she proved to be highly verbal.
Some of the parents from the Congo were also choosing to speak English to their children at home, rather than their own mother tongue or French, another international language, even though their own proficiency in English was limited. Their children were identified as 'inventing imaginary words' or 'using formulaic speech to fill the gap' (Saneka 2014:128, 238).
Children were also seen to get the message that a way of speaking, an accent or certain language including English but not limited to English, is of higher prestige than others. However, this can create a barrier. For example, some of the teachers who spoke the mother tongue or home language(s) tended to use it for the discipline or correction of the child (Saneka 2014:129) and not for 'sustained shared thinking' (Siraj-Blatchford et al. 2002:10). Interactive conversation, playful exchanges of ideas, storytelling and other teaching situations were all in English, which seemed to reinforce the authority of English with the authority of the teacher (Saneka 2014:285). A parent also reported reprimanding his son in the mother tongue, before switching to English (Saneka 2014:279). Therefore, this encouraged a negative association with the mother tongue or home language(s). However, a parent also reported that her son only listened to her if she reprimanded him in English, instead of the mother tongue (Saneka 2014:286), '[b]ecause it's about power, and children love power' as the parent explained.
In one example, which was discussed by a parent at the first focus group discussion, his child had started testing adult attitudes to social norms of communication, in order to see how his parent would respond. The parent experienced difficulties with the child's lack of cooperation, especially when his child showed defiance. He was upset when his child shouted at him: 'No, no!', as that was interpreted as showing disrespect as it went against his social norms and values (Saneka 2014:268). Some of the other children also tested the limits by deliberately blocking out words in the home language with white noise, and one parent reported her child as saying 'Blah, blah, blah' while she attempted to talk to her (Saneka 2014:282) and showed selective hearing to avoid responding to her parent. Language use also revealed insiders and outsiders and a type of power play between the children as a form of linguicism (Saneka 2014:261).
The following two examples from the research are illustrative of this linguicism (Saneka 2014:151-154):
^rND^1A01 A02^nReetta^sNiemi^rND^1A01 A02^nReetta^sNiemi^rND^1A01 A02^nReetta^sNiemiORIGINAL RESEARCH
From active joining to child-led participation: A new approach to examine participation in teaching practice
Reetta NiemiI, II
IViikki Teacher Training School, University of Helsinki, Helsinki, Finland
IICentre for Education Practice Research, University of Johannesburg, Johannesburg, South Africa
ABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: The new core curriculum for basic education in Finland emphasises the interrelation between learners' participation and multidisciplinary learning. Each learner must be provided with an opportunity to join at least one multidisciplinary learning module each year. Hence, student teachers also implement a multidisciplinary learning module as part of their teaching practice at the University of Helsinki
AIM: In this article, I describe how two multidisciplinary learning modules were implemented by four third-year student teachers in a teacher training school and how they were educated to analyse the different forms of participation in their teaching.
SETTING: The research question of this article is as follows: How do different teaching practices used in multidisciplinary learning modules support learners' participation?
METHODS: The data of this study consist of two documentation forms: two semi-structured group interviews and a field note diary
RESULTS: The results showed that most of the practices used in multidisciplinary learning modules supported an active joining form of participation and a collaborative form of participation. In the multidisciplinary learning modules, a child-oriented form of participation was supported through practices that related to creating artistic learning outcomes; however, no practices supported a child-led form of participation
CONCLUSION: In this study, the student teachers learned to analyse the different forms of participation in their teaching. Nevertheless, more data about the workability of the mentoring method in other contexts are needed.
Keywords: learners' participation; multidisciplinary learning modules; teaching practice; teacher training; practitioner research; teacher professional development.
Introduction
In the 21st century, Finland has become famous for its educational system. Because of its reputation, there has been considerable international interest in Finland's implementation of the new national curriculum that took place in 2016. Some of the main changes in the Finnish national core curriculum for basic education (Finnish National Board of Education [FNBE] 2014) are connected to two interrelated elements: pupils' participation and multidisciplinary learning modules.
Firstly, pupils' participation is one mission in basic education in Finland. The Finnish national core curriculum states that basic education should reinforce the pupils' positive identities as human beings, learners and community members and promote participation, a sustainable way of living and growth into active citizens who use their democratic rights and freedoms responsibly. It also states that participating in civic activity is a basic precondition for an effective democracy. Skills in participation and involvement as well as a responsible attitude towards the future may only be learned by practising (FNBE 2014:19-25). In Finland, schoolwork should be based on learners' participation by ensuring that they are heard. The learners' involvement in planning their own schoolwork and group activities is also seen as a natural way of reinforcing participation (FNBE 2014:37).
All of these aspects of participation given in the core curriculum apply to the political and social dimensions of participation defined in educational literature. Political participation means making an impact, influencing the community, taking part in decision-making and taking responsibility. In schools, the political dimension usually means working with the school councils and mimicking the political structures of adult society. Social participation is concerned with the sense of community, belonging, membership and positive social interdependence. A learner has to be a member of the group or the community; one has to be able to act in a group and feel accepted as part of the group (Kiilakoski, Gretschel & Nivala 2012; Niia et al. 2015; Thomas 2007). I agree with Bae (2009), who points out that the phenomenon of learners' participation is too often reduced to mean learners' role in decision-making and that the social dimension of participation receives less emphasis.
In order to support pupils' participation, the current national curriculum emphasises the role of multidisciplinary learning modules. It states that to safeguard learners' opportunities to examine wholes and engage in exploratory work that is of interest to learners, they must be provided with opportunities to join a multidisciplinary learning module at least once during a school year. The curriculum also clarifies that the duration of the learning modules must be long enough to give pupils time to focus on the contents of the module and work in a goal-oriented and versatile manner over the long term. It also states the importance of strengthening the learners' participation through learning modules by offering learners opportunities for involvement in the planning of the objectives, contents and methods of the studies and ways to raise issues that they find meaningful (FNBE 2014:23-33). Despite being from the compulsory role of multidisciplinary learning modules, the national core curriculum has always supported and still supports subject-based teaching through subject-based goals. That has confused many teachers as they wonder how to come up with a holistic multidisciplinary module while at the same time ensuring that the requirements of the subject-based curriculum are met.
In this article, I focus on two problems. I describe how two multidisciplinary learning modules were implemented by four student teachers in the Viikki Teacher Training School from September to December 2017 by connecting subject-based goals and pupils' participatory role in planning, implementing and evaluating the module. I also describe how the model of the four forms of participation was used in teaching practice in promoting student teachers' skills to reflect different forms and dimensions of participation. My research question is: How do different teaching practices used in multidisciplinary learning modules support learners' participation?
In the next section, I draw a picture from previous models of participation and present a new approach to analysing participation in teaching. After that, I describe my method, data collection, analysis and results. I also discuss some ethical problems related to this study. In the conclusion, I look ahead and suggest how the results of this study could be applied in teacher education.
Models of participation
As participation practice has grown, so has the number of guides and models to support the practice (e.g. Hart 1992; Landsdown 2001, 2010; Lundy 2007; Reddy & Ratna 2002; Shier 2001; Treseder 1997). One of the most influential models has been Hart's (1992) ladder of participation, in which he presents an eight-step model that begins with non-participation: (1) manipulation, (2) decoration and (3) tokenism. The model ends with degrees of participation: (4) assigned but informed; (5) consulted and informed; (6) adult-initiated, shared decisions with children; (7) child-initiated and directed and (8) child-initiated, shared decisions with adults.
Hart's model has also been substantially critiqued. It has been said that it implies a necessary sequence to children's developing competence in participation (Kirby & Woodhead 2003:243; Reddy & Ratna 2002:28). It has also been questioned whether one should even mention different levels of participation. Jensen (2000) has suggested that the rungs of the ladder can be described as different forms rather than different levels of participation.
In his later work, Hart (2008) pointed out that the ladder of participation addresses only a rather narrow range of ways in which most children in the world participate in their communities. It focuses on programmes or projects rather than on children's everyday informal participation in their communities. The ladders focus instead on describing the varying roles adults play in relation to children's participation. In fact, the ladder is primarily about the degree to which adults and institutions afford or enable children's participation.
Landsdown (2010) suggested that the importance of finding key indicators to evaluate evidence of cultural climate in which the right of children to be heard and taken seriously is established. She also emphasised that it is necessary to be able to measure the extent, quality and impact of actual participation in which children are engaged. From her point of view, children should even be able to participate in evaluating what participation is taking place.
Landsdown (2010) classified children's participation on three levels: consultative, collaborative and child-led. Firstly, consultative participation is a level on which adults seek children's views to build knowledge together. The actions are adult-led and managed and children do not join the decision-making. Secondly, collaborative participation provides a greater degree of partnership between adults and children. On this level, children can be involved in designing and undertaking research, showing representations on boards and committees. Collaborative participation provides an opportunity for shared decision-making with adults. Thirdly, child-led participation occurs when children are afforded the space and opportunity to identify issues of concern, initiate activities and advocate for themselves. The role of adults is to act as facilitators to enable children to pursue their own objectives through provision of information, advice and support.
According to Sinclair (2004), children's participation in decision-making is complex: it is undertaken for different purposes and is reflected in different levels of involvement, contexts and activities. Different contexts constitute a different form of participation. Participation as a group phenomenon is different from personally experienced participation. What is crucial is that those involved understand these complexities so that they can match appropriately the nature of their activity to its purpose and to the decision-making context and the appropriate level of power-sharing. Sinclair (2004) points out that only when the adults have thought this through will they be able to engage effectively with children.
Similarly, in schools one can find different contexts in which participation has different purposes. Learners' participation in breaks, lessons, school councils and special school events can look different. In the literature, it is common that examples related to learners' participation in schools are organised around specific projects, which often are activities that are 'added on' to normal classroom practices (Malone & Hartung 2010:32), instead of a focus on lessons and teaching practices. In this study, my concern relates to learners' participation in actual lessons in different school practices.
My ideas of participation follow the four aspects defined by Kiilakoski et al. (2012). Firstly, participation is a relational phenomenon that, secondly, involves a formal and informal recognised position as an agent. Thirdly, participation should manifest in physical, oral and verbal events and actions and, fourthly, it should produce a feeling of participation. In the next section, I draw a four-form approach to be used as a tool to see how teachers as representatives of a school institution can support different forms of participation through their teaching practices.
Four forms of participation in classroom practices
After the new core curriculum (FNBE 2014) was launched in Finland, the concept of participation has spread everywhere, but it has also caused problems. The concept has been repeated as a canonical script without being analysed and explained. It has also been considered as a phenomenon that either exists or does not (Tammi & Hohti 2017). Because previous models of participation relate rather to contexts in which learners work with adults in programmes and committees than on lessons, my colleagues and I developed the model of the four forms of participation suitable for use in classroom practice (Niemi, Kumpulainen & Lipponen 2018). We use the concept of form instead of level, because we think that each form is important and we do not want to promote one form as better than another. In the original model, we focused on learners' role in decision-making on lessons. In this article, I continue to develop these forms by placing a stronger emphasis on the social dimension of participation.
The first form of participation is called active joining. This form relates to Hart's Levels 3-4 and to Landsdown's ideas of consultative participation but it also relates to the social dimension of participation. In this form, a teacher creates learning activities in which a learner can work actively, bring out knowledge and thoughts from the content and work as a teacher's assistant. However, all activities are led by a teacher and learners do not share power, but these activities often support learners' everyday communication and relatedness to others.
The second form of participation is called collaborative participation. This form has adopted features from Hart's Levels 5-6 and from Landsdown's ideas of collaborative participation. In this form, a teacher is the one who makes the first input by choosing topics for the lessons defined in the curriculum. After that, in a shared discussion between learners and teacher, the lesson finds its format. Learners' previous knowledge, thoughts and ideas together form the direction of the lesson in collaboration with a teacher. In this form, learners have an impact on decision-making, but this form strongly emphasises the social dimension of participation.
Child-oriented participation is connected to Hart's Levels 7-8 and to Landsdown's level of child-led participation. In this form, learning situations are based on learners' own ideas and wishes and a teacher's role is to work as assistant and facilitator, who helps learners to accomplish their ideas. In this form, a teacher's role is continually present by setting timetables, helping group work and giving suggestions to improve learning outcomes. In this form, learners have a recognised role as agents who are able to influence decision-making in terms of their own learning and take responsibility for their own learning.
In both Hart's (1992) and Landsdown's (2010) models all the levels are connected to adults' existence and adults' role in children's actions. That aspect has been critiqued by asking whether it is possible that children can act without adults (Kirby & Woodhead 2003). In our approach, the form of child-led participation refer to those situations that happen without adult interference. Those situations may occur in play that begins, continues and ends according to children's own will. By child-led participation we also mean situations in which a learner takes a lead from a classroom activity and shares his or her expertise on behalf of the classroom community. This form of participation highlights learners' independent role in decision-making.
Methodology of the study and data collection
This study is practitioner research that has elements from action research and design-based research. Practitioner research can be seen as an umbrella of different approaches that focus on an intentional and systematic study of one's own practice (Dinkelman 2003:8; see also Heikkinen, De Jong & Vanderlinde 2016). In education, practitioner research can be seen as any research carried out by teachers and other education professionals into aspects of their work (McLaughlin 2011).
In this study, I conducted a small-scale intervention in the functioning of the school setting and examined the effects of this intervention. There are features that are context-specific, participatory and collaborative. These elements are characteristic of action research (Carr & Kemmis 1986; Cohen & Manion 1994:186). However, I have also attempted to create a model for teacher education to educate student teachers to understand the different forms of participation. My attempt to design a method to mentor student teachers that is not dependent on context gives this study features from design-based research (Cohen & Manion 1994:186; Van den Akker et al. 2006).
The study took place in a teacher training school in the city of Helsinki, Finland. The participants in the study were third-year student teachers (three women and one man) who conducted their second teaching practice during the study. By the time of the research, the pupils (13 girls and 12 boys) of the classroom were in the third grade (approximately 9 years old). The classroom had several multicultural pupils, five of whom did not speak Finnish as a first language. In this study, I have a triple role: I am a teacher to the learners, a mentor to the student teachers and a researcher.
Data collection took place from September to December 2017. All data were collected during a 50-lesson teaching practice. Each teaching practice took 1 week for planning and 5 weeks for teaching. During the teaching practice, student teachers taught five different subjects and conducted a multidisciplinary learning module from the contents. Table 1 describes the multidisciplinary learning modules that were produced in teaching practices. The data consisted of two forms that document the student teachers' reflections from teaching methods, two group interviews and my field note diary. Student teachers' plans for multidisciplinary module sessions (n = 20) have also been included in the writing process to verify the order of sequence during multidisciplinary learning modules.
The student teachers completed a documentation form after each week, after approximately 10-12 lessons. The documenting began with reflecting on all the different teaching practices the student teachers had used and then they filled out the form in (Figure 1) according to their experiences. After the teaching practice, I interviewed the student teachers.
Ethical considerations
In practitioner research, a researcher always has an impact on the results (Heikkinen et al. 2016). In this study, I am one of the authors behind the four forms of participation (Niemi, Kumpulainen & Lipponen 2018) that were used as a theoretical starting point. Because I am the one who taught the meaning of each form to student teachers, my interpretations have had an impact on student teachers' thinking, which should be considered when interpreting the results of this study. In practitioner research, ethical issues are always to be considered carefully. Ethically it was important that I did not have an official power relationship to the student teachers through grading (in Finland there is no grading in teaching practice), but they were free to express their opinions without fearing an effect on their studies; however, my role as their mentor may still have had an impact on the results. There is always a possibility that they may have had some criticism that they did not want to share because they knew me. That is something to admit, not deny (see also Heikkinen et al. 2016). To increase the validity of this article, the student teachers were invited to read this article and correct my interpretations before sending the article to a journal for publication. I have also obtained permission to do this study from the leading principle of the school.
Results
How do different teaching practices used in multidisciplinary learning modules support learners' participation?
In the interviews, the student teachers viewed highly structured practices like answering teachers' questions, doing study book tasks, filling in forms and notebook work as practices that require pupils' active joining but do not give learners any opportunities to join power-sharing or support communication. In these multidisciplinary learning modules, there were not many of these practices and their purpose was to strengthen pupils' skills through repetition. The student teachers also noticed that these practices were easy to spot on this form, because there was no variation between learners' actions in these practices.
In those two multidisciplinary learning modules, the learners were able to join many kinds of learning games and play. They were also shown different videos during the modules. The student teachers also classified these practices to the form of active joining. In the learning modules, there were also many practices in which the learners completed scientific-based research and made observations from tests created by the student teachers. In those practices, pupils worked actively and communicated with their peers but they did not join in the decision-making. In the literature, there are many studies that have shown how much learners appreciate doing scientific research and joining games or play (e.g. Hopkins 2008; Niemi, Kumpulainen & Lipponen 2015a, 2015b; Niemi et al. 2015). Even though these activities do not give learners a chance to join power-sharing, they still give learners a chance to experience a social dimension of participation through everyday communication (see also, Bae 2009). When solving problems and playing games, learners can be heard and communicate freely with classmates and feel a sense of relatedness to others.
The student teachers viewed investigative learning practices as a collaborative form of participation. In these two learning modules pupils developed their own research questions from a topic set in the curriculum. In these investigative practices, the learners also worked in expert groups and were co-teachers to each other. The practices, which student teachers considered as a collaborative form of participation, related to activities in which they built knowledge together in dialogic form. For example, doing a Venn diagram together with learners and building up lessons according to learners' preknowledge were considered as practices in which learners were involved in designing and undertaking different kind of actions together with teachers (see also Landsdown 2010). In the second learning module, pupils also conducted a self-evaluation of their own work. The learners joined an assessment discussion with student teachers according to their self-evaluations. The student teachers saw this practice as a collaborative form of participation, because input was provided by the student teachers but the learners had a significant role in setting goals for themselves for future projects. Even the student teachers had input into these practices; the learners had a recognised and active role in each practice. They were not only teacher's assistants (see Landsdown 2010) but they also had a role as active members of the classroom community who had an impact on the lesson's direction.
In the interviews, the student teachers mentioned that at the beginning of the multidisciplinary learning module, when they built conceptual knowledge and reached the subject-based goals set in the curriculum, the practices often supported an active joining form of participation or collaborative form of participation. After the teachers created the conceptual ground for the learners, the learners had a chance to plan how to express their learning and they were able to implement their learning in various ways, often artistically.
In these two multidisciplinary learning modules, the practices that supported a child-oriented form of participation related to processes of creating learning outcomes; writing a video script; filming a video; writing a letter to a representative of a city council; creating a scene of a play and composing a song. In these practices, learners were able to make decisions and the teacher's role was only to help learners if they were confronted with problems. These practices also forced learners to take responsibility for their own learning.
However, the student teachers pointed out that in this part of the learning module there were also learners who did not reach a child-oriented form of participation and who needed continual structure to guide their work. This result is similar to that of previous research; the form of participation is in relation to learners' capacities to participate (Hart 1992; Landsdown 2010; Sinclair 2004). In interviews the student teachers also revealed that in many cases it was easy to place a certain practice in a certain box on a documentation form. However, there were practices that began with one form and during the lesson evolved into another form of participation. Furthermore, learners' different capacities to join practices sometimes made it impossible to place a certain practice into a certain box. This critique clearly reveals the difficult aspects of participation. Researchers and teachers can try to understand different forms of participation but it is challenging to capture the phenomenon as whole. As Sinclair (2004) has said, participation as a group phenomenon is different from personally experienced participation. I still claim that if teachers understand these complexities, they can also appropriately match different practices to its purpose and to the decision-making context and the appropriate level of power-sharing (see also Sinclair 2004).
In this study, there was no single practice that was considered to support a child-led form of participation. However, when learners worked in groups, there were single moments that could be seen as a child-led form of participation. For example, in one group learners decided themselves to solve a problem through voting. The voting was implemented without the interference of the student teachers. Similarly, Hart (2008) has reported that children can reach the child-led form of participation only in play. In an interview, the student teachers mentioned that in this classroom there was one practice that supported a child-led form of participation; the learners can use one break per day for practising their own plays. On Fridays there is a lesson in which the learners present these performances. The programme of the lesson is made by learners and the lesson is guided by them. This lesson was not part of student teachers' multidisciplinary learning module, but because it was a major part of the class culture, it was revealed in the interviews. Table 2 presents the previous results by using the model of documentation form used in this study.
Conclusion
In Finland, achieving learners' participation is one mission of basic education. To promote learners' participation, each learner must be provided with an opportunity to join at least one multidisciplinary learning module per year. This practice has also caused questions: What do we mean by 'participation in learning'? How is it possible to create holistic multidisciplinary modules while at the same time ensuring that the requirements of the subject-based curriculum are met? Because of the compulsory nature of multidisciplinary learning modules, student teachers must also implement a multidisciplinary learning module as part of their teaching practice.
In this article, I have described the model of four forms of participation. In the study, I used that model as a tool in mentoring the student teachers to analyse their own work and to understand how different teaching practices promoted different forms of participation. At the beginning of each multidisciplinary learning module, when the conceptual base of the topic was built and when the work was based on reaching subject-based goals set in the curriculum, the practices mainly promoted an active joining form of participation and a collaborative form of participation. When the multidisciplinary learning module went further and when the learners began to plan and implement their learning outcomes, the practices used supported a child-oriented form of participation. In the multidisciplinary learning modules, there were not any practices that supported a child-led form of participation. In this study, the student teachers also revealed the difficult essence of participation. We can try to understand different forms of participation, but it is challenging to capture the phenomenon, because participation as a group phenomenon is different from personally experienced participation (see also Sinclair 2004). It is crucial that the teachers involved understand these complexities so that they can match appropriately different practices to its purpose and to the decision-making context and the appropriate level of power-sharing (see also Sinclair 2004).
In this study, the student teachers experienced the model used in mentoring as beneficial in terms of their professional development. It also worked well in connecting the theory of participation to practice. When I look at the method through the lense of design-based research (e.g. Cohen & Manion 1994:186; Van den Akker et al. 2006), I think that this method can be transferred to other contexts. It did not require any financial resources and all events occurred during an ordinary school day as part of everyday mentoring. I also think that in teacher education this method could be used in connecting other theories besides participation to practice. Even though the results were promising, this research has to be considered a minor-scale study. There is a need to do more research about the workability of this method in other contexts. However, I hope that this minor research provides the educational community with some new aspects of learners' participation in learning and inspires other practitioner researchers to try this method.
As Landsdown (2010) put it, it is necessary to be able to measure the extent, quality and impact of actual participation in which children are engaged. In this study, I was able to capture student teachers' reflection of different forms of participation that were promoted by the teaching practices used. According to Landsdown (2010), learners should join in the process of evaluating the processes in which they have participated. In this research, the method used focused only on student teachers' reflection and it did not include learners' voices. I give that critique to my own work but I also see that as a future challenge and a goal on which to focus in future studies.
My results are contextual but the issue of promoting learners' participation is global. I claim that Finland's educational system (see, e.g., Lanas & Kiilakoski 2013), where primary school is decentralised, no teacher evaluation exists and the national curriculum offers teachers substantial pedagogical freedom, gives teachers the possibility of supporting learners' participation. In Finland, teachers' autonomy and trust in teachers' strong model of professionalism allow teachers to choose teaching practices that are appropriate for the particular learners and determine creative ways to implement learning. I believe that by supporting the autonomy of teachers, teachers can enhance the autonomy of learners also in other educational contexts. I hope that my article also raises discussion on that important issue.
Acknowledgements
Competing interests
The author declares that she has no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced her in writing this article.
References
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Correspondence:
Reetta Niemi
reetta.niemi@helsinki.fi
Received: 20 May 2018
Accepted: 11 Oct. 2018
Published: 23 Apr. 2019
ORIGINAL RESEARCH
Vulnerable masculinities: Implications of gender socialisation in three rural Swazi primary schools
Ncamsile D. MotsaI; Pholoho J. MorojeleII
ICollege of Humanities, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, South Africa
IIGender and Social Justice Education Department, School of Education, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, South Africa
ABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: This article draws on social constructionism to explore vulnerable boys' constructions of gender within three primary schools in Swaziland.
OBJECTIVES: It seeks to understand the ways in which vulnerable boys make meaning of masculinities and the implications of these on their social and academic well-being in schools.
METHOD: The study adopted a qualitative narrative inquiry methodology, utilising individual and focus group semi-structured interviews and a participatory photovoice technique as its methods of data generation. The participants comprised 15 purposively selected vulnerable boys - orphaned boys, those from child-headed households and from poor socio-economic backgrounds, aged between 11 and 16 years.
RESULTS: The findings denote that vulnerable boys constructed their masculinities through heterosexuality where the normative discourse was that they provide for girls in heterosexual relationships. The vulnerable boys' socio-economic status rendered them unable to fulfil these obligations. Failure to fulfil the provider role predisposed vulnerable boys to ridicule and humiliation. However, some vulnerable boys adopted caring attitudes as they constructed alternative masculinities.
CONCLUSION: The study recommends the need to affirm and promote alternative masculinities as a strategy for enhancing gender-inclusive and equitable schooling experiences for vulnerable boys.
Keywords: gender equality; masculinities; poverty; vulnerable boys; schooling; Swaziland.
Introduction
One of the devastating effects of human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) and acquired immune deficiency syndrome (AIDS) in Swaziland is the escalating number of vulnerable children (Mkhatshwa 2017). In a population of approximately 1.1 million (Braithwaite, Djima & Pickmans 2013), the country presently has more than 150 000 vulnerable boys and girls in the primary school system (Simelane 2016). According to the country's education system, vulnerable children are those who are orphaned, those from child-headed households and those from destitute family situations (Mkhatshwa 2017). After introducing free primary education in 2010 to cater for the educational needs of vulnerable children, the government of Swaziland through the Ministry of Education and Training committed itself to providing 'disadvantaged groups [in the country] special attention in respect of equity, access, equality and protection - particularly from stigma and discrimination' (The Ministry of Education and Training 2011). The Swaziland education sector policy says disadvantaged groups 'may include rural dwellers, girls and women, persons with disabilities and the poor … [they] have little or no influence over their own education or welfare' (The Ministry of Education and Training 2011:xi). However, the list excludes vulnerable groups as a social group in school contexts. Practically, such definition gives more prominence to the needs of vulnerable girls over those of vulnerable boys. No wonder, therefore, that for almost a decade now, girls have performed exceptionally well in the Swaziland Primary Certificate examinations (The Examinations Council of Swaziland 2017) and boys are struggling with their education and are lagging behind. Simelane, Thwala and Mamba (2013) reveal that boys in Swazi schools repeat classes and drop out of school and their progress is not as smooth as that of girls. Mkhatshwa (2017) found that a large number of the boys who drop out of school are those affected by vulnerability. The questions that arise are as follows: Is the Ministry of Education and Training missing something in the schooling experiences of boys as compared to girls? Have the programmes aimed at enhancing gender equity in school contexts (SWAGAA 2013) disregarded the lived experiences of boys and made girls the only subjects of gender equity discourse in the country (Clowes 2013)? This is a cause for concern and a reason to invest in understanding vulnerable boys' lived experiences. In light of this, Anderson (2009) called for research to investigate the complexity of changing formations of masculinity. Focussing on gender dynamics through the ways in which they construct their masculinities would therefore be one way to understand and comprehend vulnerable boys' daily challenges.
West and Zimmerman (2009) define masculinity as an act of 'doing boy'. This is mainly governed, constructed and defined by societies and institutions through their dominant structures and discourses (Messerschmidt & Messner 2018). Rather than being a natural attribute for all boys and men, masculinity is a shared gender identity which is both time-specific and meaningful within a particular context (Morrell 1998). Schools as social contexts too construct masculinities in diverse ways. Hence, researchers have found various ways in which boys in school contexts express masculinity. Swain (2006) found that idealised masculinities were competitive, rough, had no respect for girls and also subordinated weak boys. Renold (2001) says boys in the school context constructed masculinity through football and feminine disassociation. In Lesotho, Morojele (2011) found that hegemonic masculinities were rough, physically strong, uncaring, competitive and assertive, and in South Africa, Mayeza (2015) found that boys expressed their masculinities through bullying and violence, especially in football games, while, also in South Africa, Tucker and Govender (2017) found that dominant boys showed resilience and toughness, indeed proving that in every social context there are different patterns of masculinities drawn from the diverse cultural and traditional resources available (Swain 2006).
Swazi masculinities
The Swazi people's close-knit relationships are tied in maintaining, conforming and preserving their conservative and traditional way of life (Nxumalo, Okeke & Mammen 2014) founded on Christianity and patriarchy (Fielding-Miller et al. 2016). In the Swazi nation, masculinity is viewed as a natural attribute possessed by all boys (Mkhatshwa 2017), even at a young age. Hence, families are excited at the birth of a boy because that guarantees continuity of the family lineage; thus, boys are given names such as 'Vusumuzi (meaning revive the family name) or Gcinumuzi (meaning keep the family)' (Nyawo 2014:121). For example, a woman does not attain the status of Inkhosikati [real woman] in her marital home and community until she bears a male child - an heir (Nyawo 2014). Swazi boys are encouraged to show real manhood through heterosexuality and promiscuity even at a young age (Nxumalo et al. 2014). Maleness is associated with intelligence and inventiveness (Nyawo 2014); hence, boys and men are valuable members of the nation responsible for all household and national decisions. Swazi masculinity is constructed as ferocious, inventive and having the ability to take up the providing role well even at a young age (Fielding-Miller et al. 2016). Furthermore, masculinities possess dominant powers in all aspects of life. Mamba (1997) says Swazi boys should:
show the strength of an elephant, as their ultimate duty was to be victorious warriors able to continue the tradition established by the early king Mswati I. [It is] this male identity [therefore] … that sharpens the boy's determination to succeed in his venture. (p. 66)
The boys are expected to remain powerful and show great strength. Hence, all boys in school contexts are expected to use their inventiveness to navigate their life situations (Mkhatshwa 2017), unlike the girls who are not only regarded as fragile but also as needing special treatment and support from all educational stakeholders (SWAGAA 2013). Indeed, the Swazi concept of masculinity is framed within a heteronormative conception of gender that ignores difference and exclusion within the gender category - masculinities (Connell & Messerschmidt 2005). Therefore, vulnerable boys' masculinities are constructed through the lens of hegemonic masculinity, and thus, like all boys, they are expected to be independent and self-reliant (Mkhatshwa 2017). Within the Swazi dominant discourses, therefore, masculine failure is not accepted. Failure to uphold dominant discourses of masculinities is always a source of embarrassment and ridicule (Morojele 2011). A man who fails to conform and live up to his responsibilities as a 'real man' is viewed with disdain and considered lazy or weak (Mamba 1997). Such perception of masculinity falsifies and obscures the real experiences of vulnerable boys in the country (Mkhatshwa 2017) who by virtue of their social status do not fit in the dominant group of masculinities. Connell (2008:244) says applying the concept of masculinity 'as a static character type' ignores the dynamics within the social group - masculinities. Therefore, to understand vulnerable boys' masculinities, it is imperative to understand the gender systems in which they are defined and constructed (Raza 2017).
Masculinity and vulnerability
Connell (1995) argues that masculinities are heterogeneous, defined by their place in the hierarchal order of the society. To make sense of the hierarchy of masculinities within each context, Connell (1995) classifies masculinities as 'dominant, complicit, submissive and oppositional'. Connell and Messerschmidt (2005) describe the dominant kind of masculinities in any given context as hegemonic. Hegemonic masculinities are the more socially exalted and idealised form of masculinities (Connell 1996). They are associated with respect, authority, influence and social power (Messerschmidt & Messner 2018). Hegemonic masculinities mainly draw from culture and the diverse society's dominant discourses which determine what is normal and what is not normal masculine behaviour (Connell 1995). Connell and Messerchmidt point out that the subordinate modes of masculinity stand in direct contrast to hegemonic masculinities. Connell (1996) says subordinate masculinities are the socially marginalised masculinities in a given context. Swain (2006) points out that they are the repressed and dominated. Subordinate masculinities do not have resources for power and hence their expression of masculinity does not conform to the acclaimed masculine attribute (Connell 1995) that defines hegemonic masculinities. Morrell (1998) says subordinate masculinities are not only relegated as a differentiation logic from hegemonic masculinities but also subserviently positioned in the social masculine order. Raza (2017) agrees that when poverty intersects with masculinity, it gives birth to subordinate forms of masculinities, agreeing with Renold (2001) that poverty and vulnerability ascribe vulnerable boys (boys who are orphaned, boys from child-headed households and boys from poor socio-economic backgrounds) to subservient masculine positions. This is because their ability to conform to the normative masculine behaviours and norms is circumscribed by poverty and vulnerability (Izugbara 2015). This predisposes them to subordination and marginalisation in schools, mainly by boys who embody perceived hegemonic masculinities (Connell & Messerschmidt 2005).
In essence, vulnerable boys' poverty becomes sites for their subordination and suppression (Chowdhury 2017). Given that cultural, social, economic and intellectual status have some influence over identity construction, subordinate masculinities (vulnerable boys) therefore construct their masculinities in ways that are not only different from hegemonic masculinities (Connell 1995) but also strive to align with hegemonic masculinities. The different ways in which vulnerable boys seek to construct their masculinities seem to be harmful to their own well-being (Clowes 2013). For example, adherence to the orthodox provider role has become a basis for gender inequality between dominant and subordinate masculinities. This encourages vulnerable boys to perform masculinities in ways that compensate for the perceived lack of power. South African teenagers intentionally impregnate their girlfriends to claim ownership in the absence of economic power (Hendrikz, Swartz & Bhana 2010). This indicates that homogenising masculinities and looking at maleness through dominant discourses of masculinity, where boys have always been perceived as being strong and legatees of gender inequality in schools, have therefore overlapped problems faced by subordinate masculinities (Shefer, Kruger & Schepers 2015). Viewing masculinities through the lens of the broader social category - masculinity - perpetuates stereotypes and gender inequity and delays democratising gender relations and may not even fully represent the problems that vulnerable boys in the country face (Ratele 2013).
Against the backdrop of the Swazi (people of Swaziland) patriarchal society, the article focusses on what it means to be a vulnerable boy in the context of three rural primary schools in Swaziland. As a contribution to gender studies' debates, this article highlights how the intersection of poverty, vulnerability and expressions of hegemonic masculinities not only place the vulnerable boys in a subservient position (Raza 2017) but also predisposes them to gender inequity, humiliation and ridicule. In this article, we argue that vulnerable boys are profoundly affected by vulnerability as it affects any of the groups already classified by the education sector policy as disadvantaged (The Ministry of Education and Training 2011). The article is premised on the notion of gender equality as a desired ideal, equally relevant for both girls and boys (Clowes 2013). Using Elliott's (2015) caring masculinities, the article also shows how, by challenging the patriarchal masculine norms, vulnerable boys in the study developed caring modes of masculinities. By privileging the voice of vulnerable boys as the 'voice of experience' (Watkins 2000:40), the article adds a critical component in the equation, which education policy-makers could factor in, in their efforts and strategies for enhancing inclusive education and gender-equitable schooling experiences for the rising number of vulnerable boys and girls in the country (Simelane 2016). By doing so, they are affirming the country's efforts and commitment to gender equality in school contexts (UNESCO 2000).
The theoretical frameworks
The article draws on social constructionism to explore vulnerable boys' constructions of gender within the three primary schools in Swaziland. Social constructionism argues that reality is not just a product of natural creation, but claims to truth are customarily rooted in traditions, values and social relations within diverse societies (Gergen 2009). Likewise, masculinities are socially constructed formations of gender practice that are created through historically regulated and reinforced practices (Connell 2005a; Connell & Messerschmidt 2005). It is within individual society's discourses of masculinity and vulnerability therefore that vulnerable boys' constructions and experiences of masculinities are founded, governed and predicated (Gergen 2009). Gee (2011) saw discourse as a socially accepted association amongst ways of thinking, feeling, believing, valuing and acting that could be used to identify oneself as a member of a socially meaningful group. Vulnerable boys' constructions and experience of masculinities therefore rely heavily on and are drawn from their individual society's discourses, traditional gender norms and ideologies (Ratele 2013), to which, as members of the society, vulnerable boys are made to subscribe to through complex and self-perpetuating processes of gender socialisation meant to prepare them to fit into a highly structured and hierarchic social gendered order (Connell 2005a).
Factoring in the gender socialisation and cultural influences on vulnerable boys' experiences and constructions of gender was, therefore, central to this article. Indeed, through vulnerable boys' narratives, the study highlighted various socio-cultural dynamics that informed their experiences and constructions of gender. This included how the realities of rurality, orphanage, poverty and living in child-headed households altered vulnerable boys' masculine prejudices and attitudes, which culminated in their gender performances and which did not signify hegemonic masculinities (Connell & Messerschmidt 2005). We further drew on Elliott's (2015) caring masculinities and their basic principles in trying to interpret our findings in relation to vulnerable boys' caring attitudes as they constructed alternative masculinities. Caring masculinities propose that when men and boys are immersed in care-work, they are capable of embracing traditionally perceived feminine performances of gender, such as expressing emotions, caring and nurturing without completely departing from or completely subverting traditional masculinity. For example, caring masculinities could view financial provision not only as a way of expressing hegemonic masculinity but also exhibiting and providing care for the people they love (Hanlon 2012). Elliot says boys who adopt ethics of care into their masculine identity are non-dominating, value life-affirming emotions and emphasise on principles of caring. Indeed, the findings revealed that when vulnerable boys adopted a caring attitude into their masculine identity, they realised high principles of gender equality (Lee & Lee 2016) and better and productive lives for the femininities they care about, including their sisters and friends (Connell 2005a).
Research design
Geographical and socio-economic context of the study
Swaziland consists of four geographically diverse regions - Lubombo, Shiselweni, Hhohho and Manzini. The study was conducted in three primary schools - Muntu primary school (a pseudonym) is located in the Lubombo region, about 42 km from the nearest town Siteki, which is about 104 km from the capital Mbabane. Lubombo is largely rural, and it is the poorest region in the country and the hardest hit by the effects of HIV and AIDS (UNICEF 2009). Hence, it has the highest number of vulnerable children in the country (Braithwaite et al. 2013). Mjikaphansi* primary school is located in the rural area of the Hhohho region, about 25 km from Mbabane. Both boys and girls are usually found roaming the dirty roads, imbibing in alcohol, with no prospects of learning beyond Form 5, and they end up working in pine tree plantations. Mazingela* primary school is located in the rural area of the Manzini region, about 13 km from both Manzini city and from Matsapha, which is known as the industrial town of the country. Most vulnerable children live in rented one-room squatter camps, made of both stick and mud or cement bricks. Most children here stay with single parents, usually women, who work in the textile industry.
Study methodology and data collection methods
The study used a qualitative, narrative approach as its methodological design. Qualitative research was aligned with this study for its ability to comprehend human phenomena in context (Creswell 2014). Through this approach, the study was able to examine vulnerable boys' individual and societal actions and perceptions of masculinities (Gergen 2009) in their context of vulnerability (McMillan & Schumacher 2010). Narrative inquiry was chosen based on the perspective that people are storytellers and their lives are full of stories (Connelly & Clandinin 1990). Through vulnerable boys' stories, the study could better comprehend their daily-lived experiences and meaning-making of gender. Fifteen purposively selected vulnerable boys - orphaned boys, those from child-headed households and those from poverty-stricken families, aged between 11 and 16 years - were selected to participate in the study. Individual and focus group semi-structured interviews and participatory photovoice techniques were utilised for data collection. For photovoice, each participant was given a camera with 27 frames and trained on how to use the cameras. They were then urged to capture salient spaces and places that held meaning to their real-life schooling experiences, guided by the theme of the study for a period of 3 days, after which the frames were developed and the photo imagery used during the interviews to act as ingress into their views, perspectives and lived experiences (Joubert 2012). Permission was sought from the participants to use a tape recorder to accurately record what they said, which in turn made up for data not recorded in the notes. Field notes were used to record the interviews, especially the participants' emotions and body language. All interviews were conducted in SiSwati so that all the participants could express themselves without any linguistic restrictions (McMillan & Schumacher 2010).
Data analysis procedures
All data were transcribed in English for easy analysis. An inductive process of analysis was followed to derive patterns and themes in the data (Creswell 2014). This necessitated listening and relistening to the recorded data while reading the transcripts for accurate interpretation (McMillan & Schumacher 2010). Data were then organised, linking pseudonyms with informants. This was followed by reading line by line and listening to the recordings again for familiarity with the data and to identify sub-emerging themes related to vulnerable boys' constructions of masculinities. Pictures from photovoice were selected and contextualised with assistance from the participants (Joubert 2012), guided by the objectives of the study. The tone and voice of the participants were also noted, especially in comprehending their emotions. The theoretically informed emergent themes from all the data (photovoice, individual and focus group interviews) were thereafter coded, discussed and analysed through the lens of social constructionism (Gergen 2009) and Elliott's (2015) caring masculinities.
Ethical considerations
Ethical issues were observed so that the rights of the participants were respected (Creswell 2014). Consent was sought from the Ministry through the director's office. Written permission was also obtained from the school principals stating the purpose of the study. Ethical clearance was then obtained from the University research office, after which letters of consent were sent to the parents or caregivers of vulnerable boys in SiSwati, elucidating the issues of confidentiality, privacy and voluntary participation. Letters of consent for vulnerable children who had neither parents nor guardians were sent to the umgcugcuteli [community caregiver]. As the study considers children to be competent human beings who can decide on issues that concern their lives, their consent was also sought. Trust and respect was maintained throughout the research process and with all the research participants. The participants were also informed of their right to withdraw from the study if and when they so desired without any undesirable consequences. For confidentiality, pseudonyms are used in this article to depict both the schools and participants.
Ethical clearance was obtained from the University of KwaZulu-Natal, Protocol number HSS/1914/016D.
Findings and discussions
Without money we are useless … masculinities as providers
The findings revealed that all boys in these schools (vulnerable boys included) constructed their masculinities through heterosexuality (see Figure 1). Attempts to forge heterosexual relationships in the case of vulnerable boys were not only compromising to their welfare but also an invitation for humiliation, subjugation and relegation to menial status. Without financial power to provide and maintain support, such relationships lead to distress, shame and ridicule for vulnerable boys (Morojele 2011), as this is not perceived as an accepted performance of masculinities. This logic emanated from the wider Swazi society's discourses that construed boys as natural providers (Fielding-Miller et al. 2016) and where financially stable and providing masculinities are exalted above all other forms of masculinities (Izugbara 2015). Statements by participants below illustrate this phenomenon:
'I do have a girlfriend, but I don't want to lie, it is stressful. But then I don't think I have an option. Otherwise these guys would think there is something wrong with me … like I am sort of a fool and I am not man enough.' (Cavin, boy aged 15, from Mjikaphansi Primary: focus group interviews)
'These are the bosses of the school playing and talking happily behind the classrooms. One day my friend played cards with these boys [the boys seen behind the classrooms] but within twenty minutes they chased him away, calling him a school spy because he does not have a girlfriend. Every break time they get behind the classrooms, and all they talk about is girls.' (Cmash, boy aged 13, from Muntu Primary: focus group interviews)
'I am usually alone. In fact being with the other boys is like constantly reminding myself how useless I am. I remember one day, two grade 7 girls spent time with me during the lunch hour. In fact, I was helping them with Mathematics. After school a group of boys from the grade 7 class, waited for me along the way and said bad words [showing anger] and one of them told me to forget about girls and concentrate on my school work because I was not man enough to provide for them [the girls].' (Mzwethu, boy aged 15, from Mazingela Primary: individual interviews)
The dominant masculinities in these schools inscribed financial strength into their own masculine identity. Most central was their ability to maintain and provide for the girls in heterosexual relationships around which masculinities were regulated. Even though some vulnerable boys tried to perform their masculinities in ways that signified hegemonic masculinities, their destitute situations circumscribed their effort as they genuinely did not have the means to provide for the girls (Morojele 2011). Vulnerable boys' socio-economic status did not only place them at a menial status in the masculine social hierarchy but with poverty shaping their performance of masculinities (Raza 2017), their investment in heterosexual girlfriends failed to acquire them a space in the dominant masculine space because they could not provide for the girls. Mzwethu's narration illustrates the lonely life of a vulnerable boy prompted by societal gender expectations he could not fulfil. Mzwethu's inability to perform gender in ways that signified real manhood made him 'not man enough', hence subserviently positioning him in relation to the hegemonic masculinities (Connell 1996). For example, even though Mzwethu was good in Mathematics, but because he did not qualify as a real man, his social relationship with girls was monitored by the grade 7 boys, thus limiting his freedom to engage in equitable social relations in the school. Although the advice given to Mzwakhe that he 'forget about girls and concentrate on his school work' could be regarded as constructive, given the context, it could be viewed more as a discriminatory reminder of how useless he was.
Humiliation by girls also made up the daily experiences of vulnerable boys in the school. The girls had also devised cunning ways to ensure that they were provided for in heterosexual relationships. Failing to conform to the discourses of heterosexuality therefore meant that vulnerable boys lived in perpetual fear of being humiliated by both the dominant boys and the girls (Izugbara 2015). Statements by participants below depict the reality:
'The girls here love money. They either go for the boys who have money or the old men who work in the farms. As for us … having a girlfriend is one of those miracles you would expect once in a while. One day I tried to talk [propose love] to a girl, she looked down at my torn school shoes, laughed at me and left. I just felt like the worst fool.' (Kwesta, boy aged 14, from Muntu Primary: individual interviews)
'Hehehe [laughing] these girls lie and tell you that they love you, yet all they need is your money. You give them the little you have, even sacrificing your money for food and even for pens. But once you do not have money they jump to the next available [one with money] boy. After that everyone would know you failed, and you become the talk of the school [pause] you just feel like the worst fool.' (Gcina, boy aged 13, from Mjikaphansi Primary: focus group interviews)
'When you do not have a girlfriend … they say you are weak and make fun of you … ok then you have one … 1 2 3 days you fail to give her money then she leaves you … and again they laugh at you. This is confusing and sad!' (Sihle, boy aged 12, from Muntu Primary: focus group interviews)
'The other day a boy called me a coward only because I do not have a girlfriend. It is sad, but the girls here want 'blessers' [a slang term that defines a rich man who financially provides for a younger woman which is usually in return for sex]. I do not have that money but as a man, I do want to have a girlfriend.' (Phathwa, boy aged 11, from Mazingela Primary: individual interviews)
The inability of vulnerable boys to live up to the girls' expectations was akin to failure and was met with disdain by both boys and girls in the schools. Hence, the girls rejected the boys who could not provide for them and that left vulnerable boys, as a social group, further dejected and embarrassed. The narratives reveal how intractable constructions of masculinities, like being preordained providers even in situations where it was not possible, did not only undermine gender equity in the schools but were harmful to vulnerable boys (Shefer et al. 2015). The girls' actions of 'jumping to the next available boy' (a boy's availability was determined by his ability to be a provider) challenged the socially constructed notions of femininities as docile and submissive (Korobov 2011). Instead, this displayed girls' active roles in policing and influencing vulnerable boys' conformity to hegemonic masculinities. Hence, vulnerable boys had to bear the double burden of being demeaned by boys who performed dominant masculinities as well as girls who financially benefitted from this.
Hence, while heterosexuality gave ascendancy to dominant boys because they were in a better position to be blessers (providers), it placed vulnerable boys at the lower stratum. Indeed, hegemonic gender discourses in these contexts placed vulnerable boys between the devil and the deep blue sea, so to speak. Here goes the irony, without involving themselves in heterosexual relationships, vulnerable boys were shamed, discriminated and alienated by other boys (Ratele 2013), as effeminate. Yet, vulnerable boys' inability to provide financial resources required to maintain these relationships was equally ridiculed as displaying lack of 'real manhood'. Heterosexuality, therefore, provided basis on which vulnerable boys' masculinities could be judged (Connell & Messerschmidt 2005) as real manhood was determined by one's financial strength and ability to maintain and provide for the girls in heterosexual relationships. This reveals how insistent pressure to perform gender in ways that uphold hegemonic masculinities, even in genuine situations where this is not possible, is detrimental and harmful to the social and academic well-being of vulnerable boys within schooling environments (Clowes 2013).
Rejection of heterosexuality … life-affirming for vulnerable boys
Vulnerable boys' idealised masculinities were compliance with hegemonic masculinities and being involved in 'boyfriend-girlfriend' dynamics. Repudiating and renunciation of these relationships given vulnerable boys' inability to financially nurture these relationships was equally liberating and academically empowering for them in these schools (Clowes 2013). The following statements by participants are indicative of this fact:
'Here at school we compete on the number of girls you have … and to get a girl you should be having money … for us that is not possible so we then avoid the other boys. Myself I concentrate to my school work.' (Yikho, boy aged 12, from Mazingela Primary: individual interviews)
'I do not have a girlfriend because I cannot provide for her. These girls are too demanding. Other students think I am a fool and say I am a coward but I just do not mind that. I think I am okay without the stress of having a girlfriend. Without money, this boyfriend-girlfriend thing can be so annoying. So I do not want the stress … and I think right now, I am okay.' (Kwesta, boy aged 14, from Muntu Primary: individual interviews)
Competing on the number of girlfriends emanated from the wider societal discourse that encouraged boys even at a young age to express their masculinities through heterosexual promiscuity (Nxumalo et al. 2014). Vulnerable boys like Yikho and Kwesta utilised their human capital not only to mitigate threats to their masculinities and privilege their education instead (Ungar, Russell & Connelly 2014) but also to reject masculine constructions that did not favour their social identities. To create gender-equitable school environments for vulnerable boys would therefore mean deconstructing societal and school discourses that give ascendancy to hegemonic masculinities and relegating vulnerable boys to subservience. A coordinated approach involving all educational stakeholders aimed at addressing the socio-economic challenges faced by vulnerable boys in these communities and schools could be a more sustainable way to alleviate the gender-based schooling plight experienced by vulnerable boys in these contexts. This is critically important, given that in Swaziland quality education and schooling experience are the only feasible means for vulnerable boys to transcend their life of poverty and vulnerability (Motsa & Morojele 2016). It also appears that social competiveness on which masculine hegemony was established in these schools was not based on level footing. Therefore, there is a need to establish and promote gendered social interactions and affinities that affirm human empathy (Watkins 2000) and masculine diversities, rather than masculine hegemonic power, as logic of enhancing gender equality in these schools.
Our families need us … adopting feminine roles
The findings reveal that vulnerable boys had propensities to adopt traditionally feminine roles as expressions of alternative masculine performances. This revealed the fluidity of their masculine constructions as determined by their social contexts. Some of the responsibilities of vulnerable boys included doing household chores like cooking and collecting water as illustrated in Figure 2:
'I stay with my grandfather and two younger siblings. As the eldest child I should ensure that each day we have something to eat. So I usually spend about two hours of my time cooking then go play with friends. In fact our principal usually tells us to be responsible and help our elders even with cooking and collecting water.' (Sihle, boy aged 12, from Muntu Primary: focus group interviews)
'As a real man … you should ensure that your family is well taken care of. I cook for my family and I'm okay with that. I'm not very sure how old I was, but with other boys in my neighbourhood we used to go to the Inkhundla centre to collect food parcels for our families and also cook. So there is nothing new or strange about cooking.' (Ngwemash, boy aged 12, from Muntu Primary: focus group interviews)
The data reveal that vulnerable boys' socio-economic status and family responsibilities had shaped their engagement and constructions of masculinities (Gergen 2009). Vulnerable boys seem to have crafted their own interpersonal scripts (Elliott 2015) to fit the context of their family and home situations, which required alternative performances of masculinities (West & Zimmermann 2009). The findings show that some of these vulnerable boys embraced what was generally regarded as feminine responsibilities, and they did so with meaning, passion and pride (Lee & Lee 2016), because for them 'it signified real manhood'. While vulnerable boys who cooked at Muntu Primary school were idealised (probably thanks to the principal of the school who encouraged vulnerable boys to be responsible and help elders with cooking and collecting water) and celebrated (Connell & Messerschmidt 2005), in the other schools, such masculine constructs were restricted by hegemonic constructs of masculinities (Medved 2016). Thus, vulnerable boys who cooked were predisposed to name calling, ridicule and stigmatisation. The following statements by participants would explain this phenomenon:
'Even though some of these clever boys [showing anger] call us 'young wives' but I just do not see anything wrong with boys cooking, in fact most boys in my class cook for their families. Your family should never go to bed hungry only because you are just lazy to cook. At home, I stay with my elder brother; he is 17 years old and works in town. My mother died when I was 7 years old and my father when I was 9 years. We are three and the youngest is a boy too. Every day I have to rush home to cook for the family.' (Sisanda, boy aged 14, from Mazingela Primary: individual interviews)
'We cook auntie … but once these guys know that we cook, they make fun of us. They call us 'gogo Ntoza*' [gogo Ntoza was the school cook and boys who cooked were then given the name gogo Ntoza].' (Mbuso, boy aged 13, from Mjikaphansi Primary: focus group interviews)
The name calling of vulnerable boys who cooked was highly derogatory and demeaning. Viewing cooking and fetching water as gender-neutral responsibilities was therefore a powerful way through which vulnerable boys navigated their dilemma of having to cook and fetch water for their families, the name calling and the hurtful discourse from the dominant masculinities. They perceived the two (cooking and fetching water) not as feminine roles, but as falling under their jurisdiction of providing for their families, hence signifying real manhood (Hunter, Riggs & Augoustinos 2017; Lee & Lee 2016). The authoritative manner in which Sisanda says 'I just do not see anything wrong with boys cooking', denoted how he distanced himself and undermined the hegemonic gender discourses that considered cooking as effeminate (Campbell et al. 2016). This points to the fragility and fallacious nature of hegemonic masculinities, especially when they are rooted in expectations that are not relevant to vulnerable boys' social lives and responsibilities. Notwithstanding, the versatility of vulnerable boys' strategies for alternative masculine performances amidst a highly patriarchal schooling context indicates the critical contributions they (vulnerable boys) are ready to make in informing policy and practice. Aimed at promoting gender equality in these schools, vulnerable boys' logic of gender equality is not to ascribe certain chores and responsibilities as feminine or masculine. All children should therefore freely express their human abilities to assist and provide for their families without fear of being ridiculed as effeminate or otherwise.
Recasting of traditional masculine identities - Masculinities as caring
Vulnerable boys further constructed alternative masculinities established on the perceived feminine caring discourse, in ways that were astounding considering their age. Some vulnerable boys had responsibilities that went beyond being mere breadwinners to being caregivers and nurturers for their siblings in the absence of parents or elders. Owing to the fact that masculinity is perceived through hegemonic forms of masculinity (Connell & Messerschmidt 2005), vulnerable boys therefore had to construct their masculinity in ways that would embrace both expectations (Hunter et al. 2017), that is, embracing the traditional masculine provider identity and caregiving.
Mbuso, a boy aged 13, from Mjikaphansi primary provided this picture (Figure 3) to illustrate the caring responsibilities that he had. The following statements illustrate this fact:
'This is my younger sister, Sno*. I have literally become her parent and she loves me (very wide smile). In my family there are three girls and a boy (me) and presently my mother is very sick and she has been sick for a number of years now. As for my father … eish I don't even know what happened to him. But we are okay without him. I am old enough to take care of my mother and siblings, the youngest (seen in the picture) is 4 years and she attends the crèche just before the church building. I ensure that she is well taken care of … her uniform is clean … she has something to eat, etc.' (Mbuso, boy aged 13, from Mjikaphansi Primary: individual group interviews)
'Both my parents are dead and I am the eldest so I take care of my sisters. One of them is old enough to be at school but without a birth certificate it is hard. I asked my cousin to help us and she promised that she would do it next year because it was already late for this year.' (Listo, boy aged 16, from Muntu Primary: individual interviews)
Vulnerable boys in this study seem to have effectively embraced the nurturing role into their performance of masculinities (West & Zimmerman 2009). Contrary to the stereotyped belief that perceived nurturing and housekeeping as effeminate, it appears that these vulnerable boys rejected the traditional norms of masculinity that construed masculinities as distant and detached (Elliott 2015). Instead, they adopted more life-affirming and valuable masculine identities that served not only their identity and responsibilities but also masculinities that were more compassionate and nurturing. For Mbuso, the caring masculine identity enabled him to take care for his sister, his family and also nurse his sick mother as a 'real man' would. Mbuso construes himself as 'old enough' to not only protect and provide but also to care for his family. This emanates from the wider societal discourse that constructs boys as never too young to be the men in the family, budvodza abukhulelwa. Mbuso, therefore, had to man up in this situation; hence, he believed they 'are okay without him [the father] because he [Mbuso] could be a man himself'. Caring for his family for Mbuso was therefore part of his duties as a 'man'. From this, we learn that vulnerable boys' resilience to care for their siblings needs to be supported and nurtured by family and supported by community and school for a more balanced lifestyle that would not compromise their educational success (Theron 2012). Again, being a primary caregiver might have socialised Mbuso to have a mutual and caring relationship with girls in the school (Lee & Lee 2016), which is a cornerstone for educational success and gender equity. The following statement is indicative of this phenomenon:
'Ahh girls … yoooo … (laughs) … I no longer love her auntie but I'm worried about hurting her feelings. She has been through so much and in me she has found a friend, we share so much. So even though she annoys me at times but I can't leave her … it would break her heart. I have to protect her too from other boys who would want to take advantage of her. I think boys have to protect and not hurt girls.' (Mbuso, boy aged 11, from Mjikaphansi Primary: focus group interviews)
Mbuso's narration challenges the myths of 'pathologically narcissistic' (Watkins 2000:70) masculinities, as his constructions of masculinities are rooted in expressions of emotionality and the ethics of good care (Medved 2016). Mbuso is empathic and is 'worried about hurting her [the girlfriend's] feelings'. In ways that subverted the hegemonic masculine identity of being emotionally distant, uncaring (Morojele 2011) and without respect for girls (Swain 2006), vulnerable boys tend to reject patriarchal ideologies and embrace values of care and equitability, in ways that may foster sustainable positive social change for masculinities and improved gender relations (Elliott 2015). Caregiving seems to have sensitised vulnerable boys to the perceived feminine discourse of caregiving and nurturing (Hanlon 2012). Advancing Elliott's (2015) assertion that, when masculinities are immersed in care-work, they develop feminine perceived caring and nurturing attitudes. Such alternative masculine constructions could be harnessed to enhance gender-equitable spaces in the schools, where all boys, vulnerable boys inclusive, can perform gender in more positive ways (Clowes 2013), beyond the limiting prescripts of hegemonic masculinities, thus opening up possibilities for gender-equitable spaces, where the very same boys would become advocates for gender equality (Lee & Lee 2016). As socialised by their family situations (Gergen 2009), which required caring modes of masculinities, inculcating caring masculinities as part of children's gender socialisation does indeed have a greater potential to widen boundaries for permissible gender behaviours, where multiple forms of masculinities can peacefully co-exist (Campbell et al. 2016). Vulnerable boys' voices have evoked possibilities for gender flexibilities, which the school gender equality policy and practice reformists could harness and inculcate. Noting that the societal inability to accept the fluidities and non-essentialist constructions of gender is a functional source of gender inequalities, they concomitantly thwarted gender relations, gender-based violence and all sorts of such social ills. Vulnerable boys in this study exercised their creative human agency to adopt alternative masculinities best fitting to their contexts and life experiences.
Recommendations
The study has revealed the need for these schools to provide resilient affirmation resources to vulnerable boys so as to allow them to transcend experiences where they feel pressured to conform to prevailing discourses which are harmful to their well-being. To support initiatives aimed at supporting inclusive school spaces and addressing gender inequalities in these primary schools, the schools should adopt coordinated strategies to encourage the liberation and expression of alternative forms of masculinities. This could be in the form of programmes in schools that would inculcate vulnerable boys with self-efficacy skills and confidence to deal with their lived experiences the same way girl programmes are operated in the country's schools. Noting that adopting caring attitudes sustains masculinities in physical and emotive ways (Elliott 2015; Lee & Lee 2016), vulnerable boys whose expression of masculinity is established on ethics of care should therefore be encouraged and supported by the broader society rather than be shamed and ridiculed, as that compromises efforts towards gender equality.
Conclusion
Social constructionism provided analytical insights to understand the complex processes of gender socialisation that tends to exalt hegemonic masculinities at the expense of downgrading vulnerable boys to subservience. Vulnerability and poverty formed structural contexts for vulnerable boys' constructions of masculinity. The article has shown how the intersecting of poverty, vulnerability and gender places vulnerable boys at a subservient social position in the hierarchy of masculinities in the schools. Financial strength and heterosexuality featured strongly as bases around which the dominant masculinities were predicated. Being orthodox providers was therefore one social pressure and obligation confronting vulnerable boys. In ways that were antithetical to vulnerable boys' abilities; they could not financially sustain heterosexual relationships because of poverty. This actually placed them in a catch-22 situation - in which not engaging in heterosexual relationships was equally relegated, as engaging in heterosexual relationships but without the financial ability to support them. The result was resounding disgrace, ridicule and social exclusion. Indeed, the hegemonic notions associating masculinities with financial prowess deeply compromised vulnerable boys' ability to engage in meaningful social interactions with both boys and girls in the schools. For vulnerable boys who rejected traditional masculinity, the experiences were fulfilling and self-gratifying. Some vulnerable boys in the study embraced the orthodox feminine identity of being nurturers as they constructed alternative masculinities and navigated their spaces of vulnerability and poverty. Lending support to Elliott's (2015) caring masculinities, being immersed in situations where vulnerable children were forced to provide care for their siblings enabled them to develop masculinities with caring attitudes, indeed agreeing with Connell (2005b:24) that vulnerable boys in the schools could be inculcated with information on the importance of 'contradiction, distancing, negotiation and sometimes rejection of old patterns, which allows new historical possibilities to emerge', with life-sustaining possibilities and better schooling and lived experiences.
Acknowledgements
Competing interests
The authors declare no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.
Authors' contributions
N.D.M. performed all fieldwork, preliminary data analysis and write-ups. P.J.M. was the project leader and made conceptual and analytical contributions.
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Correspondence:
Ncamsile Motsa
ncamsiledaphne@gmail.com
Received: 22 Aug. 2017
Accepted: 01 Sept. 2018
Published: 24 Apr. 2019
ORIGINAL RESEARCH
Home as a primary space: Exploring out-of-school literacy practices in early childhood education in a township in South Africa
Rockie SibandaI; Leila KajeeII
IDepartment of Languages, Cultural Studies and Applied Linguistics, University of Johannesburg, Auckland Park, South Africa
IIDepartment of Education and Curriculum Studies (Educational Linguistics), University of Johannesburg, Auckland Park, South Africa
ABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: Early childhood education is essential in bridging home and school literacy practices; however, recognising the home as a literacy space remains a challenge to educators in South African schools.
AIM: The aim of this article was to explore children's literacy practices, often through play, and the potential implications this might hold for their future careers as readers and writers. The article conceptualises home as the primary domain where literacy develops
SETTING: The study was conducted in a multilingual township in South Africa.
METHODS: We engage with key theories in sociocultural studies and new literacy studies, as well as key ideas from young children's learning experiences with family members and peers during play. Methodologically, we undertook a case study in which we conducted interviews with parents, guardians and educators, as well as conducting home observations of the children's literacy practices.
RESULTS: We confirmed that children's out-of-school practices have the potential to support literacy development in school, and we concluded that children interact with multiple discourses during their everyday practices and play.
CONCLUSION: Although there is a general lack of knowledge and understanding of these discourses by educators, these interactions have the potential to enhance schooled literacies.
Keywords: new literacy studies; literacy practices; children's play; township; school; South Africa.
Introduction
Children, when provided with support to develop their literacy skills through play and other activities in the home, develop positive views of expression (Saracho & Spodek 2006; Tsao 2008). Early childhood educators as well as parents and guardians play an important role in developing these skills. In South Africa, some 24.35% (StatsSA 2011) of the population live in townships - the often underdeveloped segregated urban areas that were reserved for non-white people, namely Indians, Africans and people of mixed race, during the apartheid era (Huchzermeyer 2011). Among key issues challenging township dwellers are education, healthcare, employability and housing. Township schools include those supported by government as non-fee-paying schools, as well as those subscribing to the National School Nutrition Programme, which feeds millions of schoolchildren every day. Government is targeting improvements in the infrastructure of poorer schools such as libraries, laboratories and sports fields, in addition to literacy and numeracy initiatives. However, even with positive transformations, these improvements have not necessarily been accompanied by a better distribution of education. Former white Model C schools still uniformly produce better results and their governing bodies are able to raise substantial private funds used to access resources that are unreachable by rural and township schools.
Post-1994, the democratic South African Government was not only concerned with the desegregation of the education system, but also with addressing poor literacy levels, specifically in primary schools (Bloch 2009). Of concern, South Africa still produces learners with very low literacy and numeracy levels (Fleisch 2008; Howie et al. 2012; Spaull 2013). Reports on educational achievement in South Africa demonstrate that far too many children in primary schools are performing poorly, often failing to acquire functional numeracy and literacy skills. They are classified as not only among the worst in the Southern African region and in Africa as a whole, but also among the worst in the world (Lancaster & Kirklady 2010). Over the past decade, there has been growing concern that a substantial number of South African schoolchildren are one or more years below acceptable achievement levels, particularly in key subjects such as English First Additional Language and Mathematics (NEEDU 2013; Spaull & Kotze 2015). Spaull and Kotze (2015) argue that schoolchildren who lag behind the academically acceptable levels of performance in the Foundation Phase are likely to fall further behind their counterparts.
It is certainly time for a review of literacy efforts countrywide, given reported shortcomings in schools. Debates persist about the value of the contribution of the home and out-of-school settings with regard to literacy. According to Rowsell and Pahl (2015:1), literacy exists in homes in the varied ways that people live, speak and practise every day. For Haneda (2006:337), too, in order to help children develop the literacy competences required for success at school, it is important to recognise and draw on the repertoires of literacy practices that learners develop outside school. However, several studies on literacy have shown incongruity between home and school literacy practices. This article is derived from a larger study of township children's literacy practices. In this article, the focus is not only on the home as a powerful primary literacy space, but also as a distinct means of bridging the worlds of home and school (Hull & Schultz 2002). We argue that literacy learning is fundamentally associated with the social practices of people in their everyday activities. Drawing on the early works of Barton and Hamilton (2000), we argue that experiences outside formal classrooms are equally important for literacy learning. The focus of this article is to examine ways in which out-of-school literacy practices can be viewed as significant (or not) to the practices of formal schooling. The article sets out to also illustrate the distinct ways, such as play, in which young children negotiate their home landscapes. The study is prompted by the following questions: How can the out-of-school literacy practices of young children be mapped at home? What are the implications of children's encounters with literacy at home for their school literacies, or their careers as readers and writers?
Theoretical framework and literature review
New literacy studies
This article is located within new literacy studies (NLS), exemplified in the work of Street (1994), and Barton and Hamilton (1998), which addresses literacy from a sociocultural perspective and as a social practice (Street 1985). The framework conceptualises literacy in terms of what people do with reading, writing and texts in real-world contexts, and why they do it (Perry 2012:54). However, practices involve more than actions with texts; practices connect to, and are shaped by, values, attitudes, feelings and social relations (Barton & Hamilton 2000). In this regard, social relationships are crucial, as 'literacy practices are more usefully understood as existing in the relationships between people, within groups and communities, rather than as a set of properties residing in individuals' (Barton & Hamilton 2000:8). New Literacy Studies theorists have illustrated that as children are socialised into particular literacy practices, they are simultaneously socialised into discourses that position them ideologically within the larger social milieu (Gee 2001). Sociocultural theorists have further illustrated how the social organisation of learning in out-of-school settings can promote language and literacy development (Hull & Schultz 2002; Vasquez 2003). The contexts of interest for NLS extend beyond formal teaching environments and include the practices that typify children and adults' everyday literacy lives (Sefton-Green et al. 2016). In her studies, Dyson (2003) shows how children from a variety of social, cultural and linguistic backgrounds can draw deeply upon their out-of-school knowledge of non-academic social worlds to negotiate their entry into school literacy. Dyson (2003) advocates a curriculum where educators can draw children into understanding and using symbols and resources from their experiences, in school-like ways. Purcell-Gates (2007) presents a similar observation based on her research of literacy in community settings. She argues that if the curriculum does not relate to learners' lives outside of school, their education will be meaningless. For children more likely to learn better, she advises educators to make literacy instruction more relevant to learners' lives, by tapping into their out-of-school literacy practices.
Out-of-school literacy practices
Out-of-school literacy practices are not always restricted to the physical spaces outside school but can occur within the physical school boundaries outside the formal classroom context. In her study on in-school and out-of-school literacy practices, Maybin (2007) illustrates the heterogeneous configuration of a classroom space where formal (linked with school setting) and informal (linked with home or vernacular setting) literacy practices swap roles, interact with one another and even run parallel to each other. Lenters (2007) also shows how literacy practices extend from the family at home to peers at school, such as discussing novels read at home with other learners. A growing body of research aimed at bridging the gap between out-of-school literacies and classroom practices (Hull & Schultz 2002; Street 2005) and recent research from New Zealand suggest that some children may be placed at a disadvantage when they go to school, if their early literacy experiences are not closely matched to the pedagogy and practice of school (McLachlan 2006:33). When home literacy practices differ substantially from primary school literacy practices, children could experience difficulties in learning. Often emergent or early literacy develops in social contexts rather than through formal instruction. Other research advises educators to tap into 'funds of knowledge' from children's communities, in order to enrich and transform these learners' classroom experience (González, Moll & Amanti 2005). Literacy that occurs outside a school context can become a community resource and in such instances 'families, local communities and organisations regulate and are regulated by literacy practices' (Barton & Hamilton 1998:13). A key social practice that most children engage in is play. As we unpack the concept of play and creativity, we gain insight into how children navigate their social space in different play activities.
Play as a literacy activity
Vygotsky's (1978) work is highly influential in early childhood research, as a factor in child development. Vygotsky (1978) views play as crucial to cognitive development and a leading activity that leads children towards the acquisition of new skills and/or knowledge and understanding. His belief is that play facilitates the development of cognitive processes linked to creativity, such as problem-solving, and is fundamental to some of the child's greatest achievements. Play has also been reported to enhance creative practice in a range of areas such as numeracy, literacy and the arts (Holmes & Geiger 2002; Wood & Attfield 2005). Play is a practice that enables children to learn, innovate and reflect on resources available to them from multiple social domains. From the emergent literacy perspective, play is considered an integral aspect of literacy development as it occurs in both in-school and out-of-school activities. In this study, we present play as a central rhetoric in childhood literacies (Banaji, Burn & Buckingham 2010). Play in this context can be viewed as a phenomenon that, drawing from play theorists such as Wood and Attfield (2005), can be defined in numerous ways but must be seen as an activity that is complex, multifaceted and context-dependent.
Creativity is children's everyday productive acts across a diverse range of domains (Marsh 2010). Children use and adapt media scripts in their play, such as characters from television programmes; they parody advertisements and programmes and draw on language taken from media in rhymes and songs (Griffiths & Machin 2003; Grugeon 2005). Children's play frequently draws on media sources in imaginative and fantasy play, in which they take on the role of media characters such as superheroes, acting out scenarios observed in everyday life. This type of play is frequently criticised as being imitative rather than creative (Linn 2008), as it is assumed to be replicative and mimicked. Numerous studies outline the originality that underlines this type of play, however, with children adapting characters, storylines and settings in imaginative and creative ways (Wohlwend 2009). As Gee (2006) points out, the games children play have a greater potential to build new learning systems than learning in the school setting.
Research approach and methodology
Site
This study is part of a larger study of township children's literacy practices. The research site was a township in the western part of Gauteng province in South Africa. The children participating in the study attended Kutlwano (pseudonym for ethical reasons), a local primary school. All learners and teachers at this school are African. Although the school population reflects the diverse cultural and linguistic backgrounds of isiXhosa, Xitsonga, Tshivenda, isiZulu, Sesotho and Setswana, only Setswana and isiZulu are the languages of teaching and learning (LoLT) in the Foundation Phase (Grades R-3). In the Intersen Phase (Grades 4-7) Setswana and isiZulu are offered as first languages, although the LoLT is English. Literacy instruction has been an area of emphasis at Kutlwano Primary School because of a strategic move made by the school to meet the Annual National Assessment standardised assessment benchmark. Kutlwano is also a 'no-fee' primary school, which means that learners are not compelled to pay any tuition fees.
Research design and methods of inquiry
This study aims to understand the home as the primary space for literacy development through utilising a qualitative case study approach to explore children's literacy practices. The case study is one of the most frequently used qualitative research methodologies (Yin 2011). Case studies are designed to gain deep understanding of situations and meaning for those involved. They are in-depth, descriptive pieces of research that focus on bounded instances (Yin 2011). The interest is in the process rather than outcomes, in context rather than a specific variable, in discovery rather than confirmation. We also draw on Candappa's (2017) justification for the case study, which lies in its potential for learning and its explanatory power.
Sampling of the research site and participants in this study was by way of purposive sampling (Merriam 2009). Three of the children from the larger case study were learners selected to participate in the study. They were in Grade 3 at Kutlwano Primary School. Their ages ranged from 8 to 9 years old. They were chosen as participants in the study because they had spent 2 years in the Foundation Phase and were likely to be a viable source of data for this study. Sampling of all children was based on their parents' or guardians' consent and willingness to also participate in this study. The three educators who participated in the study were selected because they were teaching Grade 3, which is the Foundation Phase on which this study is based. They were also teaching the learners who participated in this study. All participants involved in the study and the school have been given pseudonyms to protect their identities.
The data were collected from non-participant observations in the homes in Kagiso township. The children were closely observed with the aim of uncovering the literacy practices that they engaged in at home. The second data collection was through interviews with educators and parents or guardians of the learners. Interviewing is regarded as one of the most powerful ways to understand human behaviour. It is the most commonly used method of collecting data in educational research, essential in picking up non-verbal cues, including facial expressions as interviewees 'speak in their own voice and express their own thoughts and feelings' (Berg 2007: 96).
Data presentation, analysis and interpretation
We present pen portraits of three of the children and vignettes as illustrative of their literacy practices. Key themes emerging from the data are as follows: home as the primary space for literacy mediation and play as a literacy activity.
Pen portrait 1: Thandi the designer
A three-room Rural Development Programme house is home to Thandi, one of the learners participating in this study. Note that all names used are pseudonyms, for ethical reasons. Thandi is an orphan who lives with her aunt and grandmother. There is a television set in Thandi's home and the family only watches programmes of the South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC) because her guardians cannot afford Digital Satellite Television (DSTV). Thandi likes watching cartoons and educational programmes, which she says teach her a lot of things. She finds the children's drama Dora the Explorer entertaining and educational, which she says teaches her to solve life problems. When playing, Thandi and her friends mimic lines from any TV drama they find interesting. Thandi is also an ardent follower of the local TV talk show Three Talk with Noeleen, hosted by Noeleen Maholwana-Sangqu. When the researcher asked her what she learns from the show, she indicated that 'many people such as celebrities come to talk to Noeleen's show so we learn a lot from them'. She says she learns how the guests on Noeleen's show achieved their success and the subjects that they did at school. What is interesting is that the programmes that Thandi likes are in English. She is able to understand the content without an interpreter. Thandi's literacy practices are interesting because they seem to bridge the gap between reality and school knowledge. They also suggest incongruence between home and school learning as she identifies a gap in school knowledge, which seemingly does not prepare children for life after school at the level she is at. This suggests that Thandi acquires knowledge on possible career paths from the media. She is even made aware of the subjects that are prerequisite to pursuing different careers. Thandi is passionate about drawing and aspires to be a fashion designer. Thandi's passion to become a fashion designer stems from her exposure to the works of famous South African designers such as Nkhensani Nkosi and David Tlale, whose works are profiled on local television and in magazines. Thandi also reveals that she likes Takalani Sesame, an award-winning South African children's programme. According to Thandi, Takalani Sesame:
'teaches us through storytelling. This storytelling teaches us about child abuse, crime and rural life that we town kids don't know. Takalani Sesame is story reading time … they call people to come and play with them.' (Thandi, female, 9 years old)
Thandi's comment highlights social problems such as child abuse that are prevalent in Thandi's community, which Takalani Sesame mirrors. From this programme, urban children like Thandi learn about rural life. Above all, the programme is in storytelling form, which helps child viewers to identify themes and messages in the story and also learn how to narrate their own stories. Although Thandi does not have a mobile phone of her own, she has access to her uncle's phone. The researcher observes Thandi playing games on the mobile phone with her cousin Mpho. Thandi informs me that her favourite game is Teenage Girls. She complains that Mpho likes cheating as she chooses games that are complicated. When I ask how the games are complicated, Thandi says the instructions are in 'difficult English', which Mpho understands better because she is in Grade 6. Thandi is in Grade 3, in a Setswana-medium class although her home language is isiZulu. When Thandi encounters problems with Setswana homework she is assisted by her uncle's girlfriend, who is Setswana-speaking. Literacy seems to be valued in Thandi's home: her aunt has completed an auxiliary nursing course, and her grandmother has also attended an Adult Basic Education and Training course on literacy. Thandi reads books that she obtains from her school library. During weekends she does her homework in the 'outside room'.1 When she is done with reading books she turns to magazines and cuts out pictures that she pastes in her book. If she is not at school she spends most of her time playing with her friends.
Pen portrait 2: Lindi, the 'Zulu girl'
Lindi is affectionately called the 'Zulu girl' by the other children in her class. She is originally from KwaZulu-Natal, which is a predominantly isiZulu-speaking province. Lindi and her twin sister, Linda, live with their grandmother in a 'back room' that they share with two young cousins and one older cousin who is a learners at a Further Education and Training college. After the death of their parents, Lindi and her sister moved from KwaZulu-Natal to come and live in Gauteng with their isiXhosa-speaking maternal grandmother, who is originally from the Eastern Cape. A devoted member of the Twelve Apostles Church, Lindi reads the Bible aloud to the congregation in her church during service. This makes her the focus of admiration of her grandmother who remarked, 'Lengane inesiphiwo sokufunda ibhayibheli' [This child has a gift in Bible reading]. Lindi is one of the few young people in her church who help the 'uneducated' adults with Bible reading. Besides reading the Bible, Lindi always reads an isiZulu newspaper, Isolezwe. She indicates that she likes reading the isiZulu newspaper because she finds the way stories are written very interesting. In school, she is in an isiZulu first-language class. As an isiZulu first-language speaker, her isiZulu accent and pronunciation of isiZulu is considered 'standard' by her educator. From earlier observations of her classroom, it is evident that Lindi is very outspoken and usually dominates most isiZulu class discussions. Lindi and her sister, Linda, seem to be admired by their classmates for their eloquent isiZulu. Their educator always asks them to read most of the isiZulu texts during lessons. The educator emphasises that the class should pay attention to the way Lindi and Linda pronounce isiZulu words. Lindi's encounter with everyday literacy practices is exemplified in the following interaction with her grandmother, recorded at Lindi's home on a Friday morning. It is a busy day and Lindi's grandmother has to submit her pension forms to the Social Development office. Lindi's 2-year-old cousin also has to go to the clinic for immunisations.
Vignette 1:
Gogo: Molo tisha. [Greetings, teacher.]
Researcher: Ewe gogo, ninjani? [Greetings, Granny, how are you?]
Gogo: Ndisaphilile ngane yam, ndingazi kuwe.
[I'm fine, thank you, my son, and how are you?]
Researcher: Nami ndisaphilile makhulu. Akukho nto. Iphi'ntombi yami?
[I am also well, Gran. Where is my girl?]
Gogo: Ikhona apha endlini. We ngane! Nangu utisha wenu usefikile.
[She's here in the house. Hey, child! (calling). Your teacher is here (referring to the researcher).]
Lindi: Ndivasa uNono. Andithi uyahamba naye eklinika.
[I'm bathing, Nono. Isn't she also going to the clinic?]
Gogo: Tixo wami. Besendikhohliwe. Khawulezani nami ndiyakuhambisa izi-formu zami zepentsheni.
[Oh my God, I'd forgotten. Hurry up, I will also submit my pension forms].
Lindi: Kanti ezethu izifomu zegrant uzihambisa nini?
[In fact, when are you submitting our grant forms?] (She emphatically reminds her gran.)
Gogo: Zizawumela umalume wakho azigcwalise.
[We will wait for your uncle to complete them.]
Lindi: Kodwa makhulu ama-birth ethu akhona nje. Uzakubhala i-ID zethu qha!
[But Gran, our birth certificates are there. You will only write our ID numbers.]
Gogo: Nawe Lindi musukundenza isibhanxa mna. Zininzi into abazifunayo. Andinayo imali yokwehla ndenyuka mna. Uyazi leza ntombazana zasemawovisi ukuthi zichwensa kanjani uma ndingazigcwalisanga kakuhle. Bazovese bandiphonsele zona.
[You, Lindi, don't make me a fool. There's a lot of information that they need. I've no money to be travelling up and down. You know how arrogant those girls who work in the offices are. They will just throw the forms at me if they are not filled out properly.]
Lindi: Manje makhulu uzosithengela ngani impahla ze-Christmas? Mina ndifuna i-skinny jean noNono ufuna i-tight.
[So, Gran, how are you going to buy us Christmas clothes? I want a skinny jean and Nono wants tights.]
Gogo: Ndiyakuyifumanaphi mna imali. Phela lezinto ziyabiza.
[Where will I get such kind of money? These things are expensive, as you know.]
Lindi: Azibizi gogo. Khumbila leziya catalogue zase Checkers ne Pick n Pay ebisizifunda bezinazo i-tight ne-skinny jean ezi-cheap. Futhi ndibone i-advert zakhona u TV.
[They're not expensive, Gran. Remember those Checkers and Pick n Pay catalogues had cheap tights and skinny jeans. And I saw their advert on TV.]
This extract highlights how Lindi helps her grandmother with household chores such as bathing her little cousin. Lindi is also aware of the everyday literacy practices with which her grandmother has to engage. She asks her grandmother when she is going to submit their 'grant' forms (the state child support grant for destitute children). She also displays knowledge of the literacy practices involved in completing the forms. Mentioning the writing of identity numbers in the forms suggests that Lindi is exposed to everyday literacy practices in the South African Social Security Agency (SASSA) (grant) forms. Lindi's grandmother reveals that Lindi's uncle will complete the forms as the knowledgeable other. Lindi uses multimedia sources of information, the catalogues and television advertisements.
Pen portrait 3: Tumelo, the girl from the North West Province
Tumelo is a Setswana-speaking girl from Rustenburg. It is her first year at Kutlwano Primary School. She lives in a two-room shack with her parents, two young brothers aged 7 and 2 years old and her 22-year-old aunt, who has recently moved from Mafikeng, North West Province, to look for a job in Gauteng. Tumelo is the eldest of the three children in her family. Her mother, who is employed as a call centre agent, works long hours and is barely at home. Tumelo and her sibling who is in Grade 2 are looked after by their aunt while the 2-year-old is taken to an informal crèche nearby. Whenever she is at home, the aunt devotes much of her time to household chores. She uses whatever remaining time to do her studies for her distance-learning course in Education. Tumelo's father is a general worker in a factory at the local industrial area. He is seldom home as he has to leave for work very early to get to work on time. Although Tumelo's father works long hours, he actively participates in the affairs of Tumelo's school as the School Governing Body chairperson. He is also doing distance-learning studies in Theology at the University of South Africa. Tumelo's mother is pursuing her studies in Teaching at the same institution. Tumelo is a reserved but intelligent girl. Her peers always chuckle when she speaks Setswana, which sounds different from the township Setswana 'lingua franca' spoken by most of her classmates. Whenever the class is given Setswana vocabulary work, her peers seek her assistance with difficult words.
Children's world: Play as a literacy activity
Vignette 2 - Thandi and her friends' play event: The observation of Thandi at play with her friends Lebo and Mandy took place on a Sunday afternoon in their yard. Thandi had just returned from church with her aunt. Usually on Sunday her aunt does not like having Thandi and her friends play in the house as she says they make the house dirty.
Thandi: Wena Tshidi uya-cheater. Uhlala uba-first.
[Tshidi, you're cheating. You're always the first.]
Lebo: I started first. Mina ngingu Noluntu. Indoda yami nguPhenyo.
[I'm Noluntu and my husband is Phenyo.]
Mandy: Mina nginguMawande umama kaNoluntu.
[I'm Mawande, Noluntu's mother].
Thandi: But uPhenyo uyabora. U-cheater u-Dineo ngo Noluntu.
[But Phenyo is boring. He cheats Dineo with Noluntu.]
Lebo: Umama wami akafuni siyibheke i-Generations. Uthi eyabantu abadala!
[My mother doesn't want us to watch Generations. She says it's for adults.]
Mandy: Mina ngiyibuka uma umama wami engekho. Ugogo aka-mayindi!
[I watch it if my mother is not around. My grandmother doesn't mind!]
Thandi: Asidlaleni iskolo. Mina ngingu-Principal!
[Let's play school. I'm the principal.]
Mandy: I'm teacher and wena (you), Tumi, you're a parent!
Thandi: Yah ungumama kaThemba lowo o-naughty!
[You're the naughty Themba's mother!]
Thandi: Your child doesn't do homework, why?
Mandy: He play a lot, principal, with his friend. They play Play Station whole day.
Lebo: He does not do his homework. Does not write spelling!
Thandi: He must get detention!
Mandy: He does not read aloud in class.
Thandi: Teacher, you must give him a book every day to read home. Mother must help him.
In the above extract, Thandi and her friends' play initially focuses on their recollection of some scenes from a local television soapie, Generations.2 They illustrate how they design their literacy event along the storyline of the soapie as they identify with its characters. They reveal that they follow the storyline as they claim that one of the main characters, Phenyo, is cheating on his wife, Dineo, with Noluntu. An interesting aspect of this play activity is the children's critical engagement with social issues, such as infidelity, as they reveal that Phenyo is cheating on his wife. This suggests that they are critical of the contents of the soapie. Although the soapie has an age restriction of 13 years, these children indicate that they 'sneak' to watch it without their parents' knowledge. During the same play activity, the children's focus shifts to school-like dramatisation. In this part, they emulate school literacy practices as they dramatise a school disciplinary proceeding. They portray how a troublesome learner is disciplined by the educator and the principal. They play different roles such as those of parent, educator and principal. It is apparent that they are probably aware of what happens in disciplinary events when a child does not do their homework. They even suggest that a parent should mediate their child's reading process at home. In this regard, Thandi and her friends emulate the roles of their educators, parents and school principal. In this play activity there is evidence of bilingualism and code switching. The children switch comfortably between isiZulu and English.
Vignette - Tumelo and friends 'play hospital': The following excerpt describes a play event at Tumelo's home on a Saturday afternoon. Tumelo is playing with her friends Mashudu and Lindi. Because it is a very hot day, the girls are playing in the shade.
Lindi: Yah, we are going to play hospital!
Mashudu: No, Leratong Hospital is so boring … when my grandmother goes there for her sugar she spends the whole day …
Tumelo: The nurses are rude. My dad reported them to Health Department last year.
Mashudu: My mum takes me to the doctor at Randfontein.
Tumelo: Eish … akere (isn't it) your mother has money.
Mashudu: We just give the doctor mum's medical aid and they treat me free. OK, Lindi. I am doctor.
Tumelo: Doctor, I have BP.
Mashudu: I cough, doctor!
Lindi: I give you injection, all of you!
Mashudu: My doctor give me a letter I will buy at chemist.
Lindi: And you, Tumelo, I book you for operation … come for operation at theatre on Monday.
Mashudu: I am afraid of operation. My mother have operation when she give birth for my baby brother …
Lindi: Ah Mashu … my grandmother say you must not speak strong language.
The above extract describes Lindi and her friends at play. This event reveals the different discourses that the children are exposed to in their environment. The children bring a variety of sociocultural perspectives to this literacy event. This play setting becomes a meeting place for these children's experiences, such as the visit to a doctor. The play event draws from the discourse of medicine as illustrated in the children's use of medical terms such as 'book for operation' and 'injection'. Although Mashudu might not know or could have forgotten the word 'prescription' she knows that some medication can be purchased from a pharmacy if one has a doctor's prescription note. Mashudu has experience of using medical aid as she indicates that her mother produces her medical aid card when they visit a doctor. Mashudu, however, is not aware that her mother actually pays for the medical aid and brags about the doctor treating her without charge. Lindi also knows hospital discourse, as she is aware that one has to book an operation. She even mentions that the operation is done in 'theatre', meaning the operation theatre. Tumelo refers to hypertension as 'BP', which is common South African township lingua when people refer to 'high blood pressure' as 'BP'. Mashudu also demonstrates a knowledge of the Caesarean operation performed to deliver babies. In this play event, the children describe the unsatisfactory state of the South African health system. The children move from describing the appalling situation in state hospitals, a long waiting period before one gets treatment (she spends the whole day) and the staff being rude to patients. Mashudu in particular makes meaning of the medical context and transforms it into dramatic play.
Ethical considerations
Ethical procedures were observed throughout the study, according to ethical standards stipulated by the Faculty of Education, University of Johannesburg Ethics Committee. Ethics clearance number: 2013-038.
Discussion
Parents and guardians mediating schooled literacy
The discussion centres on the data on the home as a primary space and role of play. The extracts suggest extensive out-of-school literacy practices in which the children engage, dominated by play. Drawing on the three pen portraits reveals that the children's families engage in different out-of-school literacy practices. At Thandi's home, the adults facilitate the learning process by assisting her with school-related activities. Her uncle's girlfriend is a 'literacy broker' (Papen 2012), who helps Thandi with her Setswana homework. As Papen (2012:79) explains, we are living in 'highly textually mediated social worlds' where asking someone else to act as literacy mediator with particular genres and texts is a common practice. On the other hand, Thandi's interaction with different materials in her home portray her own literacy world. She reads magazines, plays games on a tablet and watches television. In Tumelo's family, they engage in shared reading of Setswana school texts and her mother asks her to read on her own. She later asks Tumelo to explain what she has read. Tumelo's family literacy account demonstrates that the process of learning to read involves children sharing in the reading process. Tumelo's mother also reveals that she also benefits from assisting her daughter with her homework. Research on parents and children has also reflected their interaction as a mutual exchange of knowledge, for instance Duran's (2001) work that reveals how United States (US) Hispanic parents learn from their children when helping them with English homework.
Interacting with everyday literacy
Ever since Denny Taylor coined the term 'family literacy' in 1986, to refer to the ways young children and their parents interact around texts, the term 'family literacy' has generally been applied to the practices that occur in homes to support young children as they become readers and writers. In this study, family literacy practices feature as literacy events that promote the development of children's literacy. In Lindi's home, they engage in everyday literacies that have to do with official documents such as social grant application forms. Lindi is conversant with the contents of the social grant forms for which her grandmother has to seek her son's assistance. From the conversation between Lindi and her grandmother, it can be deduced that the officials at the SASSA offices are not very helpful towards their clients. Lindi and her family also refer to brochures from local retail outlets such as Shoprite, Checkers and Pick n Pay, where they not only study prices but compare them, demonstrating their economic literacy.
The vignettes illustrate children constructing meaning of their world through play. In Thandi's and Lindi's environments, play holds an important role in their literacy development. When these children engage in play, they draw on activities from different discourses. Their play activity displays knowledge of the medical field, for instance, around which their play is modelled. Through exposure to social problems in their environment, the children are able to enact sociodramatic play, depicting their interpretation of those social issues.
Implications for teaching and learning
Children's encounters with literacy at home: Family and siblings as literacy mediators
Children's encounters with literacy at home hold multiple implications for their careers as readers and writers. What is crucial in all the children's encounters with literacy are the mediators of literacy (Williams 2004). Analysis of the child participants' experience with literacy is framed by the theory of language learning as socially constructed knowledge and understanding that develops through interactions with more experienced members of the community (Rogoff 2003). These more experienced members of the community are significantly important, given that practices such as mediation and scaffolding are regarded as critical to effective learning (Rogoff 2003). Kelly (2004) argues that as children come to school, they bring different experiences of how to act and interact during literacy events and may hold different values and beliefs about the nature of literacy. For some children, these experiences and understandings will match those sanctioned by the school; for others, there will be significant differences. In the following extract, Ms Dube, an educator in Thandi's school, reveals how parents in her community prepared children for school:
'Isn't it at home we were taught how to count in our language? We were taught colours in our language … they would just prepare you for the language which they knew was used at school. According to me, the environment also prepares the child for school.' (Ms Dube, female, educator)
Ms Dube reiterates that children's formal literacy encounters are not confined to school. Learners are exposed to discourses when parents and guardians expose them to counting and colours in the home language. According to Ms Dube, older siblings also play a valuable role:
'In the past there were no Grade R schools. You would leave home school-ready. Children older than us they would read the stories and poems to us and we would cram them. I think it means when a child is able to comprehend a story and narrate it in his own way or illustrate by drawing a picture, she shows that she understands the concept. She can write a paragraph to show that she understands the story.' (Ms Dube, female, educator)
Older children socialised the younger ones into school literacies so that they would start school 'school-ready'. They read stories and poems to the younger ones, which the younger ones would 'cram'. Older children would then ask the younger children to demonstrate their comprehension of the story by narrating it in their own way or through drawing pictures. In their ethnographic study, Gregory (2001), too, highlighted the importance of siblings in bilingual learning. In addition, children who have been exposed to reading before entering school are more likely to succeed in learning to read (Mol & Bus 2011). Providing children with books and writing materials and talking to them about letters and writing encourages their development in print awareness and the importance of written language (Roberts 2008; Sénéchal 2006). It has also become increasingly evident that children whose families are involved in their education are more successful in school (Dearing et al. 2006). It is within their communities that children interact with peers and siblings in developing and acquiring different literacies. Children's social worlds change as they move beyond their families and interact with peers in organised play groups and preschools. In our study, Ms Dube also highlights the importance of home-language teaching. She reveals that in her community, children learnt from their parents and siblings before they even started formal schooling. She supports the perception that the home environment should play a key role in the child's performance in school.
Family plays a vital role in children's literacy development (Kelly 2004). In a nuclear family context, the mediation role is often taken on by older siblings. In a family context, children can practise their emerging skills freely and rehearse, display and experiment with language capacities and cognitive skills with their siblings well before they do so with older people (Weisner 2002). These language interactions positively impact the child's language and literacy development. Mrs Miya, a parent interviewed in this study, described how her reserved daughter, Tumelo, becomes talkative when interacting with her friends. The observations made on the visits to the homes of the three focal learners and the interviews that were conducted with their parents and educators reinforce the important role played by the family. We found that in most cases parents are not able to spend much time with their children. From our work, it emerged that mothers or female guardians and siblings participate more in children's literacy practices. In the townships of Johannesburg there is an acute shortage of accommodation, as a result of massive rural-urban migration and migrants from other provinces hoping to earn a living in Johannesburg, which is considered South Africa's economic hub. All the educators interviewed in the study expressed the need for the parents or guardians to play an active role in the education of their children. As Ms Dube says:
'Parents are supposed to extend what has been done at school. They are supposed to help their children … to supervise their children with their homework and to encourage them too because here … OK … we help them with all that but there is a limitation for each things that are supposed to be done, akere (isn't it). The day is not long enough. We do sometimes give ourselves extra time to help the children but sometimes other learners need more than that.' (Ms Dube, female, educator)
Ms Dube's argument is that although educators mediate the learning process, the school day is not long enough to enable educators to adequately reach out to all the learners. She appeals to parents to enhance what the children would have learnt in school and mediate learning by helping their children with their homework. Interestingly, a counterargument is presented by Tumelo's parents, Mr and Mrs Miya. Mrs Miya complains that, like most working-class families in South Africa, she does not have time to assist her child with homework:
'Honestly, we don't have time for homework. We come home tired and don't have time to assist our child with homework. Most of the work they do is too difficult for me as a parent - what more a small kid.' (Mrs Miya, female, parent)
The same concern of time constraints is reiterated by Mr Miya:
'When I come home, sifika ngo 6 [we arrive at 6]. We only have 2 hours before the kids go to sleep. When we leave, we leave here at 5, when they are asleep. When they wake up, we are not here. We're gone … long gone. Probably when they leave for school we are already at work.' (Mr Miya, male, parent)
The comments highlight the fact that Tumelo's parents do not have as much time as they would like to assist her with homework. Mrs Miya complains that she finds the work given to her child beyond her ability. Tumelo's father, Mr Miya, vocalised his opinion that teachers' expectations are unrealistic: 'How can I help in the teaching of the children? I'm not a teacher and don't know any methods of teaching.'
Children's play
The implications of play in learning and development are proposed by Vygotsky (1978), who says that such processes occur in the children's social interactions in which more competent members of the culture engage with less competent members who are unable to engage in such activities alone. According to Vygotsky (1978), such encounters permit learning to take place in the zone of proximal development (ZPD).3 The children in this study exploited the ZPD during collaborative dramatic play with their friends and siblings. Vygotsky sees symbolic or dramatic play as central to a child's emotional and cognitive development (Williams & Rask 2003). In the play event of Mashudu and her friends, we see how their capabilities were extended as they shared knowledge of different discourses. In addition, play can be a self-help tool, permitting children to 'create their own scaffold, stretching themselves in such areas as self-control, cooperation with others, memory, language use and literacy' (Roskos & Carroll 2001:4). During the activities of play discussed in this study, the children were able to participate in imaginary events. In the present study, media and school formed the basis of the play activities. There is widespread evidence that children's daily encounters with media culture inform their play (Marsh 2010). Play is not confined to adapting to media but also engaging with media. In this study, the children developed their own play rules on how the 'play-event' should be conducted and the role each participant was to play. The sociodramatic play events cited in this article were complex socioemotional scripts incorporating insights into relationships and emotions such as the imaginary disciplinary proceeding in which a parent is called to the principal's office to discuss the progress of their child (Marsh 2010). In play, children move easily between the real and imaginative worlds as they reproduce the cultural knowledge they have acquired in the formal and informal contexts of the home, school and community (Wood & Attfield 2005). Thus, during play, children interweave elements of real life and fantasy as they attempt to make sense of the world and construct meaning outside the boundaries of reality.
Conclusion
The aim of this article was to explore children's literacy practices in a multilingual township in South Africa through researchers' observations of children's interactions at home during informal play, as well as through interviews with teachers and parents or caregivers. The findings indicate that children's home interactions and play activities are potentially beneficial for learning. The findings suggest that children encounter a myriad of literacy experiences at home through family mediation and during play. In the study it was found that children engaged in different literacy practices at home, despite parents having little time to support their practices. In their play activities, children related to television programmes and soap operas. Further, the study established the fact that parental involvement in literacy activities such as homework mediation can yield positive results when learners are extensively assisted by a knowledgeable other - siblings or other family members. Schools would benefit from recognising everyday knowledge that learners bring to the learning process. Because emergent or early literacy is a social practice that develops in social contexts, not only through formal instruction, early childhood educators would benefit from drawing on home and community literacy practices in their teaching.
Acknowledgements
The authors are grateful for the support of the National Research Foundation - Thutuka (NRF-TTK) grant for the 'Children's Literacy and Learning in-and-out-of-Schools' (grant # 93967) project.
Competing interests
The authors declare that they have no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced them in writing this article.
Authors' contributions
R.S. has completed his PhD under the supervision of L.K. R.S. designed the initial draft and collected and analysed the data. Both authors worked together in completing the article. L.K. helped in compiling the article to meet the requirements of SAJCE. L.K. was the project leader.
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Correspondence:
Leila Kajee
lkajee@uj.ac.za
Received: 08 Aug. 2018
Accepted: 12 Oct. 2018
Published: 24 Apr. 2019
1 . A cottage-like corrugated iron structure built at the back of the yard.
2 . A local soap opera aired on SABC.
3 . The ZPD is the difference between what a learner can do with help and what they can do without help.
ORIGINAL RESEARCH
A socially inclusive teaching strategy for fourth grade English (second) language learners in a South African school
Mots'elisi L. MalebeseI; Moeketsi F. TlaliII; Sechaba MahlomaholoIII
ICommunity-Based Educational Research (COMBER), North-West University, Potchefstroom, South Africa
IISchool of Mathematics, Natural Sciences and Technology Education, University of the Free State, Bloemfontein, South Africa
IIITeaching and Learning, University of Zululand, Richards Bay, South Africa
ABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: Learners from predominantly less priviledged South African schools encounter English as a language of teaching and learning for the first time in Grade 4. The transition from the use of home language to second language, namely English first additional language, is complexly related to the learners' inability to read text meaningfully. This complexity is traceable to the reading materials, actual teaching practices and learners' cultural underpinnings. Learners' inability to read text meaningfully impacts negatively their academic performance in general.
AIM: This article demonstrates how a socially inclusive teaching strategy is used to enhance the teaching of reading in a second additional language to Grade 4 learners.
SETTING: A one-teacher public school situated on a remote private property with bad access roads. Learners from neighbouring farms walked long distances to school. The teacher's administrative work and workshops often clashed with teaching and learning that received very limited support.
METHODS: The principles of the free attitude interview technique and critical discourse analysis were used to generate and analyse the data. Socially inclusive teaching strategy that is participatory action research-oriented and underpinned by critical emancipatory research principles guided the study.
RESULTS: The use of socially inclusive teaching strategy helped improve reading of English text significantly.
CONCLUSION: Socially inclusive teaching strategy can help improve learning and teaching support materials, teacher support and learning.
Keywords: socially inclusive teaching strategy; critical emancipatory paradigm; English First Additional Language; critical discourse analysis; public farm school.
Introduction
Global research proved that transitioning from a home language to a second additional language impacts learning adversely. According to the literature, this is exacerbated when learners are not adequately prepared in their respective home languages (Madiba 2013:4; UNESCO 2012:2; Wetere 2009:3). In the context of South Africa (SA), the second language is known as English First Additional Language (EFAL) and it is also one of the languages of teaching and learning (LoTL). This means that learners from the transitioning grade - Grade 4 - are taught subjects such as mathematics, natural science and life orientation in English. Learners in rural public farm schools, similar to their urban counterparts, are taught in English and are expected to learn to read using similar books. This aspect is worsened by the fact that the learners from rural public schools (as is the case in this study) are expected to read books that predominantly depict urban content and context. Learners with rural backgrounds find no tangible value in books with urban content and are therefore reluctant to engage in reading.
The studies regarding learners' literacy competency indicate that Grade 4 learners, especially in rural settings and learning using the SA curriculum, are unable to read text meaningfully (Department of Basic Education [DBE] 2011:45, 2014:8; Ofulue 2011:12; UNESCO 2012:2; Wetere 2009:3). The problems they encounter include synthesising information, making informed decisions and communicating effectively (Alberta Education 2010:1; DBE 2011:45; Taylor 2016:11). The inability to hear and differentiate between different sounds means learners are unable to pronounce words correctly, and they lack the ability to express themselves logically and fluently. In short, learners in Grade 4 are unable to adapt fully to EFAL (DBE 2009:40, 2011:7, 2014:20; Kirby, Griffiths & Smith 2014:108; Scharer 2012:2). This has a ripple effect on their performance in other subjects, which may be attested to the relatively high failure rates. As such, the majority of learners are progressed to the next grades as a result of age or number of years in a grade instead of actual competences in the respective subjects (Bruwer, Hartell & Steyn 2014; Weybright et al. 2017).
The learners' perceived inability to adapt fully to EFAL may well mean that they are not adequately prepared in their home language. During the investigation, the authors found that the teachers play a significant role in these situations, which deserved deeper scrutiny. The study was conducted at a primary public farm school with an enrolment of 36 learners in grades 1-6. Only one teacher has to teach all the learners; thus, she has to apply multigrade teaching strategies to teach subjects such as home language (Sesotho), second language, namely EFAL, numeracy and mathematics, life orientation and natural science. Six of these learners were in Grade 4, which was the focus of this study. Two of these Grade 4 learners did not meet the minimum progression requirements in Grade 3. They were progressed to Grade 4 in accordance with the policy requirement that learners may not repeat a grade more than twice (Corcoran 2010). Four out of 11 learners in Grade 5 were progressed to Grade 5 because of the above-mentioned policy instead of their actual performance and competence. What may have worsened the learning process is that EFAL classes were missed because of the teachers' other administrative and training engagements. These reduced the teaching and learning time and affected it adversely.
In addition, the teacher may have applied her teaching strategies in a manner that rendered them ineffective and may not have provided much assistance when teaching EFAL reading. As a result, the study also accommodated four Grade 5 learners; thus, the research sample consisted of 10 learners. Several strategies used in an attempt to respond to the challenges related to teaching of reading seem to have been ineffective because the learners' reading problems persisted. The majority of these strategies encouraged rote learning, regarded the teacher as the only knowledgeable source and were teacher-centred teaching (Vygotsky 1978:1). The context painted above suggested the need for a unique way of responding to these challenges. As a result, the authors considered using social inclusive teaching strategies (SITS) to enhance the teaching of EFAL in the Grade 4 class under research. The research question was the following: 'how can SITS be used to enhance the teaching of reading EFAL to Grade 4 learners at a public farm school?' The question addressed the need to respond to learners' inability to read text meaningfully and fluently, and to address their difficulty in writing or expressing themselves logically in EFAL.
Socially inclusive teaching strategy
Social inclusive teaching strategies are based on the principles of critical emancipatory research (Mahlomaholo 2013:2), which evolved from critical theory within the transformative paradigm (Mertens & Yamashita 2010:48). Thus, SITS stem from and are informed by the ontological and epistemological stances of the transformative paradigm. SITS contend that reality is contextual and knowledge is socially created (Mertens & Yamashita 2010:48).
In this case, reality refers to the contextual challenges experienced by Grade 4 EFAL teachers in rural settings (a school situated in rural area). These challenges may not be generalised to all contexts. Epistemologically, SITS posit that residents in the affected rural area have a wealth of knowledge originating from their culture, which they can contribute to enhance the teaching of EFAL to Grade 4 learners. Thus, SITS are amenable to the application of various teaching approaches relating to the diverse backgrounds of the stakeholders involved. SITS consider the learning needs of learners from different backgrounds, as well as their learning styles and capabilities (Armstrong 2011:52). Furthermore, SITS are sensitive to the prevalence and abuse of power. By adopting the values of mutual respect and care (Malebese 2016:82), they insistently work to level differential ideological and power realities and accommodate diversity.
In this way, SITS have the potential to facilitate the creation of sustainable learning environments in which learners feel equally valued and in which their reading and writing skills are improved. In this way they are given hope that they could access quality education as envisioned by policy and public mandates (Devereaux 2013:1). Thus, SITS promote social cohesion (Department of Education 2005:98; Faulker 2011:19). They encourage learners and teachers to talk to one another about real-life situations, and position language to serve the purpose of communicating real ideas and solutions to real-life problems (Mahlomaholo 2013:2). In this sense, the aim of SITS is to create a classroom environment that can include all learners, and allow them to voice their views freely (Shepherd 2012:1; Woolfolk 2007:47). Shepherd (2012:1) maintains that knowledge is conveyed and accomplished through collaborative work. Therefore, providing access to resources and services will provide additional support to school staff, learners and learners' families, and will contribute to the development and implementation of healthy school initiatives (Das & Kattumuri 2011:4; Desforges & Abouchaar 2003:78; Eggen & Kauchak 2008:331; Pedretti & Nazir 2011:4).
Social inclusive teaching strategies help us to pursue our in-depth understanding of the actual teaching practices of EFAL in the context of the learners' experiences and backgrounds. They also assist in interrogating EFAL reading material with a view to integrate the community's wealth of cultural participants (Yosso 2005). These issues influenced the design significantly.
Design
This article relates to a need for an in-depth understanding of the teaching of reading in the second language, namely EFAL, of learners who encounter second language for the first time (Grade 4) as LoTL. The uniqueness of this case lies inter alia in the following: a one teacher school, situated on a privately owned property (farm) where community members have little or no role to play in support of the teaching of reading in particular. This case was complex and thus warranted the involvement of other stakeholders and community members for comprehension. It (case) needed to be deconstructed in order to reconstruct alternative views and understanding relating to the teaching of reading in EFAL (Thomson, Hall & Jones 2013).
Thus, the authors worked as a team, comprising four members, in order to share the load while learning from experiences to enhance the teaching of reading in EFAL. The authors participated in the study because they felt obliged to find ways to improve the teaching of reading in EFAL in Grade 4 (Kemmis & McTaggart 2007). This was done without disturbing or causing conflict with the study's basic interests and commitments. Participation in the study and the team was open to other participants depending on their interests and the contribution they could make (Burnes & Cooke 2013:411). The efforts and activities were coordinated by the study coordinator (the first author hereto). The other two members were unemployed youth who served as teacher's aides. They had both passed Grade 12 the year before this study was undertaken. The key role of the teacher's aides was to help the teacher with teaching learners to read in EFAL, in line with the aim of this study. The EFAL teacher was the fourth member and was responsible for all the classroom activities.
Ethical considerations were central to the establishment of the team (Henning, Van Rensburg & Smith., 2004). The participants were informed about permission sought from and given by the university and the school. The participants' consent and learners' assent were also requested. Prospective participants' rights to confidentiality and withdrawal from the project were also explained so that participants could make informed decisions.
Data generation
The authors used the principles of free attitude interview (FAI) as the technique to generate data (Meulenberg-Buskens 1996). This technique enabled them to interview the two main sources of data pertaining to the main question. The two data sets were the depth of Grade 4 reading material that engendered reading in EFAL as well as the teachers' related teaching practices and strategies for teaching reading in EFAL. The interviews entailed robust engagement through questioning, clarity seeking and follow-up questions that culminated in summaries of information pertaining to the data set under consideration. The summarised versions of these specific issues served as data, because they essentially represented team members' consensus. The person who summarised each aspect would, for instance, solicit confirmation of statements from others by asking, 'do we agree that …' or 'so, what are we saying? … are we saying that …' Where necessary, further confirmation was derived during the iterative and inter-subjective reflection sessions. The transcripts of the voice-recorded engagements further eased ratification of the data.
The initial questions and/or thought-provoking statements were based on the following:
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The (contextual) specific realities/issues relating to learners' EFAL readers (reading material). A question that was asked is: 'in what ways do learners' EFAL readers ease and promote the teaching of reading in EFAL?' The team first ensured that everyone understood the question and/or the statement well before providing responses. This was achieved by giving examples, alternative statements and/or rephrasing questions.
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Actual teaching of reading in EFAL experiences and practices. In the same way as with the first source of data, data were generated through robust questioning of the actual teaching. The team sought to establish the extent to which the usual teaching of reading in EFAL contributed towards learners' difficulties of reading in EFAL. To this extent, the following question was asked: 'how does the "usual" teaching of EFAL contribute to the learners' reading difficulties?'
Van Dijk's critical discourse analysis was used to analyse the data in order to make sense of the discourses (Van Dijk 2009:256). The discourses were traced from textual, through cognitive, to social structural levels (Van Dijk 2003:256). These levels of analysis are consistent with the analytical, interpretive and educative stages of critical emancipatory research that helped conceptualise SITS (Chomsky & Foucault 2006:17; Kincheloe & Steinberg 1998; Mahlomaholo 2013). By applying critical discourse analysis, the constructs and priorities pertaining to each of the two sources of data (data sets) were unearthed.
Analysis and discussion of findings
The data analysed below were generated during the iterative, reflective and participatory action research-oriented engagements.
Reading workbooks
Stories in the Grade 4 EFAL readers that promote the enhancement of teaching reading in EFAL consider that Grade 4 learners encounter EFAL as a subject and LoTL for the first time (Ehri 2005; Feiman-Nemser 2001; Gentry 2010; Nel & Müller 2010). This means that their immediate background and socio-cultural experiences dominate their knowledge base more than the remote and foreign environments. Thus, the organisation, content and its sequencing in the story are consistent with this principle. Stories are organised and content sequenced progressively 'from the known to the unknown' and from 'the concrete to the complex' (Christie, Enz & Vukelich 2011; Jarman et al. 2012). The identification of letters and sounds in isolation and in words, the ability to spell and pronounce words correctly and fluently, as well as the understanding of the meaning[s] of words are basic to teaching reading.
Stories that encourage the teaching of reading provide brief and clear headings that guide the readers' anticipation of the text. Following the heading is the pictorial depiction of the story to cater for visual learners' learning style and to provide detailed information about the story. Another aspect of these kinds of stories is the identification of important words that appear in the story. These words serve to build and enrich learners' vocabulary. They motivate learning how to spell words correctly and pronounce them fluently. In addition to fully understand the meaning of words, one has to associate and integrate them with, and in, one's prior knowledge and experiences of similar meanings from one's background and home language. In so doing, the relevance and meaningfulness of the words are realised.
The authors traced the progression discussed immediately above from the stories in the Grade 4 learners' readers. They focussed on the three learners' readers (reading materials) that were available at the school at the time of this study. The stories in the learners' readers appeared to be limited with regard to progressive organisation of content and sequencing as shown in Figures 1 and 2.
The story in Figure 1 was from a reader that is not prescribed for Grade 4. It was mainly used by the teacher's aides during afternoon classes to help learners who were found to be slow in reading. The prescribed readers were only used during normal school hours and learners were not allowed to take them home. This may have denied learners opportunities to learn how to read from relatively better-organised and meaningful content. Figure 2 contains a story from the second reader and seems to be similar to the one in Figure 1 in many respects.
The stories depicted in the figures above are arguably logical and understandable. There are, however, the following discrepancies that formed the basis of the engagement. Even though the first story's title is not depicted on the figure, it appears on the page before. The pictures in Figure 1 seem to follow the story sequentially, from the time when the 'hen' meets her friends to ask for help to the point when she does the work alone after her friends had turned down her request. However, the same could not be said about the sequence of the picture in the second story. The hippo is seeing and watching the crabs having fun, the two birds are said to love each other, and even the turtle is having fun with her two friends on her back. The animals and birds referred to are not shown in the picture in the sequence given in the text. The team considered this matter and agreed that the inclusion of the respective pictures in the sequence given in the text would have eased the teaching and the learners' ability to identify and associate the words (Bouma & Bouwhuis 1979), such as crabs, birds and turtles, with the respective animals. Instead, the picture in Figure 2 shows a hippo and an elephant in the water (river). This story seems to have taken for granted that learners already knew the hippo and the elephant from their previous experiences.
The team contested this notion in light of the learners' rural farm background where there were no such animals. A further contestation was brought about by the lack of clarity whether the elephant was the friend that the hippo was missing, especially seeing that the elephant seemed to be visiting the hippo in the water. Another view was that the elephant was only crossing the river and the hippo asked the elephant whether he or she has not seen the hippo's friend. These and other considerations were also apparent among the learners. During the teaching of reading using this story, learners contested and aired their views, but in their home language, raising their scepticisms about the friendship between the elephant and the hippo. For instance, the four Grade 4 learners, namely Pelaelo, Hlokomelang, Thuso and Kgothatso, conversed about possible information they perceived to be presented by the picture (Figure 2) as follows (Learners conversed in their home language. The translated versions are given):
'… there is no way an elephant can be a friend to a hippo.' (Pelaelo, Grade 4 learner, age 10)
'… animals … cannot feel lonely …' (Hlokomelang, Grade 4 learner, age 11)
… animals are always together, like doves always in two or three …' (Thuso, Grade 4 learner, age 10)
'… doves do not fly together with other birds … they (doves) do not stay with other birds in their nests …' (Kgothatso, Grade 4 learner, age 10)
The conversation above formed part of the many sessions of reflection by the team. Team members noted the following issues from the learners' conversation: that learners related the story about the hippo and elephant they did not know with those of the animals they knew, as if the hippo and the elephant would behave in the same way as other animals do. This is evident from Kgothatso's considerations that suggested that only birds (animals) of the same species flock together. Hlokomelang's view seems to disregard the view that animals have 'feelings' like human beings. The question to the team was if 'birds of the same feather that flock together' do so because they have feelings? What are instincts? Our conversations evolved in complexity and we also ended up confused. It was at such junctures of confusion that the study leader enquired from us: 'what more about the confusion we subject our learners to, is this not supposed to be a simple story that helps learners to read fluently and with understanding?', she asked.
Instead of responding to the study leader's question, the first teacher's aide, Thusang, added in frustration that 'the pictures in both stories mystify reality because animals and birds cannot speak a human language (EFAL) and do not dress in human clothes' as the picture suggests. The second teacher's aide, Tshediso, also added that the 'learners' backgrounds are inadequately depicted in the pictures'. He suggested that it would have been helpful if instead of animals, the stories highlighted the plight and experiences of learners and their friendships. Upon further engagement, we realised that the items indicated above have the potential to promote and ease reading in that they render reading systematic and structured in ways that are consistent with the basic principle of teaching and learning, namely, teaching from concrete to abstract, from the known to the unknown (Jarman et al. 2012). Thus, the absence of these priorities or issues seems to contribute towards learners' inability to read fluently and with understanding. This absence is arguably an indication of exclusion and disrespect of learners' backgrounds, experiences and mystification of reality, which in turn render reading irrelevant and meaningless.
The authors subsequently agreed that some stories may actually contribute towards rendering the teaching of reading meaningless and as such adding to the production of underprepared Grade 4 learners. They further agreed that it was unfair and unjust and had the potential to deny learners from schools in rural settings the right to equitable access to quality learning through teaching of reading in EFAL.
Analysing the teaching of reading
It was imperative to observe how teaching to read progressed from the recognition of letters in words (spelling) to pronunciation and meanings of words in the learners' context (i.e. backgrounds, experiences and home language) (Greer & Erickson 2018; Stanley, Petscher & Catts 2018). This had epistemological imperatives on effective teaching of reading in EFAL to Grade 4 learners. For this purpose, the EFAL teacher conducted her normal reading lesson while the other members of the team observed her. The following ensued after all the learners had taken and opened their reading workbooks to the pages as instructed by the teacher:
'Nthabeleng, read the first three lines … ' (Teacher, female)
Nthabeleng was supposed to read the following lines:
Now who do you think should come visiting, but the friends the Cat, the Rat and the Dog.
Nthabeleng: (read with difficulty while she apparently struggled to recognise letters and words, as she read some in her home language)
'No-w w-ho do yo-u thi-nk sho-u-l-d co-me vi-si-ti-ng bu-t the f-rie-n-d-s the c-a-t bu-t the Ra-t a-nd the Do-g.' (Nthabeleng, Grade 4 learner, female)
Teacher: '… (with deep voice and a bored facial expression)
'Ok, Nthabeleng thank you. Next, Seutloadi read …!' (Teacher, female)
(before Nthabeleng could even finish reading her three lines)
Seutloali: He read in the same manner as Nthabeleng. He read the lines:
'Will you help me cut my corn?' asked the little red hen …' (Seutloali, Grade 4 learner, male)
and he read as follows, as though reading letters separately in his home language:
'will y-o-u he-l-p me c-u-t m-y c-o-r-n as-ked the lit-tle red hen …' (Seutloali, Grade 4 learner, male)
The data above suggest that Nthabeleng and later Seutloali read with difficulty and took a long time to complete their reading to the satisfaction of the teacher. This explains why the teacher did not allow them to read all their allocated sentences. This was apparent from the teacher's non-verbal communication of a 'deep voice' and 'bored facial expression'. What was also of concern was the reading of English words in Sesotho (the learners' home language). For instance, the word 'little', read in two sounds, 'lit' and 'tle', both of which were meaningless in both Sesotho and English, seemed to have negatively influenced the learners' understanding of the word 'little'.
It became evident that the learners were not familiar with the language as they pronounced letters in their home language. The '-' sign between letters indicates how they broke the word into letters (vowels and consonants) in a manner that was consistent with how it would be used in their home language. Albeit from the fact that the teacher did not help the learners as they struggled to spell the words correctly, it became apparent that it was important to consider teaching word recognition, meaning and pronunciation before proceeding with the reading of the sentences.
Good readers recognise words by identifying the component letters, while for fluent readers this is not a conscious process. The converse applies for writing: to form words, writers need to be able to turn the sounds they wish to convey into letters (Stanley et al. 2018). This was necessitated by the observations and findings of the second activity where learners were asked to identify the following words from the flash cards that were pasted on the board:
Cat, cut, rat, red, said, set, sad, rain, but, bat, bed, grain, tired, ripe
All six Grade 4 learners identified cat for cut, red for rat, set for said and bat for but. The reason for these choices seemed to have been influenced by their home language (Sesotho). The 'u' in cut is pronounced with an 'a' sound; similarly, the 'aid' sound in said sounds like the 'e' sound in set or at best closer to the 'a' sound in the word sad. This convinced the participants that the influence of home language on the learning and therefore teaching of reading in EFAL was inescapable. It, therefore, became paramount that the teaching of second additional language (EFAL) should take cognisance (Abongdia & Mpiti 2015) of the possible effect of the home language. Furthermore, this meant that the teacher should consider the teaching of home language sympathetically, as she teaches grades 1-3 since the school is in a rural setting where multigrade teaching is the norm.
Post-class reflection
The team reflected on the reading lesson to determine from the teacher (lesson presenter) what she thought progressed well or not so well, and how to address the areas of weakness. In the same manner, the other members responded to the three issues as per their respective observations. For purposes of this argument, the team focussed on the issue of the lesson plan and its implementation, as it appeared to be a dominant concern for the team. In her response to how she had planned to teach learners on that particular day, the teacher responded:
'… there is no way I can have a lesson plan for teaching reading, writing and language …' (Teacher, female)
The team sought to understand the reason why that was the case, and she added:
'… the work is just too much from Grade 1 to 6, for six subjects … impossible …' (Teacher, female)
That the teacher has much work and as a result does not plan her lessons was cause for concern for the team. This was in view of the positive influence that a good lesson plan has on teaching. The team agreed that by implementing a good lesson plan(s), learners' actual learning can be tracked; inadequacies can also be traced and appropriately responded to. For instance, clear objectives, which inform the choice and use of learning support materials and resources, compel the teacher to ensure their use and the assessment of the extent to which the objectives are achieved (DBE 2011). This seems to explain why the teacher did not use the resources available and did not intervene in order to provide the necessary support. She did not have a plan. A serious concern was the apparent deprivation of learners' opportunities to learn how to read. Furthermore, the absence of a lesson plan in a multigrade class of a one-teacher school, where there was 'no way …' the only teacher 'can have a lesson plan …' was a serious concern for the team. They viewed the act as unfortunate and socially unjust, as it had the capacity to render the school an institution where learning was not important. The team found that written lesson plans were fundamental, especially under the circumstances outlined above. It has the potential to transform the teaching of reading, especially if learners' backgrounds, experiences and culture inform their learning.
Conclusion
The findings that are presented with the analysis of data above demonstrate and justify the suitability of SITS where the teaching of reading, EFAL in this case, is to be enhanced. SITS proved to have an impact where there are limitations or challenges with respect to the following:
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Teacher support: in this case, teaching of reading to ease the workload of the only teacher at the school, who had administrative, management and leadership roles while focussing on attainment of actual teaching and learning outcomes.
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Learning needs: the transition from home language to second language, in this case from Sesotho to EFAL, offers opportune moments for the application of SITS. The inclusion of learners' backgrounds and experiences, coupled with the involvement of parents and youth from the community in the process of enhancing learning environments through SITS, is phenomenal.
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Learning and teaching support material (LTSM): the transition from home language to second language also tends to lean towards the development and production of LTSM that lean towards urban environments. The need to develop LTSMs that are relevant and meaningful by reflecting indigenous knowledge systems embedded in the rural and farm settings, and which demystify reality, is inevitable.
Recommendations
The team members tried out the following recommendations in the area of the study and presented them on the basis that they were realisable (are implementable). They recommend:
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Team work for the teaching of reading in the second additional language (EFAL) to multigrade classes, in particular in one-teacher schools in rural settings. The team should comprise parents, members of community development organisations and other people with vested interests in combating potentially socially unjust acts of depriving learners an opportunity to learn. The roles of members should be jointly determined and be aligned to their interests and other responsibilities as far as practicable. Team members should be involved from the conception of the reading project, through the development of the project plan, the implementation, and the reflective engagements that seek to improve immanent shortcomings that manifest throughout the process.
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The team should conduct a situational analysis as their first activity. The purpose should be to determine the strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats (SWOT) that are inherent in the area of the project (i.e. EFAL reading project). The political, economic, research and technological (PERT) aspects of the situation, whether internal or external to the project, should be kept in mind. This analysis process should help the team to develop a plan according to which the teaching of reading in EFAL is conducted. Among the items to be subjected to this rigorous process are the reading material, the actual teaching process and the post-lesson presentation reflections. For each of these items, the team should be clear about the criteria which should consistently explain the execution of the plan. It is also imperative to be aware that the criteria must be open to critique for purposes of further enhancement.
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Developing enhancing measures and mechanisms for teaching reading by the team. Among these mechanisms the following are instructive:
■ Planning the lesson together (as a team) and making decisions about, among others, the structure of the lesson plan, critical items that are to be included in the lesson plan, resources and methods of teaching, the learners' activities, as well as the roles of the team members during actual teaching of reading.
■ Collaborative decision-making with respect to consensus on inter alia, who to present the lesson and the roles of the other participants during the actual delivery of the lesson plan.
■ Development of learning support material that is relevant to rural backgrounds and consistent with learners' experiences and cultural backgrounds. These issues need to be sensitive not to mystify reality to the extent of influencing learning negatively.
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank my supervisor for his undivided attention and the institution for creating a conducive research environment and for funding my research work.
Competing interests
The authors declare that they have no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced them in writing this article.
Authors' contributions
M.L.M. contributed to the formulation of the article, retrieved from her PhD study of which S.M. was her PhD study leader; therefore, M.L.M. felt she has to acknowledge her promoter. M.F.T. became M.L.M.'s supervisor while holding a postdoctoral fellowship position, and his contribution was to help in addressing the second round reviewer's comments. Together with M.L.M., M.F.T. restructured the article according to the reviewer's suggestions.
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Correspondence:
Mots'elisi Malebese
motsilisimalebese@yahoo.com
Received: 28 Oct. 2016
Accepted: 01 Sept. 2018
Published: 25 Apr. 2019
ORIGINAL RESEARCH
How a professional development programme changes early grades teachers' literacy pedagogy
Faith K. Kimathi; Carol A. Bertram
School of Education, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, South Africa
ABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: Research on teacher professional learning which supports teaching of reading and writing at the foundation phase (FP) is limited in developing countries, including South Africa
AIM: This article examines the ways in which three Foundation Phase teachers changed their practice during 18 months of learning from a formal university programme, the Advanced Certificate in Teaching (ACT).
SETTING: The ACT was offered by the University of KwaZulu-Natal in South Africa.
METHODS: The principles of teaching English as a First Additional Language (EFAL) were used as an instrument for describing change in practice. Using nine principles of teaching EFAL, derived from the ACT literacy learning guide as indicators, six video-recorded lessons (per teacher) were analysed and corroborated with interviews and field notes.
RESULTS: The findings indicate a shift in teachers' practice in diverse ways. Two of the three teachers completed the programme having developed a deeper understanding of the natural approaches of acquiring EFAL according to Krashen's model. However, the third teacher did not change her practice.
CONCLUSION: We argue that the findings support the research claim that teacher learning is influenced not only by the nature of the professional development activity but also by teachers' personal motivation to learn, and the school context in which they teach.
Keywords: teacher learning; literacy practice; teacher change; foundation phase; South Africa.
Introduction
This article focuses on the impacts of professional learning of three selected foundation phase (FP) teachers who had enrolled on the Advanced Certificate in Teaching (ACT) programme in 2014/2015. The ACT programme was offered part-time to practicing FP teachers by the School of Education, University of KwaZulu-Natal, and 173 teachers were enrolled in 2014/2015. This article explores how the ACT programme influenced the teachers' classroom practices in teaching English as a First Additional Language (EFAL). Studies on how formal professional development (PD) impacts teachers' literacy knowledge for teaching reading and writing at the elementary level (FP in South Africa) is extensive in Australia and the United States (Carlisle, Cortina & Katz 2011; Piasta et al. 2009). However, there is limited research in this field in South Africa and other developing countries (Brown, Wilmot & Ash 2015; Meyer & Abel 2015).
The issue of what teachers learn from PD programmes is not only a research concern but also a growing national concern as it impacts on the quality of the schooling system in South Africa. A great deal of state funds has been spent on upgrading teacher qualifications and increasing the PD activities for the teachers in the last three decades. However, findings on learner achievement indicate that PD seems to have little or no impact on learner achievement (Meyer & Abel 2015; Murris & Verbeek 2014; Taylor & Taylor 2013). This may be because learning from formal PD programmes does not meaningfully contribute to the teachers' knowledge base, competences and/or practice (Green et al. 2011; Verbeek 2014). However, apart from classroom-based factors such as a weak knowledge base, the teachers' failure to organise effective practices (Hoadley 2013) and the sudden change to English as a medium of instruction in Grade 4 (Hoadley 2012; Prinsloo et al. 2015), there are other factors that contribute to the existing poor performance in schools, such as socio-economic issues like unemployment, poverty and malnutrition (Fleisch 2008) and the education legacy left by the apartheid regime (Spaull & Hoadley 2017).
To describe the relationship that might exist between teacher learning from the ACT programme and change in teacher practice, this study explored how three Grade 2 teachers' learning from the ACT programme impacted on their practice of teaching EFAL. This study illuminates how three teachers' practice changed over 18 months, from when they enrolled on the programme in January 2014 to when they completed it in November 2015. Data from the video-recorded lessons corroborated with interviews and field notes which were analysed for insights. The implications of the findings contribute to our knowledge about PD for practicing teachers and how it impacts on the classroom practices at the FP (Grade R-3).
Advanced Certificate in Teaching programme
Since 2000, the Advanced Certificate in Education (ACE) and now the ACT programme has been offered to teachers who have a National Professional Diploma in Education (NPDE), as a way of deepening their knowledge base on the subjects they already teach, or to teachers who are specialising in a new content area or phase. This programme was perceived by the Department of Basic Education (DBE) as an opportunity for the teachers to improve their competences in teaching mathematics and literacy and obtain a higher qualification.
The ACT programme offered by the University of KwaZulu-Natal (UKZN) School of Education consisted of eight modules with 16 credits per module. Each of the modules had a learning guide and student guide with a reading pack for self-study. The learning guide provided the content and learning activities. The student guide contained the structure of the programme and outlined the assessment requirements. These modules were systematically delivered over 2 years through mixed mode delivery, which included face-to-face teaching sessions on Saturdays and during school holidays, interactive materials and classroom-based assignments (Verbeek 2013). In semester 1, the students covered two modules: Module 1 was based on conceptual knowledge about child development; Module 2 was entitled Teaching and learning at the FP. Module 3 focused on mathematics content, whereas Module 4 related to teaching reading and writing in a home language (HL) in semester 2 in the first year of their study. Mathematics education in the foundation phase 1 is the title of Module 5 together with Module 6, and Teaching EFAL is covered in semester 1 of the second year. In semester 2, the students study Module 7 Creative play in the FP and Module 8 Professional practice in the FP.
The main object of the programme was to deepen the teachers' content knowledge in mathematics and literacy and offer practical knowledge and skills for teaching at the early phase. The programme encouraged teachers' active contributions during the professional learning process, with the assumption that teachers would develop understanding of shifts in the FP curriculum and make use of frameworks of critical reasoning approaches to transform teaching and learning in their context (Hill & Khuboni 2013). However, there has not been a great deal of systematic research to track the kind of literacy knowledge teachers' gain from formal PD programmes and their influence on practice (Brown et al. 2015; Meyer & Abel 2015; van der Merwe & Nel 2012). This article aims to contribute to this field.
What does research say about teaching literacy at the foundation phase?
Classroom practices during apartheid tended to emphasise technical decoding skills where teachers used oral and drilling discourses in the teaching of reading at the FP. Learners were able to decode text within simple English words, but did not understand what they were reading, mostly among the disadvantaged school contexts (Spaull & Hoadley 2017). These dispositions were inherited in the post-apartheid era and are reflected in the current predominant literacy pedagogies. The first school curriculum in 1997 also did not provide a clear sequence for teaching phonics, reading and writing. Thus, many of the poorly trained FP teachers struggled not only with how to teach but also the implementation of Curriculum 2005. It is also well documented that many of the EFAL teachers in South African schools have limited English proficiency and have not been adequately trained in EFAL teaching methodologies (Green et al. 2011).
South African researchers have investigated the causes of continued poor performance in literacy and mathematics at the FP especially in the disadvantaged areas. According to the pre-PIRLS study of 2011, 58% of learners in South Africa cannot read fluently or decode texts in either their HL or First Additional Language (FAL) by the end of Grade 4 (Spaull & Hoadley 2017). Hoadley has conducted extensive literature reviews on the state of teaching and learning in the FP (Hoadley 2012, 2017; Spaull & Hoadley 2017). These reviews consistently reveal 'communalised pedagogy that are largely oral, and that worked below grade level' (Hoadley 2016:16). The reviews correlate with the National Education Evaluation and Development Unit (NEEDU) reports and other studies (Prinsloo et al. 2015). All classroom-based studies present similar prevalent literacy pedagogies which include rote learning that denies learners' opportunities to participate during the lesson, ineffective use of repetition and grouping approaches, and the use of everyday knowledge with limited focus on conceptual understanding. Reading lessons consist of chorus chants with limited individual reading. Learners have few opportunities to engage with writing and vocabulary activities. The focus on reading has been on isolated words, rather than reading connected text not to mention the struggle most learners must endure when learning EFAL which is not their HL. According to the inter-province research study, most of the FP practices in the Gauteng and Limpopo provinces portrayed safe-talk tendencies. 'This means that both teachers and learners find comfort in keeping within the known content' (Prinsloo et al. 2015:XV). Such interactions would be interpreted as forms of inadequate teaching which lead to minimum learning opportunities.
However, Hoadley in one of the studies offers exemplars of what she calls 'good to moderate' classroom practices where higher levels of individualised learning are commonly characterised by 'ability grouping and a decrease in the collective chanting'. In some cases, 'teachers listen to individual learners reading, give more work at grade level [and] a greater proportion of text-based activity in classrooms and time on task had increased' (Hoadley 2017:16). She attributed these shifts to both the Foundations for Learning initiative and the Curriculum and Assessment Policy Statement (CAPS) which provides a clear structure for teachers to follow.
Principles of First Additional Language supported by the school curriculum and Advanced Certificate in Teaching programme
The current South African school curriculum, CAPS, explicitly adopts the notion of teaching four main content areas of literacy at the FP (Department of Basic Education 2011), namely: listening and speaking, reading and phonics; writing and handwriting in accordance with the emergent literacy. The conceptual knowledge about these core learning areas is privileged in the ACT-intended curriculum although the modules seem to engage more on the practical aspects of teaching (Christiansen, Bertram & Mukeredzi 2018; Kimathi 2017). Thus, the ACT programme seems to promote diverse strategies of teaching the research-based components that are reinforced by the emergent literacy paradigm.
The current school curriculum employs additive bilingualism as a language acquisition approach to enhance multilingualism principles. In support of the approach, ACT Module 6 argues that children come to school with pre-literate behaviour which they acquire through interaction with older children, adults and everyday social routines which help them to develop necessary pre-literate knowledge, skills and attitudes. Therefore, children's literacy development should be nurtured formally in school using the HL of the learners and gradually introduce the additional language(s). The assumption here is that learners can automatically and progressively transfer many literacy skills from their HL literacy knowledge to learn EFAL and later use these languages for future learning. To nurture the children's literacy development process, the ACT modules emphasise the importance of networking with parents and teachers to find diverse ways to link children's knowledge from home with the school knowledge or literacy activities in school.
The school curriculum and ACT modules support the teaching of five components of reading, namely: phonemic awareness, phonics, fluency, vocabulary and comprehension (DBE 2011). However, the modules do not explicitly teach theoretical aspects on the components of reading. According to CAPS, specific times are set every day for reading and writing at the FP where learners are actively engaged with the content and subsequently writing activities as stipulated for each grade. The CAPS writing requirements to enable progressive literacy development among the young learners are: Grade 1 - writing short sentences, Grade 2 - writing paragraphs and Grade 3 - extended passages (DBE 2011). At Grade 2, the curriculum recommends that learners engage with writing activities four times a week, including one extended piece of writing (NEEDU 2013). However, teachers with inadequate knowledge may not be able to teach reading and writing to the standards set by the school curriculum. The challenge is even greater where the teachers have large classes with learners of mixed abilities, limited resources and support (Ebrahim, Verbeek & Mashiya 2011; Hoadley 2016).
The ACT literacy modules encourage teachers to use both a formal approach and meaningful teaching activities such as rigorous simple spoken English and reading stories to enhance learners' EFAL competence. Teaching grammatically correct sentences and correct language use is viewed as key to effecting EFAL teaching. Similarly, CAPS support integration of the traditional approaches and Krashen's natural approach to acquisition of EFAL. According to the natural approach, it is not necessary to teach language structures or strict grammar rules to the learners of EFAL at FP. Learners of EFAL might learn sufficiently to do a once-off exercise correctly, but they may not be able to retrieve it from their working memory (Krashen 2009).
Reading-teaching theory privileged in CAPS includes: phonics, whole language and balanced approaches together with specified reading strategies such as shared reading (including shared writing); group-guided reading and paired or independent reading to support the literacy development (DBE 2011).
The ACT literacy curriculum supports these reading techniques and encourages teachers to be aware of the past as well as the current debates. Teachers need to explore three approaches, because some learners do well with direct instruction of phonics elements, while others progress better when a teacher takes the 'whole words' approach in a natural setting and break them into syllables and phonemes (Hill & Khuboni 2013). The balanced approach tries to reconcile the whole language and synthetic phonics approaches to early reading and writing. Although the module supports the phonics-based and whole language approaches in teaching how to read, more emphasis is put on balanced approaches. However, according to several studies, many FP teachers have not been adequately trained to use these approaches (Murris & Verbeek 2014). Overall, the ACT programme's literacy content supports the principles in the school curriculum, namely emergent literacy, language acquisition approaches, reading components, reading approaches and strategies.
The methodology of the study
The research approach is a case study of professional learning from the ACT programme and how the process contributes to practice changes. The qualitative case study researchers' focal objective is to generate rich, in-depth descriptions and analysis, which is only feasible with a small sample (Bassey 1999; Yin 2009). Thus, convenience and purposive sampling were used to select three Grade 2 teachers from the large group of FP teachers who had enrolled on the ACT programme in the 2014/2015 course period. Data were generated in three phases, namely at the beginning, middle and end of the 2-year ACT programme. Data were generated from selected EFAL video-recorded lessons corroborated with field notes. Six lessons were observed per teacher over the period of 18 months and were analysed using the nine principles of teaching FAL derived from the ACT Module 6 Learning Guide: Teaching English as an additional language in the FP.
Three black African female teachers participated in this study. Anne and Lisa completed their Matric in the 1990s. All three studied the NPDE qualification on a part-time basis at UKZN. Anne was in her late 40s with 15 years of experience as an FP teacher. She taught Grade R for 13 years and from 2013 has taught Grade 2. Anne had 44 learners in her class in 2014 and 36 in 2015. Anne claimed to have attended two PD workshops about teaching literacy in 2011-2013. Her school (school 1) is an urban school with moderate resources and facilities within a low-income residential area, located approximately 8 km from the Pietermaritzburg Central Business District (CBD), in the uMgungundlovu municipality. This is a quintile 4 school and parents pay fees of R1200.The language of learning and teaching (LoLT) in school 1 is English although almost all of the learners speak isiZulu as their HL.
Lisa was in her mid-forties teaching in a township school with 13 years of experience as an FP teacher in school 2. Lisa started as a Grade 3 teacher and taught at this level for 10 years before joining Grade 2. Her class (in 2015) has 44 learners and the previous year (2014), there were 42 learners. After completing the NPDE, Lisa enrolled and completed the ACE Life Orientation certificate with the University of South Africa in 2010. Lisa claimed to have attended several training workshops (more than five times) about teaching literacy in 2011-2013. School 2 is a quintile 3 township school with adequate resources, 65 km from Pietermaritzburg. Parents pay R100.00 in fees annually and are encouraged to pack a snack for their children.
Jane is in her mid-fifties and has taught many grades within her long period of teaching. She seemed uncomfortable talking about her qualifications and schooling. Jane claimed to have attended one training workshop about teaching literacy in 2011. Her current 2015 Grade 2 class has 52 learners and 54 learners in the previous year, 2014. School 3 is a rural junior primary school (Grade R-3), 105 km away from Pietermaritzburg. Learners do not pay school fees and heavily depend on the school feeding programme for their daily meals. It is categorised as quintile 2. The LoLT in schools 2 and 3 is isiZulu.
Classroom data analysis using principles of teaching English as a First Additional Language
The main goal of this study was to establish what the three teachers learnt about teaching EFAL from the ACT programme and how this learning impacted on their practice. Observed lessons were analysed to explore any kind of shift in their classroom practices. To measure these changes, a set of principles of teaching FAL espoused in Module 6 was adopted and generated a set of concepts and indicators to describe teacher's change in practice.
The principles of teaching FAL formed an appropriate lens for several reasons. Firstly, the principles are specifically endorsed in three modules: Module 4 (teaching, reading and writing in HL), Module 6 (teaching EFAL) and Module 7 (creative play in the FP) as theories and conceptual knowledge which teachers should acquire from the ACT programme to enable effective teaching of literacy. Secondly, these principles of teaching EFAL are also endorsed by CAPS to enhance literacy teaching at the FP. Thirdly, English is offered as FAL in the three schools and used as LoLT in one of the schools. Lastly, these principles are in line with the global emergent literacy principles and literature (Moats 2014; Piasta et al. 2009)
We summarised the major principles of teaching EFAL in Module 6 (pp. 1-24) and then created a set of indicators to look for in the classroom data. The five major FAL principles were elaborated into nine indicators or aspects of the principles numbered as 1A, 1B, 2A, 2B, 3A, 3B, 4A, 4B and 5.0 in column 2 of Table 1.
As a first step to analysis, I (first author) organised and generated a description of each of the 18 video transcripts (six video-recorded lessons × three teachers) organised into episodes. To analyse the video transcripts, the second step was to develop a set of criteria and indicators to 'speak' to the classroom data devised from the nine descriptions of the principles of teaching EFAL (see Table 1). A strong presentation of any of the aspects of teaching EFAL in the lesson was coded as 4, while a very weak presentation of the principle was coded as 1. The indicators of the aspects of the principles of teaching English as FAL were numbered from 1A to 5.0 in Table 1. An exemplar for the bilingualism principle numbered 1A and 1B is presented as a sample used in Table 2.
The third step of this analysis involved a careful reading of each episode of the 18 lesson descriptions several times, searching for statements which correlated with the principles of teaching EFAL (see Tables 1 and 2). For instance, using Table 2, a lesson episode was coded 1, 2, 3 or 4, for the principles of bilingualism (in both sub-categories coded as 1A and 1B). The sub-category of the principles of teaching EFAL was vital to increase the accuracy level, as much as possible. Lastly, tables (see Tables 3, 4 and 5) were created for each of the six lessons per teacher which present a rich summative description of the classroom data analysis, for each to illustrate how the teachers' literacy pedagogies changed within the 18 months of learning. This kind of analysis creates a rich, in-depth description of specific aspects of the classrooms where the teacher, learners, resources, tasks, incidences and the subject knowledge are clearly understood (Ensor & Hoadley 2004).
The findings of this study
The findings presented in this section illuminate the pedagogic changes for the three teachers. Detailed descriptions of the three teachers are offered under the methodology section. The findings reflect the analysis using the principles of teaching EFAL as offered in the ACT programme. Therefore, the article does not include an account of all principles of teaching EFAL or any other second language. This article does not allow for a detailed engagement of how these codes were arrived at; see Kimathi (2017) for a detailed analysis and findings. Firstly, we describe how Anne's pedagogic practices changed during her learning process in relation to the ACT-intended curriculum.
Findings on Teacher Anne's English as First Additional Language pedagogic practices in school 1
In February 2014, Anne enrolled for the ACT programme with the notion that the teachers' role in an ideal EFAL is to facilitate and monitor the progress of every learner, which is based on her experiences. Teaching in an urban school as described in the methodology section, Anne claimed that the teacher's core duty 'is to make sure the primary resources such as textbooks, chalk board and appropriate learning activities are available for a good lesson … and the learners must respect, listen and respond' (Anne, teacher, female) to instructions given. This personal belief was confirmed by the well-sequenced teacher-centred lessons which were observed on two consecutive days in February 2014.
Table 3 presents a summary of how Anne's classroom practices changed during the professional learning process from the ACT programme.
In Table 3 the first column shows the nine aspects derived from the principles of teaching EFAL with the columns L1 (Lesson 1) to L6 (Lesson 6) showing the codes of the observed lessons. According to the criteria used, the possible total score was 4 × 9 = 36 for a lesson, where a score of 36 was 'ideal' and a score of 9 was recognised as weak presentation of all criteria. Column L4 shows the EFAL lesson with the highest score, while 1A on Development of bilingualism represents the aspect which scored very low. Lastly, 5 on 'Print rich environment' shows that the criterion of print-rich environment scored highly in all the lessons.
Anne's practice at the beginning of the Advanced Certificate in Teaching programme (February 2014)
At the beginning of professional learning in 2014, the two lessons that were observed illuminated a moderate presentation in relation to receptivity to acquiring FAL, explicit use of natural approaches to acquiring FAL and provided moderate opportunities or strategies for children to build new vocabulary, supported meaningful reading, writing and a print-rich classroom environment. Thus, Anne was already teaching according to many of the principles of EFAL. She started both lessons in the same systematic manner: peer-guided reading (2 minutes) an ice breaking activity (2 min), followed guided 'Big book' reading, phonics, spelling, and lastly, the learners' activity or homework. When asked about this sequencing of the lessons during the last interview in October 2015, Anne replied, 'it is recommended [by CAPS] and I think it is a good one'. (Anne, teacher, female) She used isiZulu occasionally to explain confusing concepts to the learners. The learners were fluent in English and authentic communication in English was evidenced during the teachers' talks in all episodes. Occasionally, a few learners repeated guided reading or words depicting little comprehension significant of the story, verbs or prepositions. Children were free to talk and were praised occasionally but the teacher seemed disappointed with learners' misconceptions. Anne accurately and systematically read and explained each sentence before proceeding to the next. Individual errors were corrected in the whole class and the text was at the level of the learners. Reading from the big book, the teacher engaged the learners into a conversion through the questioning technique but did not make use of the displayed prints. She scored 2 in three aspects: the development of bilingualism (both lessons), strategies of developing listening and speaking skills (lesson 1) and opportunities or strategies used to develop meaningful writing (lesson 1). These three principles of FAL were not strongly present in her practice when she enrolled for the ACT programme.
During the Advanced Certificate in Teaching programme (August 2014)
During the professional learning process, the two video-recorded lessons in August 2014 show a slight shift in most of the FAL principles. Apart from developing bilingualism which remained weak (score of 2), all other areas of presentation were mainly at moderate and strong levels. The total score for lesson 3 was 26.5 for the nine principles coded, whereas lesson 4 presented the score of 32 in all the principles, as shown in Table 3. The teacher selected and sequenced the content in a systematic manner, focusing on the vocabulary and sentence constructions using adjectives. The learners were actively involved and happy as individuals answered the teacher's questions and pasted the correct adjective using the sight words. Most of the learners applied their prior knowledge with ease and engaged with the teacher during the different episodes. The majority of the learners completed copying sentences on time. The teacher encouraged them and was very patient with the slow learners and applauded every correct response. Generally, the exercise of identifying an adjective and constructing a sentence orally seemed easy for most of the learners.
At the end of the Advanced Certificate in Teaching programme (October 2015)
By October 2015, the teachers had covered the entire ACT-intended curriculum (eight modules). Lessons 5 and 6 show an insignificant change (score dropped by 5), in relation to the previous lesson observation in February 2014 and August 2015. However, moderate presentations of the FAL principles were observed, apart from the development of bilingualism and the strategies used to support meaningful reading and writing. There was a clear indication that Anne's practices made a slight shift in terms of using the resources displayed because she already had a large quantity of displays in almost every free space in the class. For example, learners who finished their activities were supposed to pick reading books from the reading corner, giving the teacher an opportunity to monitor the task, and mark or help the struggling learners. The teacher also made references to the posters or the learners' work that was distinctive from the classroom observations in February 2014. With regard to the development of bilingualism, this did not show any change over the 18 months. Anne did not use the code-switching technique during the first observation, nor did she do so at the end of the ACT programme. Anne's focus on developing English proficiency was at the expense of the learners' HL, isiZulu. This is attributed to the fact that the LoLT in school 1 is English, and thus, Anne's practice reflects the school policy, which was to emphasise the use of English at the expense of isiZulu, because English is the LoLT from Grade 1.
Findings on Lisa's English as First Additional Language pedagogic practices in school 2
Table 4 presents a summary of the findings on how Lisa's classroom practices changed during learning from the professional programme.
Table 4 shows that many of the principles started with a weak presentation in February 2014 and showed a change in practice by end of the programme with the most improved aspects at 1B, 2A and 2B. Lesson 5 (L5) presents the highest overall score of 33. Rows 3B on 'building vocabulary' and 4B on 'opportunities to support meaningful writing' highlight an unpredictable presentation of both principles across the six lessons. Lisa showed the most significant change in practice of the three teachers.
Lisa's practice at the beginning of the Advanced Certificate in Teaching programme (February 2014)
At the beginning of her professional learning on the ACT programme, Lisa started the observed lesson by writing the letter s and t on a mini board and explained how the two sounds combine to form a new sound st. She was fluent in English but used isiZulu language as LoLT. Learners wrote the sound s, t and st on their mini boards and flashed the boards up for the teacher. It seemed that the learners were familiar with the activity and the teacher praised the class for the well-done work. The teacher read the sentences on the chalkboard and focused on the phonic aspects which the learners repeated several times. The learners copied the sentences in their exercise books as the teachers monitored their work. The learners' interaction with the teacher and their peers was in isiZulu. Feedback in English was limited to the chanting of single words or answering low-order questions with a 'yes' or 'no'. Lisa did not give the children time to manipulate the words in a meaningful manner to establish patterns in the words nor did she use the written resources which were available in class. The two lessons provided limited writing for the learners. According to the EFAL principles, Lisa scored a moderate representation of 23 and 20 for two observed lessons for lessons with an average score of 2 in almost all the principles (Table 4). This means that most of the principles of EFAL were not strongly present in her practice when she enrolled for the ACT programme.
During the Advanced Certificate in Teaching programme (August 2014)
The observed lessons in August 2015 indicated a great shift of practices as she improved in all the principles. Lesson 3 was practical, and the teacher distributed mini boards, chalks, small dusters and a set of cards to each child. She introduced the lesson in English and repeated this in isiZulu to explicitly explain the phonics. Lisa engaged with the CAPS work-books during lesson 4 but in both cases at oral level which consisted of simple questions and chants of the words using the daily knowledge discourses. Lisa still scored a weak representation on two principles during lesson 4. She did not offer learners any opportunity to support writing and did not explicitly build vocabulary. According to CAPS, writing in EFAL should receive more focussed support at Grade 2, and learners are expected to write a simple set of instructions and a personal recount (DBE 2011).
At the end of the Advanced Certificate in Teaching programme (October 2015)
By October 2015, Lisa showed an impressive improvement in most of the EFAL practices. She scored highly, with strong and moderate representations in most of the principles (Table 4). Lesson 5 was different, and learners were settled down when Lisa surprisingly uncovered a self-drawn picture of a child playing at a local beach (Durban) mounted on the wooden stand. This created suspense and joy among the children. Lisa engaged the learners which stimulated a classroom conversation. The next episodes were more interactive with writing and drawing opportunities created using a more detailed and colourful poster about leisure activities of a typical coastal resort. The posters and displays in the classroom had gradually changed to a stronger print-rich environment from the previous observations. Learners were able to learn letter sounds and use phonic resources which were piled in the classroom during lesson 6. However, there were still minimum opportunities to engage learners with writing and print reading during this lesson.
These data suggest that Lisa presented practices of an FP teacher who acquired new knowledge and skills in most aspects from the ACT programme and was able to apply these skills in her classroom. This implies that during her enrolment on the ACT, Lisa changed her classroom practices according to some of the FAL principles.
Findings on Jane's English as First Additional Language pedagogies practice in School 3
Lastly, we present findings of Jane's six analysed EFAL lessons in Table 5:
Overall, Table 5 shows that there was very little change in Jane's practice over the 18 months. Jane's lesson 3 (L3) indicates the best lesson observed. The development of bilingualism (1A) shows an improvement across the 18 months. However, there was no improvement in the print-rich environment (5), nor in strategies to support meaningful writing and reading (4A and 4B).
Jane's practice at the beginning of the Advanced Certificate in Teaching programme (February 2014)
In the first lesson observed, Jane read a story and predominately used isiZulu to explain the English words and sentences. She seemed uncomfortable when speaking in English. Learners' interaction with the teacher and their peers was mostly in isiZulu. The teacher used simple questions, like 'what are you doing' most of the time and concentrated only on positive responses from a few active learners, whereas most learners seemed not to follow the lesson. Feedback in English was only a single-word answer or repeating what the teacher said. Choral reading and repeating sentences with little understanding or contextual application prevailed. The instructions given for the writing task were not explicit; thus, learners did not construct new sentences as the teacher expected. The dusty walls had a few old posters and charts from the DBE for isiZulu and English phonics, life orientation charts on hygiene and health, and numeracy charts on additions, subtraction and numbers. Learner's work books and a few textbooks were locked in a cupboard and only accessible to the teacher.
So, at the beginning of the professional learning with the ACT programme, Jane's lessons in relation to the nine FAL principles observed in February 2014 scored a total of 19 and 21 in the first and second lessons. The two lessons observed illuminate a weak presentation in almost all the principles of teaching English as FAL, with an exception of moderate presentation on formal approaches to learning FAL (both lessons), building vocabulary in FAL (lesson 2) and on opportunities or strategies offered to support reading and word study (lesson 2). This implies that prior to enrolling for the ACT programme, Jane's teaching practices were not in accordance with the principles of teaching FAL, as stipulated in Module 6. This correlates with a great deal of the South African empirical findings, which indicate that most of the FP teachers in the rural areas have limited teacher knowledge to enable efficient teaching of literacy and mathematics (Green et al. 2011).
During the Advanced Certificate in Teaching programme (August 2014)
After the first semester of the ACT, Jane's classroom practices observed in August 2015 present a similar pattern of weak presentations in relation to the FAL principles observed in February 2014. The marginal score was a weak presentation in almost all the principles and very weak in lesson 4 on the opportunities or strategies used to support meaningful writing, implying that there was no change of classroom practices even after learning on the ACT programme for one semester. Her total score was 23 (lesson 3) and 18 (lesson 4), as compared to 19 (lesson1) and 21 (lesson 2) in February 2014 when she started learning the programme.
At the end of the Advanced Certificate in Teaching programme (October 2015)
A similar representation was observed for Jane's scores at the end of the programme, with moderate presentation of most principles and a very weak score for opportunities offered to support meaningful writing. Opportunities and strategies to support reading and word study were also poorly presented in lesson 6 and, thus, coded as a very weak presentation. With regard to a print-rich classroom environment, there is a clear indication that this remained the same during the 18 months. She did not change or use prints on the class walls in an effort to promote a print-rich learning environment. Although she claimed to have improved the quality and quantities of the classroom display over time during the August 2015 interview session, poster and chart displays did not change. Overall, Jane seems to have made no significant changes in her classroom practices in relation to the nine principles of teaching FAL. She may have learnt some conceptual knowledge from the ACT programme, and may have understood the methodologies, but did not put them into practice during the 18 months.
Ethical considerations
The article originates from a broader study (PhD) from data which explored professional learning of three Grade 2 teachers and how they changed their EFAL lessons during the time of enrolment with the ACT programme at UKZN in South Africa. Data collected over 18 months consisted of six classroom observations or videos, interviews and field notes (in February 2014, August 2014, October 2015). Participants consented to participate in the research by signing a consent form and permission was granted by the KwaZulu-Natal Department of Basic Education (Ref 1/102/2014). The UKZN Higher Degrees and Ethics Committee awarded the ethical clearance (Ref. HSS/0098/014D).
Discussion of the findings
The overall findings show that by the end of the programme in October 2015, the three FP teachers, although they completed the same course, changed their classroom practices in different ways. When Anne and Lisa completed the programme, they seemed to have developed a deeper understanding of EFAL teaching strategies according to the nine principles of teaching FAL and a shift in their practice in this regard. However, Jane seems not to have engaged with the principles of FAL teaching by the end of the programme. This does not necessarily mean that Jane did not acquire any conceptual knowledge from the ACT programme but seemed unable to use it in her practice.
Anne was already practicing many of the EFAL principles when she enrolled in the ACT programme, and thus she displayed only a slight shift in practice. Anne was a self-motivated person with over 10 years' experience at school 1. Her school charged an annual fee of R1300 with moderate teaching resources and infrastructure compared to school 2 and 3 contexts. In addition, parental choice of English as LoLT means some of the children speak English at home and have access to other language learning opportunities apart from school. There was less for her to learn from the ACT programme, and thus her practice did not change that much.
Lisa was in the same career phase and age bracket as Anne. She seemed to be an enthusiastic learner with good conceptual understanding who showed a much stronger learning curve than Anne. She also had more professional learning opportunities from a non-governmental organisation called Soul City which supported the teaching of phonics with resources and classroom support in her school. This must have also made an impact to her classroom practices. Lisa made positive, consistent changes and displayed adequate principles of EFAL teaching within the period of their enrolment. In contrast, Jane was an older teacher, close to retirement, in a rural school environment and with limited English proficiency and subject knowledge. According to Day and Gu (2007), the teachers' career phase and personal identities influence their motivation for professional learning. Jane may have lacked self-motivation because she was near retirement age. Other underlying mechanisms which contributed to the minimal practice changes include contextual challenges such as inadequate learners' textbooks, teacher's guides and basic teaching resources and the fact that children have no other access to English apart from the school. The socio-economic context was poor, and the school entirely relied on DBE for learning resources, infrastructure, water supply and feeding programme. However, Jane claimed that the ACT programme had enabled her to gain confidence in teaching EFAL and proficiency in English. The struggles and challenges faced by Jane concur with other classroom-based studies and reviews of FP practices (Hoadley 2016; Prinsloo et al. 2015; Spaull & Hoadley 2017).
These findings echo most of the small-scale studies about the differences in the teacher's take-up from PD activities and their impacts to the classroom discourses (Adler & Reed 2000; Blease & Condy 2014; Brown et al. 2015; Meyer & Abel 2015). Professional learning is a complex process situated in practice, which cannot be separated from systems, structures, teachers' histories and school context (Battey & Franke 2008; Opfer & Pedder 2011). According to this socio-cultural insight, teachers' identities and contexts bring variation to what teachers' take-up from the professional activities and how they enact the new ideas in their classrooms.
Concluding remarks
Anne and Lisa benefitted most from the ACT programme. This may be because they taught in schools with more favourable conditions, and were more self-motivated, unlike Jane, who was close to retirement and teaching under more challenging conditions, where English is essentially a foreign language for both learners and teachers. The learning experiences of the three FP teachers suggest that a formal programme like the ACT will not necessarily bring about effective and sustainable improvements in teaching and learning for all teachers who enrol. Other factors such as the teachers' enthusiasm, career phase, the teachers' participation in other PD activities and the school context (both resourcing and collegial support for teacher learning) are crucial aspects that can support or hinder the teacher's professional learning from the formal programme.
Acknowledgements
This research has been developed through the University of KwaZulu-Natal's postdoctoral scholarship offered to F.K.K. and hosted by C.A.B. at UKZN, School of Education, Pietermaritzburg Campus.
Competing interests
The authors declare that they have no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced them in writing this article.
Authors contributions
F.K.K. is the primary researcher who is reporting on her PhD study. She is the primary writer of the article. C.A.B. was the supervisor of the study and has contributed to the article by providing guidance regarding focus and structure.
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Correspondence:
Faith Kimathi
kimathif@ukzn.ac.za
Received: 16 June 2017
Accepted: 19 Jan. 2019
Published: 30 Apr. 2019
ORIGINAL RESEARCH
Music instruction and reading performance: Conceptual transfer in learning and development
Azwihangwisi E. Muthivhi; Samantha Kriger
School of Education, University of Cape Town, Cape Town, South Africa
ABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: This article reported on the developmental consequences of music instruction in Foundation Phase level of South African school context, specifically in relation to learners' learning and acquisition of early reading abilities. Against the background of the recent upsurge in research interest on the subject of conceptual and skills transfer among primary school learners in South Africa, the article uses contemporary advances in theory to interrogate empirical research on the benefits of music instruction for successful acquisition of reading abilities.
AIM: The study aimed to interrogate the question - and resuscitate debate about - how conceptual skills in one subject discipline could transfer to benefit the learning and development of related conceptual skills in a different but related subject discipline.
SETTING: The setting for the research was a boys-only public primary school located in a middle-class suburb of Cape Town, South Africa.
METHODS: Document analysis and observation of reading activities and the performance records of Foundation Phase learners was carried out by the first author, and the performance of a group that was part of the school's music instruction programme was compared with that of a group that was not part of that programme.
RESULTS: The results suggested that participation in school music instruction might benefit primary school learners' development of early reading abilities.
CONCLUSION: This is especially so when instructional activities are purposefully structured to benefit cognate conceptual skills, with crucial implications for policy development and the organisation of subject matter content knowledge in primary schooling in contemporary South Africa.
Keywords: education; educational psychology and pedagogy; child development; psychology of music education; primary school learning and teaching.
Introduction
In South Africa, few studies have examined the beneficial relationship that music instruction may have on elementary Foundation Phase learners' acquisition and development of reading ability. This unique area of research is particularly crucial and relevant to contemporary South African schooling, considering the significance of early reading ability on learners' overall school performance and learning efficacy. The question of whether school instruction in specific critical subject disciplines benefits children's learning and conceptual development in related subjects has a long and contentious history in developmental psychology and education. Van der Veer (1994) argues that Vygotsky and his collaborators believed that learning in specific school subjects has a generalising effect on learners' thinking and concept development, and that such learning results in conceptual transfer. That is, conceptual skills acquired in one subject discipline, such as mathematics, could benefit students' learning performance in related subject matter such as physics or linguistics. For example, the learning of Latin was assumed, within Vygotsky's research framework, to have a beneficial effect for - and hence potential for conceptual transfer to - learning within associated school subject disciplines such as mathematics.
Although the Outcomes-Based Education (OBE) policy framework - following immediately after the dawn of democratic dispensation in South Africa - was organised around principles of cross-disciplinary content knowledge termed 'learning areas', unfortunately this approach subsequently was found to be problematic and was deemed to be responsible for the persistence of poor schooling performance. It was argued, therefore, that teachers in South Africa were not ready for the advanced instructional methodologies the approach espoused. It was further argued that the cross-disciplinary orientation to teaching and learning demanded by the multidisciplinary organisation of subject matter knowledge inadvertently rendered teachers less effective, as South African teachers had not been trained in the requisite methods for cross-disciplinary and cross-curricula pedagogy. Instead, it was argued, the schooling system needed a return to 'the basics' of content-based and disciplinary-oriented instructional framework, organised around careful specification of subject matter disciplines and their associated methodologies (Chisholm et al. 2000; Department of Basic Education 2009).
To this effect, the committee that recommended the abandonment of OBE-related cross-disciplinary orientation, and the adoption of the new framework, namely, Curriculum and Assessment Policy Statement (CAPS) in 2009, stated (Department of Basic Education 2009) that:
The new Curriculum and Assessment Policy documents must consist of curriculum and assessment statements which are clear, succinct, unambiguous, measurable, and based on essential learning as represented by subject disciplines. Design features of OBE, especially learning outcomes and assessment standards, should not be featured in the Curriculum and Assessment Policy documents, and should become part of the General Aims of the curriculum, similar to the Critical and Developmental Outcomes. The documents should be organized around the knowledge (content, concepts and skills) to be learnt, recommended texts, recommended pedagogical approaches and assessment requirements. The latter will specify the level at which content, concepts and skills are to be taught, and how and when they should be assessed. (p. 49)
However, specific learning areas such as Life Orientation, which could possibly not easily be reduced to separate disciplines without unwittingly overloading the curriculum, continued - perhaps purely for pragmatic reasons - to retain their multidisciplinary orientation. Life Orientation, which was then referred to as Life Skills, also assumed the new nomenclature of 'subject' like all the others, and was conceptualised from the beginning as multidisciplinary, comprising sub-disciplines framed as Beginning Knowledge, Arts and Crafts, Physical Education and Health Education (Department of Basic Education 2009). The fundamental organisational principle within the current South African CAPS curriculum could be viewed, therefore, as firmly grounded on the assumption of the integrity of the subject discipline and its inherent methodologies, which, in turn, are assumed to reflect the internal logic of the discipline, espoused through the doctrine of 'conceptual progression'. Curriculum policy statements specifying disciplinary content knowledge are expressed in their clear relationship with the assessment procedures, and these statements are distinctively couched in categorical terms such as 'succinct, unambiguous, measurable, and based on essential learning as represented by subject disciplines' (Department of Basic Education 2009:49).
Although contemporary South African instructional policy framework does not seem to encourage cross-disciplinary approach in teaching, there perhaps remain good theoretical and pedagogical reasons for teachers to be aware of and encourage cross-disciplinary conceptual development on the part of their learners (Gallimore & Tharp 1991; Hedegaard 2002; van der Veer 1994). In the specific case of foundational learners' music and reading instruction, an awareness on the part of teachers, and an orientation to cross-disciplinary approach, could especially be crucial considering that children's spontaneous concepts - potentially derived from their music performances during play activities - should be useful, and may provide ready motivational grounding for mastery and acquisition of both literacy and music concepts (St. John 2006; Tomlinson 2013).
Children in South Africa - as generally in all African cultural contexts - participate in rich heritage of musical traditions from an early age (Blacking 1995; Campbell 1999). Although the nature and forms of such participation may be changing with time, the rich repertoires of musical tradition and skilled performances that ensue from their community musical practices could have beneficial effects on their learning and development if these were appropriately acknowledged and utilised within their schooling. Meanwhile, music seems to have an inherent potential for contributing towards improved reading efficacy, considering its natural connection to children's everyday spontaneous performance-related activities.
The question of how conceptual skills in one subject discipline could transfer to benefit the learning and development of related conceptual skills in different but related disciplines has long been part of debates in psychology and education, not least in research on South Africa's schooling.
Contemporary South African studies on conceptual and skills transfer
The question about transfer of cognitive and conceptual skills acquired in one domain of activity to the other, and how these skills could be exploited by teachers to benefit school learning in general, as well as conceptual skills transference from one subject area to the next, has relevance in contemporary research endeavours in South Africa's scholarships. One such study - Cockroft (2015) - explored children's ability for temporary storage and manipulation of information and how this skill - termed 'short-term memory' or 'working memory' - as well as its various components, such as verbal and visual memory aspects, could be nurtured through classroom teaching and learning processes.
Cockroft (2015) argues that reliance on working memory is a feature of early childhood cognitive processes, as the child at this stage has not yet acquired automatised skills such as alphabetic and numerical knowledge. The author further argues that working memory or short-term memory is most noticeable by the increase in the quantity of information that can be retained, increasing steadily over time with maturation until the age of about 16 years old, and that it is typically assessed through span-like tasks in which participants engage in immediate processing while simultaneously retaining information for instant or later recall.
Difficulties with working memory, according to Cockroft (2015:9), often manifest as attention problems. Children with working memory problems, faced with challenging cognitive tasks, for example, may 'mentally wonder from the task' or struggle to cope with tasks that 'have many simultaneous processing demands'. Cockroft (2015) argues that these children could be assisted through deliberate management of working memory loads, which may involve, firstly, determining the task demands on working memory, and then breaking down the task into its smaller components, also including simplification, appropriate timing and allowing for repetition in the specific instructions relating to the task demands.
Although problems with working memory, according to Cockroft (2015), are likely to compound over time and interfere with the child's prospects of learning success, these problems can fortunately be reversed, with much of the training to improve working memory focussing on developing the 'executive control processes' to improve on capacity and prevent degradation. In conclusion, Cockroft (2015) argues that considerable evidence suggests that variability in training working memory can potentially foster greater flexibility and likelihood for transfer, specifically with regard to the transfer of skills to related tasks that require instructions in, for example, non-verbal reasoning, mathematical problem-solving and tasks involving attentional control processes.
This study clearly points to the significance of the subject of cognitive or conceptual skills transfer in South African research literature, with important implications for contemporary schooling, especially with regard to the organisation of curriculum content and subject matter knowledge. Henning (2015), nonetheless, cautions that:
Some critics see approaches such as Cockroft's as too 'cognitive', reductionist or even 'positivist' [sic!], they fail to realize that it is complementary, rather than an oppositional approach to sociocultural paradigm to understanding child development and learning. Cockroft's suggestions can be located neatly within a sociocultural perspective, as they focus on the cognitive tools or skills that teachers or knowledgeable others can mediate to children to ensure that they are well equipped to engage with the world as active learners. (p. ii).
Cloete and Delport's (2015) study provides another - and more pertinent - South African research endeavour that is particularly relevant to the present research. This study addresses, as part of its interest, the question regarding possibilities for conceptual transfer of music skills and concepts to related subject disciplines such as reading and numeracy acquisition at foundational levels of young children's schooling. The authors worked with primary school teachers who wanted guidance 'with regard to the integration of music with numeracy and literary development in their young learners'. Among the skills this intervention research sought to inculcate on the part of the primary school teachers included the ability 'to use music to reinforce numeracy concepts' (Cloete & Delport 2015:92).
It is clear from the above discussion that there is significant research interest in contemporary South African scholarship regarding the subject of conceptual and cognitive skills transfer at the foundational level of formal schooling. However, research on the subject of conceptual transfer in children's school learning and cognitive or conceptual development in South Africa has not clearly and explicitly articulated a coherent conceptual and methodological framework that guides and informs its empirical research endeavour. Furthermore, the implications that these studies have on the organisation of policy and its consequent instructional practices remain scarcely explicated. The nature of the conceptual relations as well as the specific process through which the concepts are, in fact, related also remain vaguely specified. The current study is, therefore, an attempt at using a coherent framework to demonstrate possibilities for conceptual transfer across subject disciplines, modelled through music instructional activities and a pedagogic approach that sought to foster reading efficacy on the part of learners enrolled within the school's music curriculum.
The question of transfer in Vygotsky's sociocultural (or cultural-historical) research
The question of transfer is itself fundamental in Vygotsky's framework, and it runs through his cultural historical approach to human development. For example, human thought processes, including language and concept acquisition, originate from sociocultural practices and are mastered through the process of internalisation or transformation of processes into the personal plane of mental functioning. Therefore, the doctrine of transfer is understood within a system that explains possibilities for developmental acquisition of culturally derived forms of knowledge and skills. This position contradicts the cognitivist assumption that mental functions, concepts and skills are inherent in, and unfolding from within subjects. The concept of transfer, therefore, refers to both the social organisation of knowledge, such as the one involved in the internal logic of one subject discipline, and its associated developmental consequences ensuing from learning and mastery of the discipline's fundamental conceptual relations, as well as the transferability of the conceptual relations to benefit the demands of learning in separate but related subject discipline.
The formalisation of learning through schooling transforms the relations the child has to the world and to him or herself and brings about a world of conceptual relations which simultaneously establish continuity of conceptual relations between subject disciplines, which are grounded on the scientific nature of formal knowledge. At the same time, a discontinuity is introduced between everyday, spontaneous knowledge and concepts and the formal, scientific concepts of school. It is in this relational process of learning and concept acquisition in the course of the child's development that possibilities for conceptual transfer are realised by the child. To this end, Vygotsky referred to literacy practice as a 'particular system of symbols and signs whose mastery heralds a critical turning point in the … cultural development of the child'. The process of literacy acquisition for a child, therefore, involves what Vygotsky termed 'second-order symbolism', comprising a system of graphic signs that designate verbal sounds and words that comprise spoken language. In this view, the child would relate differently to the words and sounds comprising spoken language as opposed to written text because the two forms of symbolism arise from different forms of learning and developmental activities in which the child participates (Vygotsky 1978:106).
Music learning during schooling potentially brings the spontaneous repertoires of children's everyday musical performance to their formally organised and systematic learning process within formal schooling, that is, bringing children's music activities into their conscious awareness. Consequently, children begin to learn music - within school instruction - with awareness of the rhythmic structure and melodic patterns that characterise the spontaneous songs and dances which they bring into formal learning from their everyday community participation. At the same time, reading instruction and the various forms of literacy activities in which children begin to participate introduce the written form of language with its specific peculiarities, providing a unique system of graphic representation of the spoken word and its rhythmic and melodic patterns that are simultaneously constitutive of musical expressions (St. John 2006; Tomlinson 2013).
There is, therefore, a history behind the learner's early learning and acquisition of the formal, scientific discipline, which is in the everyday, spontaneous activities that prepare the learner for formal learning during schooling. This happens, for example, when the learner overcomes impulsive and egocentric inclinations of pre-school years and begins to subject his or her will to others, and to the rules that regulate activities that are enacted during school learning (De la Riva & Ryan 2014; Harrison & Muthivhi 2013). It is the transformation of the rules that govern everyday, spontaneous activities into means for the regulation of own activities that naturally lead into the development and mastery of both social knowledge and knowledge of self. Vygotsky (1978) posited this relationship, firstly, as explaining learning and development broadly during spontaneous activities and, secondly, as explaining learning and development within specific context of formal schooling. The transformative relations between everyday, spontaneous knowledge and concepts and the scientific knowledge and concepts within formal schooling are explained through the innovative concept of the zone of proximal development (ZPD). As stated by Vygotsky (1978):
Each school subject has its own specific relation to the course of child development, a relation that varies as the child goes from one stage to another. This leads us directly to a re-examination of the problem of formal discipline, that is, to the significance of each particular subject from the viewpoint of overall mental development. Clearly, the problem cannot be solved by using any one formula; extensive and highly diverse concrete research based on the concept of the zone of proximal development is necessary to resolve the issue. (p. 91)
The zone of proximal development in music instruction and reading acquisition
The concept of the ZPD can be conceptualised in two different but related ways. Firstly, it can be conceptualised through the relationship that underpins the child's participation in everyday, spontaneous activities involving role-play activities, including spontaneous forms of musical performances, on the one hand, and the child's participation in formal school activities that characterise serious learning during school years on the other hand. Secondly, the ZPD would define relationships that characterise the subject matter's conceptual organisation, including the concepts' dissemination through teaching on the one hand, and the child's progression in the acquisition and internalisation of the concepts on the other hand. The two processes should be understood as interrelated and mutually complementary - an essential point in understanding the multilayered functioning of the concept of the ZPD.
The ZPD is multilayered in that it is essentially created by the teacher's pedagogy through which he or she confronts the learner's psychological functioning (Chaiklin 2003; Gallimore & Tharp 1991; Hedegaard 1990, 1996, 2002; Wertsch 1984). The concept of ZPD can be understood as generally comprising multiple developmental trajectories in specific cultural traditions of learning and development within different societies and therefore as providing what Gallimore and Tharp (1991) have termed 'cultural zones' of development, while it can also be understood in its specific sense of application to the child's learning within formal school context as Vygotsky has, in fact, emphasised. Vygotsky defined the ZPD as:
[T]he distance between the actual developmental level as determined by the independent problem solving and the level of potential development as determined through problem solving under adult guidance or in collaboration with more capable peers. (Vygotsky 1978:86, emphasis in the original)
This conceptual development, according to Vygotsky, is propelled by the guidance of the more capable other, such as teacher or peer, but it is conceived as happening in the proximal distance between the child's own level of functioning vis-a-vis the level at which guidance through collaborative activities of pedagogical relations happens. Here is in fact the proposition for a contextual and cultural situatedness of pedagogy (cf. Lave & Wenger 1991), in its relation to psychological development and functioning within classroom teaching and learning. Meanwhile, Vygotsky's concept of the ZPD essentially connects pedagogy with the child's psychological functioning and establishes their fundamental unity, where one relies on the other in a relationship that is uniquely qualitative and transformative (Chaiklin 2003; Hedegaard 1990; Wertsch 1984).
Furthermore, and more crucially, the conceptual relations posited through the concept of the ZPD are based on the consideration of the fundamental distinction that characterises the activities that define the child's learning and development in spontaneous, everyday contexts, vis-a-vis the child's learning and development within a formal school context. Vygotsky posited these conceptual relations through what he aptly termed everyday, spontaneous concepts on the one hand, and formal, scientific concepts on the other hand (Karpov 2003).
Vygotsky (1978, 1981) identified concepts that comprise all formal subject matter disciplines as 'scientific concepts', specifically to denote the special qualities that these concepts constitute, as opposed to their counterparts which he identified as everyday, spontaneous concepts. While spontaneous concepts are acquired through spontaneous activities in everyday life situations, the scientific concepts are acquired through the activities of systematic and formal learning process that characterise schooling. Furthermore, scientific concepts are considered scientific not necessarily because they constitute concepts in natural science disciplines, but, importantly, because they are organised systematically through rational, scholastic forms of engagement with knowledge and are repositories of human scholastic heritage - although, of course, presently often dominated by Western cultural traditions of scholarship. For Vygotsky, these concepts are naturally distinguishable from everyday concepts because of their systematic organisation and their specific concern with forms, generalisations and abstractions, rather than with content, specificities, immediacy and concrete situations as do the spontaneous concepts.
Today, this cultural heritage - of predominantly Western traditions of knowledge and conceptual systems - is an almost universal reality of formal schooling in many African contexts of schooling, and specifically in contemporary South Africa. Therefore, the cultural tools - in the form of the scientific concepts embedded and manifested in the social practice of school teaching and learning - would need to be made more explicit to learners through teachers' deliberate pedagogical approaches that articulate with learners' everyday concepts to create a new ZPD that sets learners on a new path of conceptual development, propelled by unique and specific conceptual relations that underpin the structural organisation of school and scientific concepts.
The significance of children's acquisition of scientific concepts during formal schooling, mediated in their ZPD, which the teacher creates through instructional activities pitched at the right levels that connect to learners' situational needs and interests, has important significance for learners' developmental trajectory. As Vygotsky has pointed out, learners' developmental path is fundamentally transformed in ways that otherwise would not be possible without formal school learning. Learners' progressive acquisition of the conceptual relations that underpin classroom instructional activities come to be driven by, and through, the conceptual relations of formal school scientific concepts which transcend contextual and empirical specificities that often characterise many traditional, content-oriented approaches to teaching-learning and instructional policy development procedures that still dominate today's schooling. That is, the conceptual relations that underpin the scientific concepts introduce new learning and developmental orientation on the part of learners, characterised by abstract, conceptual and theoretical approach to knowledge and problem-solving procedures (cf. Hedegaard 1990, 2002). The latter orientation to classroom instruction could have enormous benefits to learners in that it is oriented solely towards the mere passing of tests and scoring higher marks. Crucially, it is oriented towards the inculcation of developmentally oriented forms of learning, underpinned by the values and attitudes that naturally accrue from the unique and specific quality of engagement with, and acquisition of, abstract and theoretical concepts that characterise the specific subject matter knowledge domain.
This emphasis on the developmentally oriented form of teaching often runs, unfortunately, in contradistinction to many educational practices in the world today, including the prevailing South African instructional policy framework that gives precedence to strongly specified subject matter content knowledge and teachers' definitive role as disseminators of this knowledge, largely under the prescripts contained in the prescribed textbooks. The associated forms of assessing learners' learning and mastery of the subject matter through administration of tests and associated standardised assessment procedures have effectively resulted in the prevailing practice of 'teaching to the test'. In a statement, apparently intended to clarify the shift away from the constructivist model that was part of the organisational principles of the OBE framework that preceded the prevailing CAPS framework. The review committee proposed a model is essentially driven by, and based on, subject matter content knowledge organised on the basis of knowledge disciplines, with learners' creative and constructive activities inhering in discipline-based content knowledge (Department of Basic Education 2009):
The intention of the National Curriculum Statement was to move towards greater emphasis on discipline-based subjects, the logic of which is derived from the subject discipline. Though all learners do engage in the construction of knowledge in terms of coming to understand certain concepts, skills and content, it has generally been accepted that these aspects inhere within the subject, and not in the minds of learners in the first place. (p. 24)
This approach in South Africa's policy framework, emphasising subject matter content knowledge and its transmission through discipline-based methodologies, may be viewed as privileging the transmission of tradition and heritage ingrained in the disciplinary concepts and knowledge, rather than the creative potential which learners' engagement with concepts is likely to produce. The policy conception of teaching and learning through discipline-based subject matter content knowledge inevitably produces teacher transmission form of classroom pedagogy, and its associated passive mode of knowledge assimilation by learners who simultaneously learn to acquire knowledge and concepts without actively transforming these into personal knowledge repertoires. This approach to knowledge organisation and classroom teaching and learning stands in stark contradistinction with Vygotsky inspired developmentally oriented approaches that ground pedagogical processes on active engagement with subject matter content and its transformation into subjective knowledge, essentially connected to learners' evolving repertoires of personal conceptual and motivational dispositions (cf. Arievich & Stetsenko 2000).
The present, theoretically inspired and developmentally oriented approach to teaching subject matter content knowledge and its associated conceptual system foregrounds active engagement and relational practices of classroom instruction, oriented towards a transcendental or transformative learning and development (Hedegaard 1990; Vygotsky 1978). Therefore, the activities that characterise children's acquisition of musical performances in everyday life situations - such as during songs and dances in their communities - are viewed as providing them with grounded knowledge of culturally shaped, spontaneous forms of knowledge and learning that is part of their heritage. The teacher uses children's skills and knowledge repertoires acquired through their participation in everyday music learning activities to mediate their acquisition of formal conceptual structures and skills embedded in the activities of music instruction, thus transforming learners' spontaneous knowledge and concepts - as well as their learning and knowledge acquisition procedure - through formal instruction in school music lessons. Therefore, consistent with the original theoretical conception of the formal, scientific concepts, the nature of the conceptual structures that should underlie disciplinary content knowledge could be understood as deeply systematic and extensively generalisable, extending across the specificities of disciplinary boundaries and, therefore, establishing the internal, cross-disciplinary interconnectedness of phenomena, beyond artificial perceptual limitations (cf. Hedegaard 1990).
Joyful music versus serious reading
Reading ability imposes on learners the cognitive demands to hold two or more categories constant, namely letter-sound configurations or phonemic aspect of reading, at the same time that they keep up with the semiotic or interpretive and meaning-making aspect of reading activity. These demands should even be more extensive and potentially achieved with greater efforts on the part of foreign or additional language learners who, at the same time, may have to grapple with equivalent and even contradictory demands regarding the phonemic and semiotic (or meaningfulness) linguistic aspects related to and inherent in their first or home language; mastery of which they already would have acquired or are in the process of acquisition, at the same time that they are confronted with additional or second language learning.
Folk music, considered against the background of Vygotsky's framework - as well as the emerging field of music education inspired by this framework (see Barrett 2010) - could be viewed as a form of culturally shaped musical practice that simultaneously functions to support children's language development and mastery of the social world. As with play activities, music in everyday spontaneous activities is performed with a goal of deriving the pleasure and self-gratification that comes naturally to children in the course of their development. However, beyond self-gratification that children derive from these pleasurable activities, music contributes to children's development of language skills and social consciousness, for example.
Therefore, unlike the formal learning of reading and writing - which have the inherent potential to extend the child's knowledge of his or her language abilities at the same time that the child is introduced to the system of the formal concepts of school literacy, music instruction has the inherent potential to extend the pleasure aspect of everyday, spontaneous music performance activities at the same time that the serious formal learning and acquisition of formal concepts take place. When introduced appropriately, where meaningful connections between the spontaneous and formal aspects of music learning and development could be sustained, music instruction may potentially hold the key to the mysteries of learning motivation. The subject of motivation in and through learning is central in education and psychology today, and this also resonates with practical challenges of schooling in many parts of the world. This is especially relevant in South Africa, where the challenge of congruency between the cultural traditions and practices on the one hand, and the practices of formal school learning on the other hand, continues to stunt educational achievement and learning success.
As a result, music instruction in school may serve the critical role of connecting formal learning, on the one hand, to children's spontaneous musical performance and knowledge repertoires, on the other hand. Music could be understood as generally having an intrinsic and unique connection to the pleasure-driven motive, and as capable of producing activity that naturally leads to self-gratification normally associated with role-play activity, because both forms of children's activities have the capacity to serve as means, therefore enabling children to enter the world of adults and live in it on their own terms. In addition to its close connection to children's motives for self-gratification through pleasurable activities - a situation most pronounced in African childhood experiences - music activities generally have the advantage of readily invoking children's interests and motivation. Music instruction in school, therefore, has greater potential to promote learners' conscious awareness of the formal structure of the rhythmic and melodic structure of performance more readily than reading instruction would achieve, and hence, enabling efficient mastery of meanings embodied by and underpinned in the symbolic structure of the notation system.
The present analysis, therefore, examines not just the inherent capacity of school music, in itself, to promote conceptual generalisation, but, and more crucially, considers the consequences of the teacher's intentional organisation of classroom instructional activities, and her teaching of music concepts and skills in ways that benefit learners' related learning and conceptual acquisition of reading and literacy skills. As a result, the current research contributes to an ongoing exploration of, and engagement with, the debate about possibilities for transfer of equivalent conceptual skills between and among related subject areas and disciplinary orientations. This research holds significant implications, not only with regard to expanding theoretical knowledge and debates about the subject of conceptual transfer across disciplines, but also with regard to the immediate problems and challenges of how to teach learners in ways that are congruent with the inherent nature of the conceptual relations that underpin children's development on the one hand, and formal school learning on the other hand.
Research process
The research process involved document review, comprising the collection of data from records of 32 learners in a boys-only school aged between 6 and 9 years. Data comprised assessment reports of learners as well as music and reading lessons in which learners had participated over a period, from Grade 1 to Grade 3. The data were obtained from two groups of 16 learners each, differentiated by participation and non-participation in the school's music instruction curriculum. The research group participated in music lessons, while the comparative group did not participate in the school's music curriculum. Both groups participated in the reading instruction curriculum, and their performance scores in reading were compared to establish possible comparative performance levels between the music learners and non-music learners.
All music learners would normally have two half-hour music lessons per week, and they were all exposed to Western classical music. The music curriculum also included playing a musical instrument, which only started from the second grade, singing in the school choir, which started halfway through the first grade, as well as being involved in all other musical activities in class. All learners were English speaking,1 although other languages were also spoken either as home language or additional language.
Analysis of documents, including the learner performance reports and portfolio files, was aimed at identifying improvements in learners' reading ability across Grade 1, Grade 2 and Grade 3. Performance areas for literacy development and reading ability were specifically analysed, while class teachers' records in learners' portfolios, documenting any area of concern regarding learner progress in reading, and the support recommended to be provided by the 'learning support teacher', also provided crucial data for the analysis process.
Permission to conduct research was obtained from the local school authorities, whereas informed consent was obtained from parents and guardians of learners who participated in the research. Ethics approval was duly obtained from the institution within which the research was undertaken.
Reading instruction activities
Document analysis was conducted by the second author, and this involved analysing learners' reading activities comprising the reading instructional periods of 90 min per session. The observation focussed on determining the amount of reading covered during the lessons, and the organisation of instructional activities such as whole class or group teaching. Reading activities happened every school day and learners were encouraged to read aloud in groups while others listened attentively. Each learner had their own reader. During guided reading sessions, learners were grouped on the basis of ability levels. Guided reading sessions would normally last between 15 min and 25 min, with the teacher working with one group while other groups would be engaged in organised writing activities.
Shared reading involved the teacher reading text together with the learners and the teaching assistant often taking a session to model shared 'reading behaviours'. This normally happened during the early stages of reading activities when learners are still learning basic skills such as listening and responding within group reading context. By modelling how to pay attention, making eye-contact, joining in with the reading and responding to questions, for example, the teaching assistant contributed towards building basic reading skills that underpinned the actual reading activities.
Learners' basic reading skills were also facilitated through what was termed 'listening lab' stories, where they were encouraged to listen to pre-recorded readings of various stories in a special reading laboratory. Very often learners were asked basic questions after each listening activity. These questions, in the case of Grade 1 learners, were asked orally and learners were required to write down the answers to the questions as they progressed through the grades.
Reading policy for Foundation Phase learners, Grade 1 to Grade 3, specified activities to be covered during reading instruction, including letter naming fluency, initial sound fluency, phoneme segmentation and nonsense word fluency. Table 1 outlines the policy specifications for Foundation Phase reading instruction.
The reading policy specified that formal recording of learner achievement was to be done against the learning outcomes every term, using the national coding system. This coding system used levels rating codes of 1-4, as illustrated in Table 2. The rating code of 1 was awarded to learners who obtained percentile marks of 1-34, and their reading performance was deemed not to have satisfied the requirements for the specific grade outcomes. The rating code of 2 was awarded to learners obtaining percentile marks of between 35 and 49 and deemed to have only partially satisfied the requirements of the learning outcomes for the specific grade. The rating code of 3 was awarded to learners obtaining between 50 and 69 percentile marks and these learners were deemed to have satisfied the requirements of the learning outcomes for the specific grade. Learners who scored 70-100 percentile marks were awarded a rating code of 4, which was deemed to be an excellent performance, and were deemed to have exceeded the requirements of the learning outcomes for the grade.
Although the rating codes have since been amended (to a 1-7 coding system in 2011), learners who formed part of the present study were actually assessed on the 2004 policy framework. Furthermore, four sets of assessment reports for each of the four school terms per year, over a 3-year period - from Grade 1 to Grade 3 - were analysed (Table 1).
Music instruction activities
Music instruction activities included participation in formal music, which involved learning to play instruments such as violin, recorder, piano, keyboard and trumpet. The type of instrument provided to a learner depended largely on its availability, that is, whether the school had the specific instrument to lease out to the learner, or whether a learner's parent could afford to purchase the instrument in question. The opportunity to learn certain instruments also depended on availability of expert teachers, that is, whether a competent teacher was available to teach the particular instrument of a learner's choice, and whether the teacher had space available in the school timetable to contribute to teaching in the music programme. Furthermore, the learners in this specific case also had to be of a particular body size and build to handle his or her chosen instrument.
Other performing arts areas, such as singing, choir involvement and general class music, also formed part of the music programme of the school, and learners participated fully in all the activities. Each Foundation Phase class received weekly music instruction for 30 min from the music teacher. Lesson activities were in line with policy guidelines on the training of Foundation Phase learners in the performing arts subject. Learners learned to sing songs in English and were also introduced to new songs from different South African musical traditions in isiXhosa and isiZulu languages. A traditional Hebrew song was also introduced as the school also had learners from Jewish family backgrounds.
Each grade's head-teacher supplied the music teacher with a list of themes which will be covered by their classes and these themes would be integrated into music lesson activities. Special songs for assembly, which took place every Monday morning, would be practiced for Monday's performances. Learners often performed familiar songs with a slight change so they sounded a little different, so as to develop awareness of sound families. Phonological and memory skills were also developed during these activities.
Music lesson activities also introduced learners to textual representation of music performance through graphic charts or musical scores, which consisted, for example, of dots that represented steady beat and squares, as well as rectangles to represent word rhythms, or lines to represent melodic contours. Textual lesson activities were particularly meant to foster learners' abilities to connect sounds to graphemes or letters, and to connect perceptions of rhythm and pitch to graphic shapes.
Body percussion was introduced before percussion instruments, while the tapping of basic rhythms to a particular song was meant to signal the start of rhythmic concepts. The tapping of basic rhythms was also used to help students remember pronunciation of specific words in the song. The music teacher would demonstrate the pronunciation first, and then have learners repeat after him or her. This was often done by clapping hands, while learners pronounced the specific words in the text. Body percussion was also intended to reinforce learners' perception of steady beat, word rhythms and concepts such as high, low, higher and lower pitches. Percussion instruments were used mainly to aid learners in building phonemic awareness. The percussion instruments that were used included rhythm sticks, claves, guiro, woodblock, shaker eggs, triangles, finger cymbals, hand chimes and song bells. Xylophones were introduced at a later stage to reinforce learners' perception of steady beat, word rhythms or melodic contour. Movement was added at a later stage, and it was intended to help learners organise their perceptions of musical sound in time and space.
Lastly, learners were introduced to music theory, where basic history of Western music was taught. Here, learners were introduced to various composers of classical music. They were also introduced to the various periods in musical history and the influence these composers had on the music of today. Excerpts from famous composers were listened to, and themes from their musical compositions highlighted and discussed.
Ethical considerations
Ethical clearance was obtained from the University of Cape Town, Faculty of Humanities in 2012 for the second author's research project.
Results
The intricate relations between music instruction and reading performance
Does not the incessant pursuit of a more beautiful sound reveal paradigmatically that a main trait of human reality is to transcend itself? (Boesch 1997:183).
The results support the initial hypothesis that a strong correlation exists between learners' participation in music instruction on the one hand, and their improved performance levels in reading ability on the other hand. These results are inferred from the analysis of the performance scores of the learners who participated in the school's music curriculum, and their associated performance scores obtained during reading class assessment tasks, in comparison with the reading performance of an equivalent group of learners who were not part of the school's music curriculum (see Tables 3 and 4).
The four levels against which the assessment of learners' reading performance was scored, was based on South Africa's Department of Education's progression schedule (Table 2). This was the schedule which was in use at the time of the assessment of the performance of learners who participated in the study during the years 2010-2012 (Western Cape Education Department 2004).
The reading scores obtained from the majority of learners in the group that participated in music instruction were consistently higher at 'satisfactory' performance level (score of 3), while the reading scores for the majority of learners in the comparative group that did not participate in music lessons were at the lower rating score of 2, that is, 'partially satisfactory' performance level. The performance level for the music group was therefore at the average score of 3.2, significantly higher than the comparative average score of 2.7 for the group of learners that did not participate in music instruction classes.
Figure 1 represents the comparative performance levels across the two groups of music and non-music lessons learners, revealing the differential performance patterns between the two groups. The differential performance levels between the two groups is even more striking when we consider that only 8% of music group learners' reading performance was scored at the lower rating scores of 'not achieved' and 'partially achieved', while a significantly large figure of 32% of the non-music group was scored at the reading performance levels of 'not achieved' and 'partially achieved'.
Furthermore, over 32% of the performance of music group learners was scored at the highest performance level of 'excellent achievement', while only 8% of the rating scores of the non-music group was at the same level. Therefore, while Figure 1 reveals that around 60% of the learners' performance scores across the two groups was rated in the middle range of 'satisfactory achievement' level, their differential performance seems to be crucially manifest in, and potentially defined by, the significant shifts away from the lower level reading performance scores of 'unsatisfactory achievement', as well as the shifts towards higher level scores defining 'excellent achievement' in learners' reading performance. It is this shift, and the differential performance between the 'not achieving' and 'partially achieving', both categories overrepresented by the non-music group with 30% (as against a mere 8% in the music group), which should explain the performance differentials between the two comparative groups. Meanwhile, the shift towards excellent achievement by the music group, significantly surpassing the mere 'satisfactory achievement', with an average percentile score of 32% (as opposed to only 9% average percentile score by the non-music group) should similarly explain the performance differentials between the two comparative groups. Although learners in this elite, middle-class and historically white-only South African public school generally performed satisfactorily on average in their reading tasks performance (at the rating code of 3), the findings for the performance differentials, for the present analysis, suggests that it is the movement to a progressively higher levels of performance excellence, at the rating code of 4, that should in fact account for performance differences between the two comparative groups.
Conclusion
In conclusion, research on comparing possibilities for conceptual transfer between music learning on the one hand, and early learning and acquisition of reading ability on the other hand, should represent an innovative research trajectory in contemporary South African schooling. In this regard, the current research findings suggest that participation in music instruction could have beneficial effects on primary school learners' learning and acquisition of early reading skills. Although the relationship was established through a comparison of performance results across learners who participated in music instruction on the one hand, and learners who did not take part in music instruction on the other hand, this relationship is not understood in a mechanical sense.
In demonstrating the relationship between learners' successful learning and acquisition of conceptual structures in one subject area of music instruction, and their successful learning and mastery of related concepts in a related subject matter area of reading or literacy lessons, the present research reveals a need within contemporary South African schooling for a systematic investigation of the essential nature of the conceptual relationships that characterise the two subject disciplines. Consequently, the present research further revealed how instruction could potentially be organised in ways that benefit possibilities for conceptual transfer on the part of learners. For example, systematic investigation of how music instruction could contribute to the development of associated conceptual skills required for effective reading on the part of learners, could address such areas as regarding the awareness of sound families, phonological and memory skills, word rhythms, ability to connect sounds to graphemes or letters, and the ability to connect perceptions of rhythm and pitch to graphic shapes. Specifically, the question of how the conceptual relations inherent in associated subject disciplines could be revitalised and embodied in, and through, effective and developmentally oriented instructional activities, or how to organise music instruction effectively so as to contribute to the developmental acquisition of reading abilities and literacy skills on the part of learners, should remain the critical focus of further research on the subject.
As in the epigraph taken from Boesch (1997:183), posited at the beginning of the 'Results' section, the conceptual relationship between music instruction and reading performance suggested by the results of this research should be understood in a transformative sense, in that the potential, and not the actual, constitutes the fundamental goal of teaching and learning. Boesch's view of the human condition, with specific regard to the cultural processes by which we construct our reality, is generally consistent with Vygotsky's (1978) concept of the ZPD, whereby the goal of teaching and learning is essentially to guide learning activities through the path what we could term 'transformative pedagogy', formal, discipline-based subject matter content into subjective knowledge forms that simultaneously transform the self.
Acknowledgements
The authors wish to thank the learners in the school where the research was conducted and their teachers for the collaboration. This research would not have been possible without their participation.
Competing interests
The authors declare that they have no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced them in writing this article.
Authors' contributions
A.E.M. was responsible for the writing of the article, its conceptualisation and final production. S.K. was responsible for the collection of the empirical data which became the basis of the present research article.
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Correspondence:
Azwihangwisi Muthivhi
azwihangwisi.muthivhi@uct.ac.za
Received: 20 May 2017
Accepted: 11 Oct. 2018
Published: 22 May 2019
1 . Although South Africa has 11 official languages, formal schooling in the majority of schools essentially takes place through the medium of English or Afrikaans. Therefore, although the majority of learners in Cape Town's southern suburbs, where the research school was located, would speak English at home, there would still be a significant number of learners who spoke different languages such as Afrikaans or Xhosa at home.
^rND^sArievich^nI.M.^rND^sStetsenko^nA.^rND^sCampbell^nP.S.^rND^sCloete^nE.^rND^sDelport^nA.^rND^sCockroft^nK.^rND^sDe la Riva^nS.^rND^sRyan^nT.G.^rND^sHarrison^nG.^rND^sMuthivhi^nA.^rND^sHedegaard^nM.^rND^sHenning^nE.^rND^sSt. John^nP.A.^rND^sTomlinson^nM.M.^rND^sVan der Veer^nR.^rND^1A01^nDonna^sHannaway^rND^1A01^nDonna^sHannaway^rND^1A01^nDonna^sHannawayORIGINAL RESEARCH
Mind the gaps: Professional perspectives of technology-based teaching and learning in the Foundation Phase
Donna Hannaway
Department of Early Childhood Education, University of South Africa, Pretoria, South Africa
ABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: As technology today is pervasive, this study seeks to examine how technological changes influence Foundation Phase learners, specifically the impact of technology on teaching and learning.
AIM: This study establishes professional perspectives of technology-based teaching and learning (TBTL) in the Foundation Phase from the vantage point of two district officials from the Gauteng Department of Education.
SETTING: This study was set in a chosen district in the Gauteng province because the environment was identified as data rich, which implies that the participants were able to share information based on the large number of Foundation Phase schools that they service.
METHODS: Qualitative case study methods such as interviews, opinion pieces and field notes from district officials servicing Foundation Phase schools were examined through the theoretical lens of the Technological Pedagogical and Content Knowledge model.
RESULTS: The data gathered proved worthwhile in presenting the perspectives of TBTL in the Foundation Phase from one district in South Africa with regard to the benefits, barriers and gaps thereof.
CONCLUSION: Implications for technological infrastructure, a Foundation Phase TBTL policy framework, teacher preparation training and in-service training, and support in finding appropriate content were given.
Keywords: technology-based teaching and learning (TBTL); Foundation Phase Learners; district officials; Foundation Phase Teachers; Technological Pedagogical and Content Knowledge (TPACK).
Introduction
The pervasive technology of today is impacting the way in which people live their lives, their work and their social activities (Kruger 2014). Therefore, education in South Africa has to continually evolve to meet the goals and requirements of the Department of Education, and the specific learning outcomes in this century. Unlike previous generations, today's youth have all sorts of knowledge available at their fingertips as a result of ubiquitous technology. Because of this global technology boom, young children are now born into a 'wired' or 'connected' world comprising of the Internet, social media (such as Facebook and Twitter), instant messaging (such as WhatsApp) and digital equipment which is always available (Codrington & Grant-Marshall 2011:86).
Therefore, it is of paramount importance to examine the effect of these technological innovations on learning, specifically how technological changes influence teaching and learning. The topic of technology-based teaching and learning (TBTL) in the Foundation Phase was explored through a qualitative study to identify the status thereof, as well as to highlight professional perspectives of TBTL. This study presents a bird's eye view of TBTL in the Foundation Phase from the perspective of two Gauteng district officials.
Benefits and barriers of technology-based teaching and learning
One of the main objectives of this study is to better understand TBTL and how it can support both teaching and learning. The importance of embracing TBTL in the Foundation Phase with the view to achieve educational aims is the rationale for this study.
According to the World Bank (1998), technology can increase knowledge gain, and for developing countries it can provide optimal conditions for furthering the world of education, policy and business. The many advantages of using technology in schools have been extensively studied (Bialobrzeska & Cohen 2005; Isaacs 2007; Laurillard et al. 2009; Mdlongwa 2012; National Council for Curriculum and Assessment [NCCA] 2004a; Tinio 2003). Tinio (2003) suggests that 'these tools have been touted as potentially powerful enabling tools for educational change and reform'. The E-Learning Africa Report (2012:47) posits that this is similar in Africa in that stakeholders 'hold high expectations about the ability of new technologies to scaffold progressive change at both institutional and system-wide levels'. According to Laurillard et al. (2009:290), incorporating digital technological innovations in education can transform pedagogy. Advantages of digital innovation include an increase in learner motivation, achievement of results, growth in higher order thinking and problem-solving, as well as learning to function in a collaborative manner (NCCA 2004a).
The E-Learning Africa Report (2012) and Mdlongwa (2011) both discuss the benefits of TBTL if it is implemented correctly. The use of technological innovation in schools increases motivation, enhances collaborative efforts and allows students to be connected to the global world of information. Additionally, the use of technology means that learners are co-collaborators in the production of knowledge, further serving to boost their self-esteem, and teaching them to be independent and responsible. Mdlongwa (2011) makes the point that there is increasing use of TBTL for administrative duties such as record-keeping and routine tasks, as well as facilitating communication between educators and students. According to Mdlongwa (2011), there are specific benefits when embracing TBTL; exposing learners to technology means such learners gain an advantage as the entire world of work depends on technology. Furthermore, learners can create their own knowledge and, as a result, 'cultivate a culture of personal information management, independent learning and working without supervision, communication skills, teamwork and study skills, which are highly valued in today's global workforce' (Mdlongwa 2012). In addition, if technology is integrated in the educational system, it leads to better teaching as technology helps the teacher to efficiently manage and administer his or her tasks and duties, and it also furthers communication (Bialobrzeska & Cohen 2005).
The Department of Basic Education's (DBE 2015) Action Plan to 2019 details the priorities discussed in the National Development Plan 2030 (2012) with the aim of ensuring and maintaining a high quality of schooling in South Africa. The priority goals (five of the 27 goals) in the Action Plan deal with Grade R, teacher development, learning materials, school management and support for district offices. It is clear that these priority goals can be better achieved with technological innovation. This applies specifically to Goal 16, dealing with teacher development, where it is stated, 'improve … computer literacy of teachers throughout their entire careers' (DBE 2015:1).
All the goals of the Action Plan to 2019 can be supported and achieved by integrating technology in schools. The benefits of TBTL in the Foundation Phase in South Africa are well known (as mentioned above) and thus the challenges in embracing technology must not be overlooked. As the DBE (2015) highlights:
[M]any have pointed to weaknesses in the system when it comes to the adoption of new technologies to improve the administration of the schooling system and the teaching and learning process. This is an inherently difficult area, not just in South Africa. Yet we need to do better if we are to avoid a widening of the gap between South Africa and other countries, even other middle income countries. (p. 15)
This statement clearly points to a digital divide in the education system in South Africa regarding TBTL. The literature examined for this study clearly points out the benefits of implementing technology in schools so that learners can acquire the necessary coping skills and knowledge for this demanding 21st century. However, the point is not only to acquire necessary skills; it is paramount to use TBTL to mitigate this digital divide. As the NCCA (2004b) states, the digital divide clearly shows the disparity in acquiring necessary skills and knowledge between those learners who are able to access technology and those who cannot. Kalaš (2010:118) defines digital divide as the lacuna in the skills necessary to be a digital citizen and the physical means to access such technological resources. The digital divide comprises two distinct categories: one where there are unequal opportunities to access and use various types of technology and one where there are differences in the outcomes of direct or indirect use of technology (Selwyn 2004:351).
Ranie (2013), Director of the Pew Study Center's Internet Project, in his international study on the digital divide points out how variables such as age, household income, community type and educational attainment affect whether people can use technology or not. In addition, the digital divide is affected by the support of parents and the surrounding community using TBTL (NCCA 2004a); less than optimal literacy, numeracy and problem-solving skills (OECD 2001); and disparities in the use of technology in school and outside of the school.
Prensky (2001) states that:
it is now clear that as a result of this ubiquitous environment and the sheer volume of their interaction with it, today's students think and process information fundamentally differently from their predecessors. (p. 1)
Teachers currently involved with Foundation Phase learners have probably come from an era very different from that of their learners. Prensky (2005) deems those learners born into the era of digital technology 'digital natives', and older adults (such as parents or teachers) as 'digital immigrants'. The 'digital immigrants' can create barriers to the 'digital native's' progression by clinging to a world view predating this technology age.
It must be noted, however, that the terms 'digital native' and 'digital immigrant' have been criticised, and Prensky (2013) has responded to the false claim that everyone born before a certain age is ignorant when it comes to technology:
The Digital Natives/Digital Immigrants metaphor is NOT about what people know, or can do, with technology. Everyone has to learn in one way or another. It's more about culture and attitudes. (p. 1)
This statement points to the fact that a generation gap could be present, which would then make TBTL less than successful if the two generations do not learn from each other.
Laurillard et al. (2009:290) make it clear that any altering or remodelling of an education system must happen from within and cannot be done from the outside. Although technology in the form of computers, tablets and Internet connections is being implemented in many schools internationally, the curriculum and the skills of the teachers have not kept pace. While the benefits of using TBTL have been clearly articulated, the synergy between the benefits and the practice of education has not taken place (Conole et al. 2006).
In his comparative study in South Africa on information and communication technology (ICT) and enhanced learning, Mdlongwa (2011) discusses the challenges presented to both teachers and learners when attempting to integrate TBTL. Mdlongwa's (2012:4) findings are that learners' desire technology but language skills are now 'corrupted' by texting and social media; resources are lacking, especially with regard to Internet access; a shortage of teachers qualified in the use of technology exists; and there is restricted access to the necessary technology. In the South African educational arena, there is a further problem using TBTL, that is, the language barrier. Although English is used for 80% of computer software and the Internet (Tinio 2003), the majority of teachers and learners in South Africa use English only as their second language.
One of the key questions surrounding the challenges of ubiquitous technology therefore is 'who has access to what forms of technology and when and how it is used?' (Walker, Huddlestone & Pullen 2010:10). According to Ndlovu and Lawrence (2012:2), the PanAf Study Agenda (2008-2011) reveals the finding that the South African ICT policy is not being effectively implemented, specifically in cases where economic and social prejudice is the root cause of the digital divide. Negating this, the Department of Communications (2013) advocates that their approach towards ICT is being reviewed in a manner that does not intentionally entrench the digital divide; access to technology, infrastructure and quality communication should not be the exception but rather the right of all.
Theoretical framework
Recently, a conceptual framework in educational study has emerged: the technological pedagogical and content knowledge (TPACK) (see Figure 1). This model has been developed based on the perspective that, for a long time, technology in education has sought to reveal its theoretical foundations (McDougall & Jones 2006; Roblyer 2005; Roblyer & Knezek 2003). Various accounts for the battle to situate the study of education with theory deal with the increasing rate of technology change (Roblyer & Knezek 2003), the lack of substantiated methodological designs and the over-reliance of practical, rather than theoretical, issues (McDougall & Jones 2006; Roblyer 2005).
In 1986, Shulman posited the idea of pedagogical content knowledge (PCK) going further than mere knowledge of subject matter and including knowledge about how the content could be delivered. Within the technology environment, Koehler and Mishra (2005) developed Shulman's (1986) views of PCK to showcase the notion of TPACK). The conceptual framework 'recognizes the unique and interactive roles that content, technology, and pedagogy play in authentic teaching and learning environments' (Baran, Chuang & Thompson 2011:370). For the purpose of this study, the TPACK framework was applied because of its potential in providing a foundation for study in TBTL, as well as providing theoretical guidance on the approach to TBTL according to district officials' views on the use of technology in the Foundation Phase. As Nyambane and Nzuki (2014) state, TBTL success is affected by various interconnected factors, and not by the presence (or lack thereof) of a single factor.
The TPACK's conceptual framework involves the synergy between three basic building blocks of knowledge - technology, pedagogy and content - and intersects with the fundamental assumption of the application of suitable teaching content with suitable pedagogical methods and technology (Koehler & Mishra 2008; Mishra & Koehler 2006). The seven components of the TPACK conceptual framework devolve from adding technology to include elements of Shulman's (1986) original PCK. An outline of the components of the framework is shown in Figure 1.
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Technological knowledge (TK): Technological knowledge includes knowledge of the various technologies from low-tech pencil and paper to the interactive whiteboards, and digital technology such as the Internet and software.
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Content knowledge (CK): Content knowledge means subject matter knowledge (Mishra & Koehler 2006). The content that teachers deliver, specifically how the knowledge is germane to its own content area, must be well understood by the teacher, such as Grade 1 Life Skills.
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Pedagogical knowledge (PK): This pertains to all the strategies and techniques of teaching, as well as knowledge of lesson planning, assessment, teaching methods, learner learning and classroom management.
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Pedagogical content knowledge (PCK): Pedagogical content knowledge infers content knowledge dealing with the process of teaching (Shulman 1986). As Howell (2012) explains, it is the way, or method, in which a subject can be made comprehensible to learners. Pedagogical content knowledge differs for individual content areas as it is a mixture of content and pedagogy with the aim of better developing teaching practices in the various areas of content.
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Technological content knowledge (TCK): Technological content knowledge means how a specific area of content can be better presented using technology (Schmidt et al. 2009). This implies that teachers have to realise that the use of technology changes the way learners comprehend various concepts within a specific knowledge content area.
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· Technological pedagogical knowledge (TPK): Technological pedagogical knowledge illustrates the application of various forms of technology which can be used in teaching, and also provides insight that the use of technology changes the manner in which teachers teach and learners learn.
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· Technological pedagogical content knowledge (TPACK): Technological pedagogical content knowledge is allied to the knowledge that teachers need to have for technology and teaching to converge in any given knowledge content area. According to Schmidt et al. (2009:125), this particular level of knowledge means that teachers must have 'an intuitive understanding of the complex interplay between the three basic components of knowledge (CK, PK, TK) by teaching content using appropriate pedagogical methods and technologies'.
This framework is pertinent to the study as it organises the understanding of the ways in which we teach (i.e. the pedagogy) and the ways in which learners learn (i.e. content) with what we teach (i.e. technology).
Study methodology
Study design
I chose to use a qualitative case study as it explains the sequence of interpersonal events from the participants' accounts of technology in the Foundation Phase while discovering the key aspects of TBTL. This case study concentrated on the unit of analysis, namely, TBTL, and the case was bound in one district in the South African Foundation Phase context. Moreover, the case study was deliberately chosen 'to cover contextual conditions - believing that they might be highly pertinent to the phenomenon of study' (Yin 2003:13). The primary study site was a convenience sample of a chosen district in the Gauteng province because the environment was identified as data rich, which implies that the participants were able to share information based on the large number of Foundation Phase schools that they service.
Ethical considerations
As Flick (2009:36) notes, one can confront ethical issues at each stage of the study process and it is of paramount importance to apply various ethical measures to avoid maleficence to the participants. In this study, informed consent was obtained, the anonymity of participants was protected and confidentiality of information was provided. In addition, I ensured that no deception took place and all ethical guidelines were adhered to in the study (Laerd 2011). Ethical approval was obtained from the Ethics Committee at the institution of study, which involved a rigorous process of ethical scrutiny. The issues of informed consent, anonymity, confidentiality, deception and privacy were covered in the application for ethical clearance.
Data collection techniques
Qualitative study methods employ a naturalistic approach, seeking to understand phenomena in context-specific settings, such as the district officials in South African schools. This is an example of an existing context where the researcher does not have control over the phenomenon of interest (Patton 2002:39). I used qualitative data methods to collate and populate the data. Primary data were collected through semi-structured interviews, opinion pieces and field notes. An opinion piece might not be considered a qualitative data source of information, but it can reflect the participant's views and experiences of TBTL from their unique experience of being involved with the Foundation Phase. My personal observations, based on my study questions, were notated as field notes which I compiled during the semi-structured interviews.
Sample and study site
The study sample comprised two participants, both from a district in the Gauteng Department of Education. This district was chosen because these specialists in education were able to supply valuable information as they service a substantial number of Foundation Phase classes. They therefore could detail their experiences as well as provide the official view regarding TBTL in the Foundation Phase. These two district officials (participants D1 and D2) were able to provide the necessary data needed to investigate and explore the technological arena of the Foundation Phase. Table 1 presents some background information of the participants.
Background information of the case
The data collection commenced initially with four participants from one of the districts in the Department of Education, but in the end only two participants replied. The two district officials (participants D1 and D2) provided the data to investigate and describe the technological arena and TBTL in one district in the Gauteng province. The data collection process comprised a semi-structured interview with two district officials, who had extensive knowledge and experience of all types of schools in the South African Foundation Phase, that is, township schools, rural schools, inner city schools and independent schools.
Participant D1 is a 44-year-old female Foundation Phase senior education specialist, with a Diploma of Education (pre-primary), a higher Diploma of Education and a Bachelor of Education (honours) in Education Management. Her experience includes 4 years as a preschool teacher, and for the past 16 years she has been an education specialist in the Department of Education. The district where she works comprises 132 primary schools in the Foundation Phase, of which 26 fall in her area of responsibility. Participant D2 is a 47-year-old female Foundation Phase senior education specialist, with a Pre-Junior Higher Education Diploma, a Bachelor of Arts degree and a Bachelor of Education (honours) in Inclusive Education. This participant has some 24 years of experience in education, commencing as a Foundation Phase teacher, then as an Early Childhood Development/Foundation Phase head of department. At present she works for the Department of Education. In her district, there are 28 public primary schools, including one farm school, five inner city schools (also known as ex-model C) and 22 township schools.
South African schools are 'organised and categorised in a rather complex and overlapping manner' (Department of Education 2009). Data taken from field notes implied that school categories are based on their geographical location, socio-economic status and, lastly, performance. Firstly, the term 'township' refers to the areas where people of the same race, especially black people, were moved away from city centres by the apartheid government and clustered together according to their ethnic groups. Township schools are located in these areas. Secondly, 'rural school' refers to those schools on the periphery of cities and townships that are governed by the state. Rural provinces mainly tend to have proportionally more schools with fewer learners compared to more urbanised provinces that tend to have proportionally fewer schools with more learners (DBE 2015).Thirdly, inner city schools, also called former model C schools, are urban schools that are located in the cities and that are privileged with resources and funding from the state. Lastly, the independent schools are private schools, although registered with the Department of Education; they do not receive state support. Private schools serve more affluent communities and are well-resourced, well-managed and staffed with well-qualified educators. This is in stark contrast to the other categories of schools mentioned above.
The questions posed in the semi-structured interview were designed to investigate the participants' perceptions of current teachers' technological, content and pedagogical knowledge derived from the TPACK framework. Other questions pertained to the technological arena in general, and how technology is currently employed for teaching and learning in different types of schools. The two district officials were also requested to write down their views - these are the opinion pieces. The opinion piece questionnaire was based on the prompts: 'who has access to what forms of technology and when and how is it used' and 'based on the pros and cons of the educational landscape with regard to TBTL, what recommendations can be made?' to further understand their perspective of Foundation Phase teachers' and learners' experiences of TBTL. The next section comprises the data analysis from the interviews, participants' opinion pieces and my field notes (where applicable). This section is structured in line with the key themes that emerged from the data.
Data analysis
Schwandt (2007:7) states that the data analysis component of the study should be rigorous, disciplined and organised. When interpreting a case study, Rule and John (2011:75) note that data analysis allows the researcher to generate generous descriptions, establish themes, produce explanations, as well as attempt to create theory. According to Creswell (2012), there are six steps generally used in the analysis of qualitative data, which in this study comprised the analysis of the data gleaned from the semi-structured interviews and the opinion pieces provided by the district officials, as well as my field notes. The six steps are outlined below:
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The data were first managed and organised (Creswell 2007:156), and then grouped by type, viz., interviews, opinion pieces and field notes. Subsequently, audio recordings from the two interviews were transcribed and formed part of the data collation.
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The data were then categorised or classified. In this step, the data were reorganised after a further reading, and notes were made to capture my first impressions. Then the data were divided into topic categories so as to further provide meaning to the raw data (Creswell 2007, 2012).
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Here various codes, as well as descriptions and subcategories, were formulated for the data. Creswell (2012:236) asks the following question: 'What in the responses of the participants' provide answers to my study questions?', which guided this step of the analysis.
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As concrete findings emerged, they were devolved into in-depth descriptions of the data (Creswell 2007). In other words, the categorised responses from the participants regarding their descriptions and understanding of technology for teaching and learning were categorised according to the emerging themes.
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This step followed data interpretation (Creswell 2007). I carefully examined the findings and cross-referenced them with the literature to elucidate meaning. This was done by summarising the themes and examining similarities and/or differences between the study findings and the extant literature.
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In the final step, I used certain strategies to confirm the veracity of the findings of the themed data. Data were triangulated to confirm the accuracy of the findings. The data were also sent back to the participants to ensure that the responses had been accurately recorded and the correct meaning inferred regarding using technology for teaching and learning in the Foundation Phase.
Multiple themes emerged from the descriptions and experiences of the participants, opinion pieces and field notes. The data were purposefully arranged into themes, namely, Technological landscape of TBTL in the Foundation Phase, TBTL in the different school categories, barriers to TBTL and TPACK in TBTL, which are discussed below.
Results
Technological landscape of technology-based teaching and learning in the Foundation Phase
Participant D1 explained that in her view technology comprises machines, laptops, computers, telephones, etc., which are designed to make life easier. Technology is well integrated into her everyday life and she notes that it 'assists you to get a job done faster and more effectively where ever you may be' (Participant D1, female, 44 years). She acknowledges the importance of TBTL in the Foundation Phase, adding that 'we encourage teachers to make use of ICT when they are teaching' (Participant D1, female, 44 years). However, as she states, technology is not always accessible, and in addition it is expensive and can be impersonal since 'you don't spend time with other people, because there are all kinds of machines you can use to do a job' (Participant D1, female, 44 years).
In the same manner, Participant D2 said using technology is 'practical; including digital products, technological processes, resources and electronics, as a tool for communication (teaching and learning)'. In contact daily with technology, she uses it for administrative tasks, communication and as a teaching and learning tool. She further states that technology is an advantage as 'it leverages "lifelong" learning, caters for the current environment and it creates exciting, diverse leaning environments' (Participant D2, female, 47 years). However, Participant D2 noted that 'not all individuals are adequately empowered to use various digital/technological equipment (tech-savvy)', and that 'digital/technological equipment is being developed at such a fast pace that much of it quickly becomes obsolete'. In addition, issues of safety and cost are disadvantages of TBTL. This information from the participants formed the starting point of the interviews conducted with Participants D1 and D2.
Technology-based teaching and learning is not pervasive in the Foundation Phase in South Africa, and thus I needed to elicit the participants' opinions as to whether or not technology should be used in this phase. Both participants confirmed, however, that TBTL is important in this phase. The reasons they gave include the fact that technology can be used to support the curriculum if it is used as a study tool. Furthermore, the inclusion of technology in the Foundation Phase can assist teachers with planning and preparation for this generation of screen children (PD2), but it is noted, however, that this does not always happen.
The use of technology-based teaching and learning in the various school categories within the Foundation Phase
Both participants noted that the use of TBTL is not widely practised in the Foundation Phase of township, rural and inner city school categories in their respective districts. However, because of independent schools having more financial resources, they have much more TBTL. In addition, some schools have various technological tools but they are often not employed in teaching or learning, or they are misused. It is encouraging to note, however, that a number of schools are setting a good example by gradually incorporating technology using resources from external funding drives. These few schools are models to show how TBTL can be employed, although many more such schools are needed.
Using these model schools as examples, I endeavoured to initiate a response from the participants when they answered questions pertaining to various elements of the theoretical framework. I asked questions to understand the depth of technological, pedagogical and content knowledge in the Foundation Phase. Regarding the availability of technology, it was clear that there are many support services in the open education domain, yet only some schools have computers and very few have tablets. Participant D2 mentioned that most schools, other than the independent schools, do not have access to the physical technology needed to embrace these support services:
'So some of the resources are there. You see, but that's why it's important for the schools to have the tools you know … the physical technological tools to supplement them.' (Participant D2, female, 47 years)
Regarding township schools, Participant D2 provided an illustration of how the space, classroom and surrounding environment can be arranged to support TBTL, with technology being provided by the school governing body:
'They've got good security measures in place where they've got tablets; look, the principal motivated the teachers to purchase their own tablets and she had something going with the company that was providing it for them to do study in terms of their planning. And then the learners also have this where they bring technology into the classroom during their computer lessons. That is one of the very few schools …' (Participant D2, female, 47 years).
The participants stated that the majority of township schools do not have any technology devices but have a support centre for the teachers to access various technological resources. From the above example it is clear that technology in the township schools is very rare and mostly only for a specific lesson or short-term teacher study. It has not been incorporated into everyday teaching and learning. In addition, the participants also stated that this is also the situation with rural schools.
However, the inner city schools have better access to physical technology devices as these are independently supplied. It is to be noted that TBTL only takes places in either a single computer period or on an ad hoc occasion. Some model inner city schools have embraced the importance of TBTL, and there are efforts to integrate technology into the curriculum. Participant D1 stated the following:
'But what's currently happening now is that many of the schools, because they see the value of ICT, are starting to now purchase more and more tablets and you know, the monitors and everything, and they're starting to use, to plan in terms of CAPS1 you know, the implementation and alignment to the curriculum and they look at how can they then you know, bring in ICT in their planning.' (Participant D1, female, 44 years)
Challenges regarding integrating technology-based teaching and learning into the Foundation Phase
The barriers to integrating TBTL into the Foundation Phase were noted by the participants, which included the high cost of purchasing equipment, and the financial constraints pertaining to training teachers in technology and maintaining the continued use of technology. Participant D1 noted the following in her opinion piece:
'Using iPads or laptops or the Internet comes with planning. It cannot be a separate plan, but should become part and parcel of the curriculum that's being taught. Many teachers are not skilled enough to be able to know how to use ICT and this makes the financial burden even heavier on a school, because it's of no use having the equipment, but teachers are unable to use it. For this reason, teachers are then obliged to attend training on how to use ICT and the SGB2 ends up paying for this as well. This, I think, is also one of the main reasons why schools do not invest in purchasing equipment.' (Participant D1, female, 44 years)
It is clear that one of the major reasons that TBTL is not more readily embraced is the teacher. It is the attitude of the teacher that determines the success of the introduction of technology when it is available:
'Again, it's about teacher attitude … And the willingness to want to use technology in the classroom.' (Participant D2, female, 47 years)
'From school visits it is evident that a large percentage of the teachers in the Foundation Phase are very 'senior' in years. Thus, there is a sense of 'fear' and 'inability' or lack of knowledge in using computers and programmes to assist with teaching and learning.' (Particpant D1, female, 44 years)
Further barriers to TBTL include lack of government support and financial resources required to obtain and implement technology on a sustained basis. During the interviews, and as reiterated in their opinion pieces, the participants stated that there are few examples of best practice, and where these exist, it is only because of funds obtained externally. Participant D1's opinion piece substantiates the state of TBTL currently:
'The use of ICT in schools is encouraged, but cannot be forced as the financial burden rests mainly on the parents. The department have not been able to provide schools with computers or iPads or even the human resource to be able to teach learners.' (Participant D1, female, 44 years)
Participant D2 concurs with Participant 1, stating that teachers, learners and district officials must have the requisite technology tools if TBTL is to be successful. Both participants concur that government resources are few and the sustainability of these resources is a problem. Specifically, they both make the point that often the first initial structures are not problematic, but maintaining support for them is a huge barrier to the success of TBTL;
'It's more the system is in place, or they're working on the system but now from there you, to be able to make use of the system you need to have the resource you know. You have to have the training, you need to have a laptop, you need to be able to know how to use it, which is a way that the department is trying to assist teachers in terms of their workload and planning and that kind of thing but it is just that it's taking very long you know.' (Participant D2, female, 47 years)
Further hindrances to TBTL comprise, inter alia, the workforce and the less than optimal distribution of both training and resources:
'Yes. So there needs to be manpower. With the manpower must come equipment and training. And budget obviously.' (Participant D2, female, 47 years)
In addition, because of high crime rates and pervasive theft, the participants stated that expensive technology equipment in the school is vulnerable.
Technological pedagogical and content knowledge in technology-based teaching and learning in the Foundation Phase
Although there are many barriers to TBTL, the participants noted that some schools have technology tools and show exemplary practice in TBTL. However, such schools are few and far between. The chalkboard is still used pervasively in most schools. When the participants detailed their personal experiences regarding the use of technology in the Foundation Phase, they highlighted that although TBTL is not pervasive in schools, it is possible to integrate it. Participant D2 explained that technology generally is used to supplement teaching in inner city, township and rural schools. The following quote, from Participant D2, pertains to an inner city school:
'… presentations with the learners. If you go to computer classes, they learn to draw on the art program and they do the maths, they do some reading.' (Participant D2, female, 47 years)
'They do some language, Afrikaans …' (Participant D1, female, 44 years)
If and when technology is available, it seems that township and rural schools use it as an additional subject, rather than it being integrated into normal teaching. Thus, limited examples are found in all the school categories where technology is an enabler of pedagogy. The problem is that this state of affairs does not further the aims of integrating technology into teaching and learning. According to the participants, the focus is placed on the actual technology tools and the skills necessary to use them, rather than embracing technological content knowledge or technological pedagogical knowledge.
'Admitting, learners in both township and former Model C schools do have access to computer lessons, weekly. They are taught basic computer literacy such as learning the naming of the parts of the hardware and working on the MS Word and 'Paint'. What is a shortfall is that there is no real integration with any of the subjects that the teacher is currently teaching in her classroom.' (Participant D2, female, 47 years)
However, it must be noted that there is more teaching with regard to technology in schools in the inner city than in township and rural schools. In inner city schools, the management actively campaigns for the use of technology. Generally, technology is used by the teachers for their lesson planning, and in all too few occasions it is used to motivate their teaching. Participant D1 states the following:
'You can't just go and say 'we're going to …' You must have it ready. And that is where their teaching is informed by technology. The ICT informs what they're going to teach the learners. So it's like a link.' (Participant D1, female, 44 years)
Participant D2 stated that ideally either a technology advocate in the school or the school management needs to support TBTL so that it can be implemented and maintained, but sadly this is not normally the case. The participants agreed that the lack of technological pedagogical knowledge is because of two main reasons: the nature of the Foundation Phase teaching, and the curriculum and the assessment of the curriculum being highly prescriptive. The participants were asked if technology changes the manner in which teachers are teaching, and unfortunately this is not the case. As Participant D2 explains, teachers want to teach young children correctly, and the department workbook comprises the major resource for ensuring teaching and learning take place. Technological content knowledge remains unamended because of the prescriptive nature of the curriculum. It is evident that neither teachers nor learners (in all the school categories) use technology to develop new and unique content. It is interesting to note, however, that publishers are printing content which deals with technology in the curriculum.
The future of technology-based teaching and learning in the Foundation Phase
Because of the evident lack of TBTL in the Foundation Phase, the participants were requested to provide their views on how teachers and learners can benefit from technology in the South African Foundation Phase. These recommendations include altering the teachers' perspective on TBTL, ensuring resources are available for teacher preparation and engendering collaboration between stakeholders. It is clear that the attitudes of the teachers must be changed to embrace technology, and the necessary training in how to use technology for teaching must be provided. Any policy regarding the use of technology for teaching must be easily comprehensible. Furthermore, the participants expounded on the need for government to supply resources, as well as other stakeholders such as the department, parents and higher education institutions, to effect a technology collaboration.
Participant D1, in her opinion piece, summarised her view on the use of technology, strongly advocating that the relevant departments in the Department of Education need to form a collaborative initiative:
'The use of technology is incorporated in workshops that we present to teachers - we use technology to communicate and cascade information to teachers and schools. However, I must be candid in assuming that not all colleagues are 'au fait' with technology. The purpose is to motivate study of subject matter, cater for interactive teaching and learning and to empower teachers. Perhaps this needs to be a point of departure in identifying the gap in use of technology in curriculum delivery? Perhaps at District level, we should stop working in silos - implying that the Curriculum Unit and the E-learning unit should work together closely.' (Participant D1, female, 44 years)
The participants were asked to provide input on how learners can learn and how teachers can teach successfully if technology is embraced:
'Yes, that's where we have to come in now because it's all fair and well you know how to use a tablet, you know how to click a mouse but you now bring that into teaching successfully. Not just for the sake of using it you know, not just because I have a computer to put the screen up and say look, here is my computer, but … To actually know exactly how are they going to integrate this? And to reinforce what you're teaching and how our children are learning with the technological tools that you have.' (Participant D2, female, 47 years)
Discussion and implications
In summary, the experiences of schools in TBTL that use minimal or no technology are completely different from the TBTL experience of teachers and learners in technology-rich schools. Moreover, the fractured nature of TBTL in the Foundation Phase was highlighted. The data analysis provided evidence of digital resources in the Foundation Phase. To what extent they are used and how they are used to achieve desirable educational outcomes still need to be further interrogated. The strengths and weaknesses of TBTL were reviewed in the literature and came to the fore in empirical study so that a comprehensive overview could be achieved before looking at the situation of TBTL in South Africa. Regarding the barriers or limitations to TBTL, the findings concur with extant literature noting the fact that people learn, live and function with technology (Kruger 2014) which is not the case in the South African school system. This is also the case regarding the potential of TBTL as the findings show that policy and practice are varied and fragmented, and the majority of teaching and learning in the South African Foundation Phase still takes place in the old traditional manner. Furthermore, delineating the parameters of TPACK, which involves the interrelation between technological and pedagogical content knowledge, is unsuitable with findings in the literature, as there is little or no TBTL taking place in the majority of schools.
Little to no TBTL is taking place because of the 'generational gap' between teachers and learners; disparities between the 'haves' and the 'have nots' in access to technology; no integration between technological, pedagogical and content knowledge; and a lack of communication between the stakeholders who deal with teaching and learning in the Foundation Phase. The most serious lacuna is the digital divide, with only a privileged few having access to technology, while the majority do not have the necessary financial resources. The generational gap, that is, differences in age between teacher and learners, severely compromises TBTL. Minimal or no technology is present in the Foundation Phase; therefore, it cannot be aligned with technological, pedagogical and content knowledge in the theoretical framework. In the few cases where there is technology in certain schools, it forms a discord with either teaching or learning. Discipline disparity has resulted from a lack of training opportunities in TBTL for teachers, learners and other relevant Foundation Phase stakeholders. Communication is also seen as a barrier because various educational departments, institutions and individuals work in their respective silos for TBTL initiatives and do not collaborate in the sharing and exchanging of technology knowledge and ideas.
In this study, the arena of technology and the official viewpoint regarding TBTL in the Foundation Phase were investigated and the findings strongly revealed massive disparities between schools where TBTL is implemented and those where it is not implemented. As a result of the findings, the following recommendations are made to ensure successful TBTL in the Foundation Phase in the future:
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Firstly, government should ensure a technology infrastructure in the Foundation Phase.
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Secondly, the Department of Education should formulate a specific policy framework for TBTL in the Foundation Phase.
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Thirdly, teachers should be taught the necessary skills to enable them to learn about, use and embrace technology.
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Fourthly, Foundation Phase teachers need to incorporate technology into their teaching and learning preparation programmes so that they can change the way they teach and implement TBTL. In addition, the professional development of teachers must be attended to in this technological 21st century to upgrade their skills.
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Lastly, Foundation Phase learners need to be given access to the most appropriate content, and this content must be formed and supported by technology.
Conclusion
The significance of this study is that it prepares the way for an educational study perspective of teaching and learning in the Foundation Phase that is based on technology. Today's learners are socialised in a manner completely different from that of the previous generation in that we all now live in a 'wired' and connected global information society. In the beginning of the information era, the impact of technology was mainly concerned with the access to information or how it was disseminated, but now the pervasive use of technology should be extended to embrace the manner in which teachers teach (i.e. the pedagogy) and the manner in which learners learn. Knowledge content must be integrated with technology.
Acknowledgements
Competing interests
The author declares that she has no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced her in writing this article.
Authors' contributions
D.H. is the primary researcher and author of the manuscript.
Funding information
There were no sources of support in terms of grants, equipment, drugs and/or other support that facilitated the conduct of the work described in the article or the writing of the article itself.
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Correspondence:
Donna Hannaway
hannad@unisa.ac.za
Received: 23 June 2018
Accepted: 17 Jan. 2019
Published: 27 May 2019
1 . National Curriculum Statements of South Africa.
2 . School Governing Body.
ORIGINAL RESEARCH
Profile of factors influencing academic motivation among grade 6 and 7 learners at a state school
Sarah I.N. YigaI; Lerato KhoaraiI; Thapelo KhosanaI; Rebonethato LesupiI; Joanah MduliI; Tamryn ShadwellI; Johan BotesI; Gina JoubertII
IDepartment of Family Medicine, University of the Free State, Bloemfontein, South Africa
IIDepartment of Biostatistics, University of the Free State, Bloemfontein, South Africa
ABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: Academic achievement is influenced by a system of internal and external stimuli. Internal stimuli include interest, willingness and academic motivation. In South Africa, efforts to improve the quality of education have mostly focused on the provision of physical resources rather than emotional resources.
AIM: The aim of this study was to determine the profile of four factors, namely, teacher style, role models, home environment and peer influence that can influence the academic motivation of grade 6 and 7 learners.
SETTING: A parallel-medium primary state school in an urban part of Bloemfontein, Free State.
METHODS: This was a cross-sectional observational study. Data were collected using an anonymous, self-administered questionnaire completed by the learners. The questions captured demographic data and measured the four categories of factors.
RESULTS: Overall, 115 out of 202 learners participated (response rate 56.9%). Almost all learners felt that their teachers encouraged them to do their best (96.5%), but 61.3% felt they could not confide in their teachers with personal problems. Most learners had a role model (93.8%), and 70.9% expressed that the role model's hard work was the reason for their admiration. Most learners felt that they were surrounded by supportive people (83.0%) and had a good study environment at home (80.5%). The majority of learners had a group of friends with whom they felt they belong (90.3%), and they could confide in their best friends with personal problems (61.6%).
CONCLUSION: Teacher style, peers and home environment scored high as important factors for academic motivation.
Keywords: academic motivation; factors; teacher; role model; home environment; peer.
Introduction
Academic achievement is influenced by a complicated system of internal and external stimuli. All these factors interplay, and the weight of their individual influences differs between countries, communities, demographic groups and individuals (Allison 2010; McCoy, Wolf & Godfrey 2014). Internal stimuli include academic motivation, interest in the subject matter and the learner's willingness to participate (Komarraju, Karau & Schmeck 2009; McCoy et al. 2014). The main external stimuli are the academic platform, teachers, parents and peers, and the expectations and attitude of the immediate community (Allison 2010; Chen 2008; McCoy et al. 2014; Schapps 2003).
Academic motivation can be described as the self-determination to succeed in learning. This is formed by the psychological and personality traits of the individual, which, in turn, is influenced by a number of external factors (Komarraju et al. 2009). Motivation, as a concept, consists of a spectrum with two poles called 'intrinsic motivation' and 'amotivation'. Internal and external factors stimulate the learner, and the position of the learner in the spectrum is determined by the way the learner reacts to these factors. A learner, who is internally self-determined to succeed, will be closer to the intrinsic pole. The more external influences are required, the closer the learner is to the middle of the spectrum (called 'extrinsic motivation'), while those who show no interest and cannot be influenced internally or externally are on the amotivation side (Komarraju et al. 2009).
We conducted a review of the literature in an attempt to find influencing factors that may play a role in the learner's academic motivation. The following list of possible factors was formulated: teacher style, role models, home environment and peer influence.
Most teachers aspire to offer an influential learning environment and the best possible opportunities for learners. Unfortunately, teachers face many obstacles in the form of standardised curricula, specifically set outcomes and limited resources provided by the school system (Allison 2010). Thoonen et al. (2011) investigated the correlation between the teacher's influence and learners' learning motivation. They found a definite positive effect in all aspects, except in process-orientated educating where learners showed a decrease in motivation. Schapps (2003) emphasised the importance of the school environment where learners become motivated when they feel safe and have a sense of belonging. When learners experience a positive environment, they eventually become part of the culture and contribute to the school and learning community.
Role models also play a part in motivation. Morgenroth, Ryan and Peters (2015) summarised a role model's functions as a model for behaviour, depiction of what could be achieved and as inspiration. This usually occurs when the person can identify with the role model in some manner and share similar goals. Lockwood, Jordan and Kunda (2002) explained that both positive and negative role models could positively guide a learner on how to - or not to - behave and be successful.
The home environment, especially parental figures, is an important factor in motivating learners to be successful academically. In fact, Harris and Goodall (2008) found that only if parents or guardians are more involved in the learning process, could a learner be expected to improve on his academic performance. Despite the busy lives of parents today, the learning process requires time and commitment for the child to be successful.
Peers could be a positive influence on learners' motivation, but could just as easily have a negative impact. The environment, culture and social interaction between peers could help a learner experience belonging and learning could be boosted, but a negative effect could occur if a learner struggles to adapt to the group dynamic (Chen 2008).
South Africa achieves excellent school enrolment of more than 98% for children between the ages of 7 and 15. However, only one in two learners enrolled in grade 1 will eventually pass matric (Modisaotsile 2012).
So far, efforts to improve the quality of education have focused strongly on the provision of physical resources rather than emotional resources or motivation. This approach is apparent in the Department of Basic Education's Strategic Plan 2011-2014 and their annual reports (Department of Basic Education [DBE] 2011). These documents emphasise the provision of textbooks on time, training more teachers, improving school infrastructure and developing a better curriculum (DBE 2011). These are all essential, but there is little focus on the learners' willingness to learn.
The aim of this study was to determine the profile of factors, namely, teacher style, role models, home environment and peer influence, that can influence the academic motivation of grade 6 and 7 learners at a primary state school in Bloemfontein, South Africa.
Research methods and design
Study design and setting
This was a cross-sectional observational study. A parallel-medium primary state school in an urban part of Bloemfontein was chosen as study site. This is a co-educational and fee-paying school with good physical resources.
Study population and sampling strategy
The study population consisted of all grade 6 and 7 learners enrolled at the school in 2013. All learners willing to participate in the study were included in the sample.
Data collection
An anonymous, self-administered questionnaire was designed by the authors. Mainly closed questions were formulated on the pre-selected factors according to the relevant literature. The questionnaire was available in English, Afrikaans and Sesotho. The learners could select the language in which they wanted to complete the questionnaire. The questions measured demographic data and the four categories of factors: teacher style, role models, home environment and peer influence. Home environment included questions on parents or guardians, physical environment and socio-economic status.
Questions were either Yes/No or multiple choices. Weights were pre-set for each possible answer, ranging from '1' given for a definite positive answer and '0' for no influence on their motivation. The teachers were asked to explain the questionnaire to the learners, but were asked not to be involved in the completion thereof. Grade 6 and 7 teachers handed out the questionnaires to the learners. The completed questionnaires were collected by the student researchers on two occasions.
Pilot study
The pilot study was conducted at another similar primary school in Bloemfontein on 20 grade 6 and 7 learners. The structuring of the questions and options provided in the questionnaire were adjusted according to feedback. Data from the pilot study were not included in the main study.
Data analysis
The data were analysed by the Department of Biostatistics, Faculty of Health Sciences, University of the Free State. Each answer had a unique numerical code, which was scored according to the memo, based on the literature. Each category was scored separately. If more than half of the questions in a category were answered, the score for that category was calculated using the completed questions. Based on these category marks, the learners were divided into three motivation strata (low: 0% - 33%, intermediate: 34% - 66% and high: 67% - 100%) for each of the four categories.
Ethical considerations
The study was approved by the Ethics Committee of the Faculty of Health Sciences, University of the Free State (STUD 28/2013). Permission to conduct the study was obtained from the Head of the Free State Department of Education and the Education District Director of the Motheo Region. Signed permission was obtained from the school principal, teachers, participating learners and their parents. All data were handled confidentially, and no identifiable information was recorded on the questionnaire.
Results
Of the 202 learners invited to participate, 115 (response rate 56.9%) consented and participated. The vast majority (93.9%) of the participants completed their questionnaires in English, even though only 18.3% had English as their home language. The highest percentage (44.4%) of the learners indicated that they spoke Sesotho at home, 9.3% indicated Afrikaans, while other, mainly African languages, made up the remaining 27.8%. Boys were slightly in the majority (56.5%), most of the participants were in grade 6 (67.8%) and the median age was 12 years. The majority of the learners came to school by private car (60.9%) or public transport (20.0%). For 82.6% of the learners, travelling time to school was 30 min or less.
Teacher style
Participating learners stated that teachers created a comfortable environment for group work (81.4%). They felt teachers explained the incorrect answers sufficiently (88.5%), enough time was given to work independently (78.8%) and teachers were willing to be corrected when they were wrong (82.3%). Teachers encouraged the learners to do their best (96.5%), but 61.3% of the learners felt they could not confide in teachers with personal problems.
Role models
The majority of the learners had a role model (93.8%), and 70.9% of the learners expressed that hard work was the reason for their admiration. The learners stated that they were more influenced by a positive role model (83.2%) than a negative role model; though those who indicated they have a negative model (67.6%) felt there was still an opportunity to learn (92.0%).
Home environment
Most of the learners (80.5%) felt that they had a good study environment at home and were surrounded by supportive people (83.0%). Approximately all (93.8%) felt that hard work determines success, more so than background. Only 32.7% felt those from a wealthy background have more opportunities. The learners had someone at home to help with their homework (82.3%). They also had someone at home to talk to about what happened at school (76.6%) and encourage them to work hard (96.8%).
Peer influence
The majority of learners had a group of friends with whom they felt they belong (90.3%), and they could confide in their best friends with personal problems (61.6%). The learners indicated that they were willing to differ from their friends when their best friends disagreed with them about important decisions (60.0%). Regarding encouragement, 52.2% stated their friends motivated them when needed. When the best friend outperformed them, 68.1% felt encouraged to work harder.
In Table 1, the answers are categorised and scored to give an overview of the important factors influencing learning.
More than 60% of learners fell into the high motivational stratum for teacher style (61.4%), home environment (66.0%) and peer influence (71.1%). Only 20.0% of the learners scored high for motivation by role models. A greater percentage of girls scored high for motivation by their teacher (66.0%) and peers (74.0%), compared with the boys. Both boys (66.1%) and girls (66.0%) scored equally high in motivation for home environment.
Discussion
Grade 6 and 7 learners at this Bloemfontein primary state school are motivated by their teachers and peers and have academically supportive home environments. The 'peers' category had the highest percentage of learners in the high motivational stratum, closely followed by home environment and teacher influence. Genders did not differ markedly. This study did not assess the association between these factors and learners' academic performance. However, this school outperformed national and provincial figures on Annual National Assessments: literacy 60.0% compared to 42.8% nationally and 52.2% provincial, and numeracy 48.0% compared to 26.7% national and 28.4% provincial.
Most learners at this primary state school responded positively regarding teacher aspects, despite the constraints mentioned by Allison (2010). Teachers' emotional support role was less well fulfilled. Just over a third of the learners would confide in their teacher.
Almost all learners had positive role models. Of these, most stated that the role model's hard work was the reason for their admiration. Two-thirds of learners indicated the presence of a negative role model in their lives. A negative role model is not necessarily an impediment to motivation (Lockwood et al. 2002). It is still an opportunity to learn. It is important to select positive characteristics to emulate. Admiration and independence should co-exist. Bricheno and Thornton (2007) found very little evidence of learners considering teachers as role models. Most learners had role models in the home environment, extended family or community, as was the case in this study as well.
Home environment plays an important role in the academic performance of learners, especially if there is an adult available for academic assistance and emotional support when needed (Chiu & Xihua 2008; Harris & Goodall 2008).
It is positive to see that almost all the learners felt they belonged to a group of friends. The learners felt positively influenced by their friends, and healthy competition between friends to perform academically was evident.
Study limitations
The response rate was low because of multiple consent levels required for participation. The validity of the questionnaire depended on the honesty of the learners' answers. Repeatability was not determined as the questionnaire was only administered once. The completed questionnaires were collected on two separate days in late 2013, 5 weeks apart. Ideally, the questionnaires should have been completed and collected on a single day to prevent the learners discussing them. Researchers were not present while the learners completed the questionnaire.
Being restricted to one school also meant we could not assess other variables, which could influence motivation and academic performance such as school type (urban, rural, farm, hospital), gender composition (co-educational or single sex) and level of affluence (private, public fee-paying and public no-fee).
Conclusion
This study has attempted to measure and quantify the factors that are described in the literature as important for academic motivation. At this parallel-medium co-educational fee-paying primary state school in an urban part of Bloemfontein, learners scored high on motivation by teacher style, peers and home environment. 'Role models' was the category in which the largest percentage of children scored low.
Recommendations
This project did not intend to provide representative data, but rather to open the discussion of possible influences from external factors on the learner's academic motivation. An association between these factors and learners' motivation, leading to actual academic performance, should be investigated in a range of schools covering different school types and socio-economic levels.
Acknowledgements
The authors thank Ms T. Mulder, medical editor, School of Medicine, University of the Free State, for technical and editorial preparation of the article.
Competing interests
The authors declare that they have no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced them in writing this article.
Authors' contributions
L.K., T.K., R.L., J.M. and T.S. developed the protocol, performed the data collection and did the initial write-up of this study. S.I.N.Y. was the supervisor of this study; suggested the concept; and assisted with the protocol development, data collection and interpretation, and write-up of the study. J.B. assisted with the protocol submission, data interpretation and write-up of the article. G.J. assisted with the planning, performed data analysis and assisted with the interpretation and write-up of the article.
Funding information
This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial or not-for-profit sectors.
Data availability statement
Data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study.
Disclaimer
The views expressed in this article are the authors' own and not an official position of the institution or funder.
References
Allison, E.B., 2010, 'Pedagogy - How is it influenced in primary schools? A comparative study of literature about pedagogical influences in primary schools in England and Poland, with a focus on English primary schools', Education 3-13 38(1), 55-67. https://doi.org/10.1080/03004270903099819 [ Links ]
Bricheno, P. & Thornton, M.E., 2007, 'Role model, hero or champion? Children's views concerning role models', Educational Research 49(4), 383-396. https://doi.org/10.1080/00131880701717230 [ Links ]
Chen, J.J.-L., 2008, 'Grade-level differences: Relations of parental, teacher and peer support to academic engagement and achievement among Hong Kong students', School Psychology International 29(2), 183-198. https://doi.org/10.1177/0143034308090059 [ Links ]
Chiu, M.M. & Xihua, Z., 2008, 'Family and motivation effects on mathematics achievement: Analyses of students in 41 countries', Learning and Instruction 18(4), 321-336. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.learninstruc.2007.06.003 [ Links ]
Department of Basic Education, Republic of South Africa, 2011, Strategic Plan 2011-2014, viewed 31 January 2018, from https://www.education.gov.za/Portals/0/Documents/Reports /DBE%20StratPlan%202011-2014.pdf?ver=2015-01-30-111357-713.
Harris, A. & Goodall, J., 2008, 'Do parents know they matter? Engaging all parents in learning', Educational Research 50(3), 277-289. https://doi.org/10.1080/00131880802309424 [ Links ]
Komarraju, M., Karau, S.J. & Schmeck, R.R., 2009, 'Role of the Big Five personality traits in predicting college students' academic motivation and achievement', Learning and Individual Differences 19(1), 47-52. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.lindif.2008.07.001 [ Links ]
Lockwood, P., Jordan, C.H. & Kunda, Z., 2002, 'Motivation by positive or negative role models: Regulatory focus determines who will best inspire us', Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 83(4), 854-864. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.83.4.854 [ Links ]
McCoy, D.C., Wolf, S. & Godfrey, E.B., 2014, 'Student motivation for learning in Ghana: Relationships with caregivers' values toward education, attendance, and academic achievement', School Psychology International 35(3), 294-308. https://doi.org/10.1177/0143034313508055 [ Links ]
Modisaotsile, B.M., 2012, The failing standard of basic education in South Africa, viewed 31 January 2018, from http://www.ai.org.za/wp-content/uploads/downloads/2012/03/No.-72.The-Failing-Standard-of-Basic-Education-in-South-Africa1.pdf.
Morgenroth, T., Ryan, M.K. & Peters, K., 2015, 'The motivational theory of role modeling: How role models influence role aspirants' goals', Review of General Psychology 19(4), 465-483. https://doi.org/10.1037/gpr0000059 [ Links ]
Schapps, E., 2003, The role of supportive school environments in promoting academic success, California Department of Education Press, Sacramento, CA.
Thoonen, E.E., Sleegers, P.J., Peetsma, T.T. & Oort, F.J., 2011, 'Can teachers motivate students to learn?', Educational Studies 37(3), 345-360. https://doi.org/10.1080/03055698.2010.507008 [ Links ]
Correspondence:
Johan Botes
botesj@ufs.ac.za
Received: 13 Feb. 2018
Accepted: 20 Mar. 2019
Published: 27 May 2019
ORIGINAL RESEARCH
A modified analytical framework for describing m-learning (as applied to early grade Mathematics)
Nicky Roberts; Garth Spencer-Smith
Centre for Education Practice Research, University of Johannesburg, Soweto, South Africa
ABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: There has been little Southern African research attention on the potentials of m-learning to support quality mathematics learning for young children and their caring adults. This article argues that m-learning research has shifted from claims of being promising to claims of effect in educational settings of both classrooms and homes. This is particularly the case in mathematics, where there is increasing evidence of positive (although modest) improvement in learning outcomes.
AIM: This article modifies an analytical framework for initial descriptions of m-learning interventions. Comparison between interventions in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) context is then possible.
SETTING: Three large-scale m-learning interventions focused on early grade mathematics in the SADC countries.
METHODS: Targeting the early grades and building on an existing framework for describing m-learning interventions, three large-scale m-learning interventions from within the SADC were purposively selected. The three interventions exemplify a possible way to describe the learning theory and pedagogical emphasis underlying the design of their mathematics programmes.
RESULTS: The cases themselves contribute to understanding the m-learning landscape and approaches to early grade mathematics in the SADC in more detail.
CONCLUSION: A modified analytical framework is offered as a means of describing m-learning in ways that attend to children's and caregivers' use of mobile devices, as well as the underlying learning theories.
Keywords: early grade; mathematics; m-learning; Africa; analytical framework; ICT.
Introduction
A relatively recent (2016) special issue of the South African Journal of Childhood Education had early childhood care and education (birth to 9 years of age), in disadvantaged contexts, as its focus. It was motivated by an urgent need to overcome the numerous risks facing young children and their families in vulnerable circumstances. In their editorial, Ebrahim and Pascal (2016) argued that:
[t]he way forward lies in focusing on teachers and their instructional practices and abilities to deal with contextual realities to forge navigational maps to improve the lives of children in vulnerable circumstances. (p. 2)
However, none of the interventions included in this special issue are related to teachers (caring adults or parents) and their instructional practices for mathematics. Neither did any of the interventions consider the possibility of utilising mobile technologies in this quest. We share Ebrahim and Pascal's (2016:3) urgency relating to young children and their families. We offer a focus on mathematics and m-learning as contribution towards their call 'to continue knowledge production about early care and education in a disadvantaged context, especially from the Global South' (Ebrahim & Pascal 2016:3).
This article is based at the confluence of three educational premises relating to early education in the Global South: that improving mathematics and reading outcomes is a global priority; that early interventions are necessary to try and reduce the learning gap evident between children from wealthy and poor backgrounds; and that mobile learning is being looked to as a possible means for children and their caregivers to access better quality educational opportunities. Evidence supporting each premise is presented in brief.
Improving mathematics and reading outcomes is a global priority. The sustainable development goals articulate education as a global priority with 'Goal 4: Ensure inclusive and equitable quality education and promote lifelong learning opportunities for all'. The recent United Nations report (2018) on progress towards these goals has highlighted the progress with regard to increasing access to education, but laments the poor quality of learning in schools, noting that (Guterres 2018):
617 million children and adolescents of primary and lower secondary school age worldwide - 58 per cent of that age group - are not achieving minimum proficiency in reading and mathematics. In 2016, an estimated 85 per cent of primary school teachers worldwide were trained; … [where this is only] 61 per cent for sub-Saharan Africa. (p. 6)
The World Development Bank Development Report has echoed this concern, labelling it a 'global learning crisis' and reporting that 'schooling is not the same as learning', raising serious concerns about basic levels of literacy and numeracy which are most acute in lower income countries (World Bank 2018:45). Similarly, a United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) report on education in East and Southern Africa reports that '40 per cent of children in school do not reach the expected basic learning benchmarks in numeracy and literacy' (Friedman et al. 2016:6). This shifts the previous global priority on access to education towards improving learning outcomes for mathematics and reading.
Early interventions are necessary to try and reduce the learning gap evident between children from wealthy and poor backgrounds. The World Bank Development Report (2018) recognises that the shortfalls in learning occur early. It cites poor mathematics and reading outcomes that are evident already at Grade 2 level (World Bank 2018:5). The implications of this early learning gap in Southern Africa have been articulated clearly (Van der Berg 2015):
The policy message is simple and stark: for most children, learning deficits are already so substantial by the middle of primary school that many doors have already closed for them. Whilst efforts to ameliorate these deficits at higher levels are important and must continue for the sake of those who may still benefit from them, the greatest effort is required in the early school years, if not before. (p. 41)
Mobile learning is being looked to as a possible means for children and their caregivers to access better quality educational opportunities. There is a growing body of research directed to considering the educational benefits of m-learning. For example, several studies suggest that m-learning has the potential to extend education resources by opening access to disadvantaged peoples (e.g. women, homeless, offenders, disabled, sick and rural poor) and increase equity of access to education (e.g. Vosloo & Botha 2009; Deloitte GSMA 2012), while others point to the instructional benefits of mobile phones (e.g. Daher 2010; Johnson, Adams & Cummins 2012; Thomas & Orthober 2011). Chee et al. (2017) completed a meta-analysis of m-learning trends from 2010 to 2015 and noted its successful use in a variety of education subject areas, including science, mathematics, language, art, social science and engineering. Crompton and Burke (2015) undertook a systematic review of 36 studies involving m-learning in mathematics and concluded that most of the studies reported positive learning outcomes.
Despite the growing evidence of efficacy of m-learning intervention in general, and in mathematics in particular, one has to question this evidence in terms of at least four aspects: (1) the limited scale of the studies on which the efficacy claims are made; (2) the extent to which they are representative of learning across the globe; (3) the absence of analytical frameworks that allow for comparison between different m-learning interventions; and (4) the lack of detail on their underlying learning theories and pedagogic practices.
Firstly, the very limited scale of studies included in m-learning meta-analyses is a concern. By way of example, in a recent systematic review of mobile and ubiquitous learning practices (drawing from 50 studies), Wong (2018:56) found that 'studies of mobile and ubiquitous learning practices mostly focused on specific courses with less than 100 participants'. Small-scale interventions which adopt an experimental design that draws on quantitative methods (where effect sizes may be compared) are used to make very general claims about effect. Yet, the details of exactly what the interventions entailed - their particular use of m-learning, and their approach to mathematics - are not provided.
Secondly, in relation to representation across the world, most studies of m-learning are based on research in developed-world contexts, specifically in countries classed by the World Bank (2018) as high-income countries. Chee et al. (2017) completed a meta-analysis on m-learning at all levels from pre-school to higher education, where they analysed all articles on m-learning published in the SSCI database from 2010 to 2015 in six leading educational technology-based learning journals, such as Computers & Education and the British Journal of Educational Technology. They found that a total of 77.1% of all the m-learning articles included were from high-income countries, with 20.1% from upper middle-income countries, 2.8% from lower middle-income countries and none from researchers in low-income countries. The only African countries mentioned in this article which have relevant output in this field were Nigeria and South Africa. A review of mobiles for early grade mathematics (Spencer-Smith & Roberts 2014) has helped to address the lack of evidence from developing country contexts as it provides an overview of mathematics project interventions in low- to middle-income countries. These interventions are mapped to the four focus areas of mathematics instruction and teaching and learning materials, teachers' professional development, learning outcomes assessment, and parents and community involvement. However, the Spencer-Smith and Roberts' (2014) review fails to describe the underlying learning theories and pedagogic practices of the m-learning interventions considered.
Thirdly, perhaps because m-learning is a relatively new research domain, there are very few common data collection tools and analytical frameworks for describing such educational interventions. Researchers tend to frame their enquiry in relation to experimental designs where m-learning interventions are contrasted to 'traditional' teaching interventions. These studies are then included in meta-analysis studies or reviews and judgements are made on whether or not m-learning for mathematics 'works'. For example, Cheung and Slavin (2013) found that educational technology applications in mathematics education generally produced a positive, though modest, effect (effect size = +0.15) in comparison to traditional methods. By focusing on the new tool (mobile devices), the m-learning literature seems to ignore the history of educational theorising (where tools have long been used and have been evolving in educational settings and learning processes).
Finally, related to the above, studies on m-learning interventions may include a simple identification of the school subject which is in focus but seem to pay very little attention to orienting theories and underlying conceptualisations of how children learn in relation to that subject. The m-learning research does not sufficiently attend to what is (in our view) really of interest: the pedagogy underlying the intervention, how these m-learning tools have been utilised and what this reveals about the learning of young children.
This article makes a small contribution to starting to fill the gaps identified in m-learning research, particularly the paucity of evidence relating to m-learning in developing country contexts. It focuses on three large-scale (tens of thousands of learners), early grade (first 4 years of schooling) m-learning projects in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) countries1 and maps these to a modified analytical framework for describing m-learning interventions.
Research focus
This article uses a simple definition of m-learning, as 'learning through mobile devices (such as smart mobile phones and tablet PCs)' (Chee et al. 2017:114). With this definition, m-learning may be used independently, by an individual or in a group; and m-learning may be a subset of 'blended learning': the combining of online and face-to-face instruction (Bonk & Graham 2006:5). Notice that this does not refer to personal ownership of mobile devices, which is an alternative definition offered by Traxler (2009). We adopt the Chee et al. (2017) definition as personal ownership of mobile devices is not ubiquitous for young children or in most of the contexts in the Global South. In this context, where young children have access to mobile devices, this is often via parents, teachers or caring adults or via public institutions such as schools.
The purpose of this study is to refine a modified analytical framework that could be used to offer initial descriptions of m-learning interventions in similar contexts where the descriptions all attended to the same features.
This article answers the following research questions:
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How can a modified analytical framework for m-learning configurations be easily and cheaply used to develop common descriptions of m-learning interventions in SADC countries which utilise m-learning to focus on mathematics in the early grades?
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How can additional detail about the mathematical pedagogy underlying the interventions be easily and cheaply obtained from project coordinators?
In answering these questions, it was hoped that an analytical framework for describing m-learning interventions using a common set of spectra (defined in terms of m-learning configurations) would emerge.
Analytical framework
The analytical framework adopted for this study considers the m-learning configurations: the potential ways in which m-learning services are designed or intended for use by learners. We briefly describe each configuration in turn with reference to the literature informing them.
Strigel and Pouezevara (2012) identify three m-learning configurations: a learning spectrum which ranges from highly formal (in class, in school) to informal (learning for pleasure or entertainment); a kinetic spectrum which ranges from the learners being stationary to being mobile; and a collaborative spectrum (from individual to collaborative). Roberts et al. (2015) make use of these m-learning configurations to classify the Nokia Mobile Mathematics service which, although not an early grades intervention, still provides a useful SADC-based example to illustrate the way in which this m-learning configuration framework has been applied previously:
This [Nokia Mobile mathematics] mobile mathematics service was informal (used out-of-school) but supported formal learning (school mathematics) in terms of learning spectrum … The service was towards the mobile end of the kinetic spectrum as the service could be used while the learners … [were] moving …, although this movement was not a requirement for engaging with the service. Finally, in terms of the collaborative spectrum, the service was nearer to the individual end of the spectrum … [in that] individual learners typically worked independently on the service. However, the service included a limited collaborative aspect in that the learners' points (attainment and activity levels) were visible to each other in a community of mathematics learners, and learners could send messages to other learners from within the service. (Roberts et al. 2015:4)
Roberts et al. (2015) argue further that two additional spectra ought to be added to the m-learning configuration framework: an 'access and affordability' and a 'mathematical pedagogy' spectrum. They motivated for and explained the former spectrum (access and affordability) as follows:
In the resource-constrained context of South Africa, where consideration of m-learning interventions should focus on redress and equity; we consider this spectrum to be a fundamental consideration. We think that this ranges from free public access to suitable devices and free broadband data on one end, to Bring Your Own Device (BYOD) access models and private individual data contracts for broadband data on the other. Subsidised data (by government or operators) and public investments into improved access to mobile devices fall somewhere on this spectrum. (Roberts et al. 2015:10-11)
In putting forward the mathematical pedagogy spectrum, Roberts et al. (2015) noted that none of the grey literature and documentation on m-learning projects made explicit their theory of learning or articulated their approach to mathematics teaching. This was considered a serious omission as the underlying approaches to how learning and teaching take place ought to significantly inform the programme design.
These arguments are made with specific reference to South Africa, but the concerns raised in this context are relevant to the SADC community, where other member countries are also resource constrained when compared to the Global North.
The modified analytical framework put forward in this article builds on the work of Strigel and Pouezevara (2012) and Roberts et al. (2015). The previously suggested access and affordability spectrum has been separated to distinguish access (to a suitable device) from affordability of using the service (considering subscription and data costs). The accessibility spectrum ranges from free public access to devices by individuals (e.g. through the roll-out of devices to a school or schools), to free access to devices to be shared by pairs or groups of learners and to a 'bring your own device' (BYOD) model. It is assumed that access to the device (hardware) includes the requisite access to the learning platform (software). Whether the devices are accessible in school or outside of school is another consideration, which links to the learning spectrum. The affordability spectrum ranges from the free provision of data or the zero-rating of a mobi-site to a subscription model where users or schools have to pay for their data usage. Zero-rating (or in some cases offering an education rate) may be negotiated with individual mobile operators or could be an explicit legislative requirement of mobile operating licenses.
In terms of the mathematics pedagogy spectrum, the proposed range is from unarticulated pedagogy to a detailed, coherent pedagogy. However, it is worth unpacking this further to get a deeper understanding of precisely what component(s) of mathematical pedagogy is or are being foregrounded in the mathematics of the intervention. We argue that the components based on the work of Kilpatrick, Swafford and Findell (2001) are useful starting points for engaging project coordinators in their underlying theoretical approaches. Kilpatrick et al. (2001) offer five strands that define mathematical proficiency:
1. Conceptual understanding: the integrated and functional grasp of mathematical ideas, to enable learners to learn new ideas by connecting those ideas to what they already know
2. Procedural fluency: the skill of carrying out procedures flexibly, accurately, efficiently and appropriately
3. Strategic competence: the ability to formulate, represent and solve mathematical problems
4. Adaptive reasoning: the capacity for logical thought, reflection, explanation and justification
5. Productive disposition: the inclination to see mathematics as sensible, useful and worthwhile, coupled with a belief in diligence and one's own efficacy
These strands (or slight variations on them) have been adopted in several international curricula - including Australia, the United States, Singapore and Malaysia (Groves 2012). They feature in South Africa's recently published Teaching and Learning Framework for Mathematics (DBE 2018).
The five strands are mutually supportive and interconnected (hence Kilpatrick et al. 2001 refer to them as strands in a rope). Yet, different mathematics interventions place different emphasis on particular strands. Focusing on these different levels of emphasis in relation to an approach to mathematics teaching and learning can be informative. As such, the relative emphasis placed on the five strands may be used to classify an m-learning intervention's articulated approach to mathematics.
Figure 1 summarises the m-learning configurations.
Consideration is also given to the relative importance placed on the five strands of mathematical proficiency.
These strands are not on a continuum as the categories are not in a sequence.
Methods
To select the cases for inclusion in this article, the authors drew on, and then extended, empirical research work initially collected for the Spencer-Smith and Roberts (2014) landscape review of m-learning interventions in resource-constrained contexts. This review excluded proprietary services where users were expected to pay for use of the service. Spencer-Smith and Roberts (2014) identified a total of 24 projects from 12 countries that met the four criteria of the study scope (m-learning, focused on mathematics or numeracy, and in early grades in low- to middle-income countries). Nine of these 24 projects were based in SADC countries, and three of these were selected to exemplify the modified m-learning analytical framework in this article.
The three projects were selected from the landscape review based on there being sufficient grey literature of their project documentation and support from the project coordinators to participate in the new research study. The three focal projects are: Mwabu in Zambia, Mathematics Curriculum Online in South Africa and Unlocking Talent in Malawi.
In 2016 and 2017, the project coordinators who participated in the Spencer-Smith and Roberts (2014) landscape review study were approached via email and requested to participate in this further phase of research. If they indicated willingness to participate, a draft updated synopsis of their intervention was presented to them (or their Chief Executive Officers) for further revision and refinement. All parties responded by providing feedback, which was used to update the project descriptions. Participation in the research was viewed in a positive light and the project coordinators welcomed the use of their names, and the project names, in a journal article. Inclusion was seen as a way of giving their project coverage in a peer-reviewed academic journal and academic exposure for their organisation, funders and others wanting to know about their initiative. As such, neither the projects nor the project coordinators have been anonymised.
Coding and analysis of the updated project data was then conducted making use of the modified analytical framework. For all the spectra (except the detailed considerations for mathematical pedagogy), the second author classified the project interventions against the analytical spectra. This was based on the project description and grey literature. This coding was blind-checked by the first author, and no changes in classification were made. The project coordinators were then presented with the way in which their intervention had been coded for each spectrum in the modified analytical framework. Once again, the project coordinators were invited to validate or change how their intervention had been coded. Some engagement was necessary over the 'learning spectrum', when interventions were in support of the formal school curriculum, but where use of the intervention took place outside of school time. The 'collaborative spectrum' also required some discussion, as in some cases the usual way of engaging with the content was individual although collaboration was possible (or vice versa).
For the mathematical pedagogy considerations, a different approach was required, as no descriptions of mathematical pedagogy were available in the grey literature. As such, the project coordinators were invited to respond to the following two questions via email:
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Please describe, in 3-4 sentences, the mathematical pedagogy underlying your intervention/service (this aims to capture how you approach the teaching and learning related to the mathematics of the service).
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Which two of Kilpatrick et al.'s (2001) five strands of mathematical proficiency2 do you feel that your service or intervention places more emphasis on? Please explain your answer.
While it was expected that all five strands may feature within a single project, how the project coordinators prioritised these was considered revealing of their emphasis and hence their pedagogic approach.
The purpose of this study was, however, to refine a modified analytical framework which could be used to offer initial descriptions of m-learning interventions in similar contexts where the descriptions all attended to the same features. Its intent was therefore limited to the project description level, and there was no intention to make evaluative comment on efficacy or impact (which would require far more empirical work). The data collection was limited to grey literature and direct engagement with the project coordinators.
Ethical considerations
This research drew on secondary sources available in the public domain to select possible case study projects. The project coordinators were then contacted via email and asked for their voluntary participation in the research. Upon their agreement, the case descriptions were circulated back to the project coordinators for validation (on three different occasions over time). No empirical data at the level of children were collected. As such, this research applied the ethical principles of voluntary, informed consent for research participants.
Findings
In this section, we offer a brief description of each of the three exemplar projects, followed by an application of the modified analytical framework.
Descriptions of the three cases
Mwabu (previously known as iSchool) began with a pilot study in Zambia in 2010 but continues to date reaching over 200 000 learners (this figure is for all primary grades and not specifically numeracy or mathematics) in more than 100 schools. Mwabu has created multimedia, interactive, localised eLearning content across the entire Zambian primary school curriculum. This is available on the fully-preloaded Mwabu tablet, designed to be a low-cost low-power device (which can be charged off solar power) that will work in any environment. Learning for all lower grades is in eight of the main local languages, as well as in English. Teachers have access to over 5000 lesson plans covering mathematics and all other subjects designed to help teachers provide detailed, interactive lesson plans covering every school day for every primary grade. In the future, content will be accessible via an application and via other non-proprietary tablets, both on Android and Microsoft operating systems. Mwabu is now also working in other SADC countries, such as South Africa and Lesotho (C. Rebe, Mwabu, pers. comm., 11 June 2018).
For the Mwabu project, learning takes place in school during mathematics lessons and supports the formal school curriculum.3 Learning takes place in classrooms while the learners are stationary. Engagement is primarily individual, although some face-to-face collaboration is possible. A device is provided to each learner; no data is required, and there are no subscription costs. The intervention prioritises conceptual understanding and procedural fluency.
Mathematics Curriculum Online (MCO) is a project implemented by Green Shoots in South Africa, targeting Grade 3 to 74 learners in Mathematics by means of an online resource that is device neutral. Mathematics Curriculum Online encompasses a structured, weekly programme of Mathematics exercises that cover the key concepts and assessment objectives of the Mathematics Curriculum and Assessment Policy Statement (CAPS), real-time feedback and customised data analysis to key stakeholders within the education system. Mathematics Curriculum Online started in 2012 with eight schools; by June 2018, there were 105 000 learners and 2300 teachers at over 277 schools registered to use it (J. Besford, MCO, pers. comm., 12 June 2018).
The Mathematics Curriculum Online project learning takes place in school time during mathematics lessons and supports the formal school curriculum. Learners are stationary while engaging with the mathematics content. Most of the interaction with the device is individual, although there is the potential for collaboration. Because of there being a limited number of devices per class, the weekly 'Brain Quests' are completed collaboratively (with two learners per device); however, the 'Formal Assessment Tasks' are completed individually. Schools use devices supplied by the provincial education department, by a donor or by the schools themselves. Data costs are paid by the school or as part of a Provincial Education Department initiative. There are annual subscription costs for Mathematics Curriculum Online that can be paid by the school or as part of a wider Provincial Education Department or donor programme (most are paid by Education Districts within the provinces as part of their mathematics curriculum programmes). The intervention prioritises procedural fluency and productive disposition.
The Unlocking Talent project, implemented by Voluntary Service Overseas (VSO) International in Malawi, began in late 2013 and is being scaled up. It is now operating in 50 schools in 9 districts, with secured funding to date for 128 schools in 15 districts. The current reach is approximately 20 000 Standard 1 and 2 learners, with a planned reach of more than 55 000. This project uses digital educational technology (the Apple iPad Mini locked to the Masamu app5) and numeracy content for Standards 1 and 2 that is aligned with the Ministry of Education curriculum. Learners use the technology in a solar-powered learning centre at the school, which houses the tablets (Pitchford 2014; V. Shimizu, Unlocking Talent, pers. comm., 04 November 2016).
For the Unlocking Talent project, learning takes place during formal schooling while learners are stationary. The learning centre where the devices are accessed is another classroom in the school. Most engagement happens individually, although there is opportunity to collaborate. Learners are provided with both a device and the data required to access the service. There are no subscription costs. The project prioritises conceptual understanding and procedural fluency.
Reflections on the use of the analytical framework
The project descriptions included reference to the reach of the intervention in relation to the number of learners, geographic spread, technology used and implementation partners. Developing the project descriptions was not time-consuming, and there were only minor changes requested from project coordinators or managers. In one case, there was a name change and a new website to consult; in all cases, the reach of the project required updating.
The original coding of interventions to particular spectra was largely uncontested; however, the spectra were not binary, and finding middle ground to reflect combinations and their relative weighting required some further engagement. This was anticipated and was the motivation for referring to the dimensions under consideration as 'spectra': these were not expected to be binary 'either or' categories, but the contrasting poles were designed to solicit engagement about particular aspects of the mobile learning configuration. For example, the learning spectrum with support of formal schooling on one end and informal learning on the other required more detail. The Mwabu project had both a formal version for children to use in school and an informal version for their use at home with caring adults. The project was therefore described as 'out-of-school but formal' as in both cases the content aligned to and supported the formal school curriculum. Similarly, more nuance was sought in reflecting on the kinetic spectrum, where an initial coding of the Mwabu project as 'stationary' was contested:
This is not necessarily the case as many sessions require the children to do active things when working in their maths work (for example, making a market stall and 'playing markets' with pretend money). This is described as an activity to the teacher who then enables this to take place in the classroom. There are, however, also static learning elements on the tablet where a pair of children are working on a learning content with one tablet and are interacting with the learning through questions on screen. The children need to work to answer these quiz questions sometimes on the tablet and sometimes in their books. (C. Stead, Mwabu, pers. comm., 06 October 2016)
With this feedback, we noted that there were 'mobile moments' within the service design and requested an estimate of what percentage of the time spent on the service involved learners moving (and not just being at their desk). It was then explained that:
[T]he children will be counting using beans, or stones; so active but at their desks! This is encouraged a lot, so this level of doing is encouraged about 50% - 60% of tasks. However, the big active sessions are probably a lot less frequent. (C. Stead, Mwabu, pers. comm., 11 October 2016)
So, 'big active sessions' involving, for example, the market stall with teacher-initiated activity involving the children moving around were estimated at 'say, 10% of activities' (C. Stead, Mwabu, pers. comm., 11 October 2016).
In relation to the second research question about the mathematical pedagogy underlying the interventions, we provide the project coordinator responses to the two questions posed, in full.
For Mwabu, the project coordinator responded to the request for 3-4 sentences describing the mathematical pedagogy underlying their intervention or service as follows:
The mathematical pedagogy in our product is based on active, enquiry-based learning, where children are taught maths both as a set of skills, knowledge and understanding, but also as part of their wider learning. For example, in Year 4, when learning about 'the Island' as a topic, the children are asked to prepare plans to help the builder build a new school, they need to use length and measure to complete the tasks as well as area and perimeter. In year two, the children learn about the market, and during that topic, make a market stall and apply their newfound knowledge in money to running their pretend shop. (C. Stead, Mwabu, pers. comm., 04 October 2016)
The Mwabu project coordinator prioritised conceptual understanding and procedural fluency, although recognised that the other strands feature to some extent as well. This prioritisation was explained as follows:
Conceptual understanding is key. Without this, the children will not have understood the concepts being taught and will not be able to apply the learning to other areas of the curriculum or life. The second area which we most highlight would be procedural fluency, the knowledge of how to solve maths problems, [and] how to check their answers is key. We would however also encourage our teachers, as they develop their own skills to work on the strategic and adaptive reasoning as well. Ultimately, we want the children to have a productive disposition, but we would have to assume that many teachers were working towards the last three levels [of Kilpatrick et al.] at this stage. (C. Stead, Mwabu, pers. comm., 04 October 2016)
The MCO Director responded to the request for 3-4 sentences describing the mathematical pedagogy underlying their intervention or service as follows:
Maths Curriculum Online provides weekly consolidation exercises 'Brain Quests' that are exactly mapped to curriculum content for that week. The Brain Quests provide examples of multiple questions styles of increasing difficulty. This structure supports teachers to cover the entire curriculum at the correct pace and level and to the depth required. Assessment for learning is enabled through the real-time per learner, per question feedback summaries. Teachers are able to address barriers to learning or identify learners with specific issues within the same lesson or amend subsequent lessons. Learners can immediately assess their progress. The feedback provides learners a sense of achievement and this improved confidence is transferred back to paper-based Maths activities/assessments. The termly online assessment summary data encourages collaboration within a grade or a phase, as teachers work together to tackle common issues or share specific interventions that they have trialled. (J. Besford, MCO, pers. comm., 03 October 2016)
Here, tight alignment for curriculum structure that follows a tightly defined weekly 'curriculum pacing' is the main focus of attention, as well as assessment for learning that aligns to this policy framework. Of the five strands of mathematical proficiency, the Mathematics Curriculum Online coordinator prioritised procedural fluency and productive disposition. In relation to the former, they elaborated that:
The real-time, auto-marking allows learners to practice, check answers and the[n] immediately review their thinking if incorrect. Learners are exposed to many question styles that allow them to develop processes to apply their understanding to a range of situations. Auto-marking requires accuracy of answers (J. Besford, MCO, pers. comm., 03 October 2016).
With regard to prioritising productive disposition, they indicated:
Learners are encouraged to review their scores, look at where they struggle, seek assistance. For many it is the first time a personal, active participation in Maths is promoted. The use of technology to deliver activities coupled with the immediate feedback has encouraged a level of engagement and achievement that was not necessarily generated previously. (J. Besford, MCO, pers. comm., 03 October 2016)
The Unlocking Talent project coordinator responded to the request for 3-4 sentences describing the mathematical pedagogy underlying their intervention or service as follows:
In maths, concepts and skills build on each other, with increasing levels of difficulty. It is harder to count to 20 than to 10. It is harder to calculate 47 + 12 than 5 + 2. It is harder to subtract than to add. So, our approach is three-fold: (1) use familiar objects (fruit, flowers, cups, fish) to introduce concepts where possible; (2) build up the work slowly, at each stage showing the child 'how to' and (3) offer different approaches where feasible, for example number lines for addition. We also aim to make the activities engaging and fun. (V. Shimizu, Unlocking Talent, pers. comm., 05 November 2016)
In terms of the five strands of mathematical disposition, in the case of Unlocking Talent, conceptual understanding and procedural fluency were emphasised, with each being explained in detail:
Conceptual understanding. We begin very simply, using familiar objects to introduce concepts. We build each concept in stages, and revisit concepts at increasing levels of difficulty, as a classroom teacher would. For example, addition and subtraction are first introduced by simply adding and taking away items by touching the screen, and counting the resulting set, without the symbols +, -, and =. These are introduced in later units, with staged explanation. We move from concrete to abstract only when a concept is well established. We design with simplicity in mind. We cannot afford to leave the child confused, and particularly if there is nobody around to intervene and offer help. Most importantly, we use no text, except for very infrequent labels (e.g. on 2-D shapes). So, progress in reading is not an issue. All explanations and instructions are in audio, and we keep the audio simple and short. We try to put ourselves in the child's place and track the child's thought processes.
Factors that might interfere with understanding include screen layout and the amount of material on screen. We work to ensure that screens look legible and uncluttered. This is often quite a challenge, for example where we show an array of 100 items.
The technology itself is a wonderful aid to conceptual understanding. By simply touching the screen, the child can add an object to a set. By touching an object, the child can take it away. The child can drag a missing number into a sequence or move an object from one place to another.
We do our best to exploit what the technology offers. By means of the pointing hand - our little teacher's hand - and highlighting, and other colour changes, we draw attention to what is going on and help the child to focus closely. Other animations, and sound effects, help too.
Overall, the tablet can often offer more help in conceptual understanding than a busy teacher can - and especially a busy teacher with limited resources and a large class. For example, the teacher may have few objects to hand with which to explain subtraction. But on the tablet the child can subtract at the lightest touch, and from a wealth of objects. (V. Shimizu, Unlocking Talent, pers. comm., 05 November 2016)
The emphasis on procedural fluency was also elaborated upon in some detail:
Procedural fluency. For each new activity, we show 'how to', with the help of audio and the pointing hand, and other animation where appropriate. Instructions are kept simple and short, since lengthy audio instructions will be quickly forgotten. The work is usually scaffolded. We give instant feedback. We give sufficient repeats to ensure that the child has grasped the procedure. The modular structure of the software allows children to revisit topics and units as often as they wish. This is a further aid to procedural fluency. (V. Shimizu, Unlocking Talent, pers. comm., 05 November 2016)
It was of interest that the other three strands - although not the main emphasis of Unlocking Talent - were also commented upon:
Strategic competence. One could argue that all of the maths work is problem solving, including building models from 2-D shapes. We have examples of broader problem solving too, for example where the child must share food items equally between three hungry dragons. However, we formulate and represent the problems, not the child. We intend to build much more problem solving into future maths topics.
Adaptive reasoning. Our maths apps continually address 'the capacity for logical thought'. There is some scope for reflection, even if only in the brief pause after the positive or negative response to the child's input, and in the final audio summary of the work done in each unit. However, the child has no opportunity to explain and justify, unless another human intervenes.
Productive disposition. At these early stages, we do not explicitly promote maths as being sensible, useful and worthwhile. However, the child is likely to gradually become aware that maths makes sense. Its usefulness may become apparent particularly in the work on measurement (time, length, mass, capacity). The wealth of positive feedback - big ticks, congratulatory audio, the shooting-star finale at the end of each unit, the certificate at the end of each topic, and the final big banner - is likely to promote an inclination to see maths as worthwhile, and a belief in diligence and one's own efficacy. (V. Shimizu, Unlocking Talent, pers. comm., 05 November 2016)
We think that the above three descriptions from the project teams offer additional details about the approach to mathematics and the underlying learning theories guiding the content development. While how the technology is harnessed to support these learning approaches remains a consideration in most of the descriptions, we think that by asking for theories of learning, together with the prioritisation of particular strands of mathematical disposition, the identified gap - of an absence of attention to the mathematics and theoretical approaches to learning mathematics - was at least partially bridged. This was a relatively cost-effective and simple process, with the project teams willingly and timeously providing responses to our questions via email. We acknowledge that the above would require triangulation with other data sources (such as review of the content, analysis of uptake and usage data, and feedback from both teachers and learners) to be taken as accurate reflections of an actual approach to learning. Notwithstanding this limitation (as noted in the methodology), we consider the line of questioning to have been a useful undertaking in soliciting project team perceptions of underlying learning theories and approaches to mathematics.
Discussion
This article illustrates a data collection technique and applies a modified analytical framework for describing and comparing m-learing inverventions. In this section, we therefore briefly discuss what we observe when reflecting across the three exemplar cases. These observations and conjectures would require additional research to establish the extent to which these reflect more general trends in the m-learning field in the SADC region.
How do these three exemplar Southern African Development Community projects map to the m-learning configurations?
Figure 2 summarises how the three exemplar projects map to the m-learning configurations, with a detailed analysis thereafter.
In terms of the learning spectrum, in all the interventions the content covered is directly related to the formal curriculum and utilised in school. Mwabu is also used out-of-school but with the formal curriculum. Funding for such interventions tends to be tightly connected to the improvement of learning outcomes as they pertain to formal public schooling. We conjecture that designing for informal learning (conducted for pleasure or entertainment) would not be done on a free public access with zero subscription and zero data costs basis. We thus link this finding to affordability and access.
In the case of the kinetic spectrum, despite the fact that all the interventions are mobile-based, all three projects use the online materials in a classroom setting; thus, the users are stationary. This finding is interesting, as in setting up the m-learning configurations spectra, the mobile aspect of mobile devices was considered a key design feature. Having a mobile device assumed that this opened up the possibility to be using the device while moving and using it in more than one location and that this aspect would be harnessed by designers. In our three exemplar cases, however, none of the projects deliberately sought to use the fact that children can move with their devices. We conjecture that the motivation to use mobile devices may not have been in relation to functionality (learners able to move) but rather was decided on the basis of cost. Mobile devices were more affordable than desktop or laptop devices, thereby increasing public access to the service. An interesting discussion about 'mobile moments' arose for Mwabu. Mobile moments refer to specific and explicit opportunity for children to move around in the classroom and work with concrete materials. While they were not moving with their devices, this movement and engagement is considered important for young children's learning.
With the collaborative spectrum, the materials provided in all the interventions have the potential to be used collaboratively but appear to more typically be utilised by individual users, though on occasions are used collaboratively (especially in the case with Mwabu). This is also of interest, as in the broader m-learning literature, the collaboration potential of mobile devices is considered a key configuration that allows for the creation of learning communities. However, in our three cases, the mobile device was not utilised for collaboration. In fact, when collaboration was encouraged, this was face-to-face within the class environment and not virtual. Collaboration (with two or more learners sharing one mobile device) was typically motivated by the access and affordability spectrum and not as a key design feature of mobile technologies. This is evident in the explanation provided about the collaboration aspect of Mathematics Curriculum Online: the weekly Brain Quests of the MCO project are usually collaborative - two to a device as a result of the limited number of devices. It was of interest that the project coordinator spontaneously commented that this collaboration has had 'very positive effects on the learning process'. Children of this age - certainly in resource-constrained contexts - do not commonly personally own a mobile device. They are therefore gaining access to the device during a scheduled time slot during a school day, or in the case of one project, after school. We think this means that different kinds of design constraints are introduced and that the collaboration aspects of other mobile interventions may be less prevalent with this age group and target population.
We discuss the access and affordability spectra in turn. We are aware of numerous early grade m-learning interventions which expect personal ownership of devices, or paid-for data use, or charge for application download and as a subscription. These paid-for services target middle-class families who can afford their services. It is therefore noteworthy that, in terms of the affordability spectrum, in all three exemplar projects learners do not need to supply their own data. Similarly, with respect to the accessibility spectrum, all the devices required to access the materials are provided by the interventions or the schools in which the intervention happens. So, in all three cases, access is given via supplied devices, and there is no requirement for personal data purchase to access the services.
In the case of the mathematics pedagogy spectrum, there was no explicit or articulated pedagogy or approach to mathematics learning for any of the projects. By asking the project teams to describe this in 3-4 sentences, more detail on their underlying theoretical frameworks was solicited. The most common of the Kilpatrick et al.'s (2001) five strands of mathematical proficiency focused on in the three exemplar projects was 'procedural fluency', mentioned by all. Conceptual understanding was mentioned by two of the projects and productive disposition once. We conjecture that these areas of focus are, at least in part, a result of what the mobile technology platforms offer: immediate feedback on closed questions.
Conclusion
We trust that this article makes a contribution towards filling at least two identified gaps. Firstly, by describing three exemplar examples of m-learning interventions from the SADC region, we contribute to the m-learning literature from this under-researched and under-documented geographical region. It offers examples of how teachers and caring adults can be supported via mobile technologies in 'their instructional practices [of mathematics] to improve the lives of children in vulnerable circumstances' (Ebrahim & Pascal 2016:2). Secondly, we put forward a modified analytical framework for describing m-learning interventions for critical review and application in other contexts.
In particular, we have distinguished the access from the affordability spectrum. The access spectrum includes more nuance with regard to shared access to devices, access to software and availability within or outside of school time. The affordability spectrum now considers various options for payment of data: by the individual; by the school, district or education department; or as a requirement of the national licensing conditions for mobile operators.
In addition, we have introduced a new spectrum relating to the mathematics pedagogy (making use of five strands of mathematical proficiency) in order to ensure that project descriptions relating to mathematics offer some information about their approach to mathematics and their theory of learning. In so doing, a process of refining robust approaches and tools for describing m-learning interventions is initiated.
We hope that the modified m-learning analytical framework will be used, adapted and improved, so that the m-learning field starts to have some common ways of approaching the descriptive component of m-learning work. We recognise that further research and contributions are required for the ongoing quest to have commonly-agreed metrics and approaches to measuring and reflecting on the efficacy of such interventions. Without broadly comparable descriptive details of exactly what each intervention entailed - how the m-learning was configured, the underlying pedagogy of the mathematics and then how the learners and their carers engaged with the m-learning intervention - lessons on how the promises of m-learning enhance or hinder educational outcomes will remain elusive.
Acknowledgements
Competing interests
The authors declare that they have no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced them in writing this article.
Authors' contributions
N.R. developed the expanded analytical framework. G.S.-S. did the bulk of the data collection. Both authors contributed equally to the writing of the article.
Funding information
The earlier research study, Spencer-Smith and Roberts (2014), on which this article was built, was published in October 2014 by the Deutsche Gesellschaft für Internationale Zusammenarbeit (GIZ) on behalf of and with funding from the German Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ), as part of a series of landscape reviews published by members of the Mobile Education Alliance.
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Correspondence:
Garth Spencer-Smith
garth@kelello.org
Received: 30 Mar. 2017
Accepted: 17 Jan. 2019
Published: 28 May 2019
1 . The following 15 countries are members of this grouping (in alphabetical order): Angola, Botswana, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Lesotho, Madagascar, Malawi, Mauritius, Mozambique, Namibia, Seychelles, South Africa, Swaziland, United Republic of Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe.
2 . These were provided in full to each respondent as part of the question, but have been removed here as they have been explicated earlier in the article.
3 . However, there is also an informal version of Mwabu for home learning.
4 . Thus, their target learners are only partially in the early grades.
5 . These are mathematical apps provided by 'onebillion'.
ORIGINAL RESEARCH
Learning through play in Grade R classrooms: Measuring practitioners' confidence, knowledge and practice
Shafika Isaacs; Nicky Roberts; Garth Spencer-Smith; Sonja Brink
Centre for Education Practice Research (CERP), University of Johannesburg, Johannesburg, South Africa
ABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: This article reports on the evaluation of a professional development programme for underqualified Grade R practitioners, many of whom work under challenging conditions.
AIM: The study aimed to evaluate the practitioners' confidence, knowledge and practice of play.
SETTING: The programme involved a 5-week training programme for 1000 Grade R practitioners across three Eastern Cape districts.
METHODS: The study included three data sources: (1) self-reported shifts in confidence and practice solicited through closed Likert-type questions, (2) responses to open-ended questions on knowledge of play and (3) lesson observations of case study practitioners, using a lesson observation protocol to distil quantitative shifts in the practice of case study practitioners (n = 10), compared with control practitioners (n = 4
RESULTS: The evaluation found positive shifts in practitioners' self-reporting on their confidence and knowledge of play. However, evidence of their knowledge of play was mixed. Practitioners offered very general conceptions of play, with specific attention on the expected 'form' of play. The use of materials for play, and changed classroom practice from whole class to small groups, were most strongly evident. Because it was short course of 5 weeks, lesson observations of case study practitioners were less positive, with no significant difference between treatment and control lesson observations.
CONCLUSION: The study opens a window into the implementation of the 5-week professional development programme and the instrumentation used to reflect on practitioners' confidence, knowledge and practice of play. The discussion reflects critically on improving the instrumentation in future for measuring shifts in practitioner confidence, knowledge and practice of play.
Keywords: Grade R; play; play pedagogy; ECD; ECD practitioners; learning through play; teaching through play; professional development.
Introduction
With the inclusion of Grade R into primary schools in South Africa, we now have the relatively unusual situation where unqualified teachers, who are often student teachers and referred to as 'practitioners,'1 are often solely responsible for large classes2 of 5-6-year-olds. Under these circumstances, how can Grade R practitioners become qualified Early Childhood Development (ECD) educators? How can their confidence, knowledge and practice of teaching through play be supported?
Learning through play enhances the disposition of children to learn, and enables their content knowledge and their cognitive, social, emotional and physical development. This has been well established, albeit widely contested, in scholarly literature for more than 100 years. Play scholarship has also been growing in recent years, particularly in the Science of Learning field, where new knowledge vistas are opening up with reference to neuroscience and digital play (Brooker, Blaise & Edwards 2014).
However, central to the successful development of cognitive, social and emotional competence in children through play is the role of ECD educators and their skills in integrating play-based pedagogies in their daily practice (Edwards 2017; Neha & Rule 2018). The extent and nature of ECD educator competencies in play-based pedagogies are inextricably tied to the systemic context within which the public provisioning of ECD services are located, particularly in disadvantaged, resource-challenged communities. However, as argued by Wood (2009), while there is substantial evidence on learning through play, where children are the focus, there is far less evidence on teaching through play (Wood 2009:27).
The South African Government has made various policy commitments since 1994 to promote the right of all children to play, which is underscored by a web of supportive ECD3 policies in education, health, welfare and infrastructure (Talbot & Thornton 2017). A comprehensive review of successes and challenges faced by the ECD sector in South Africa between 1994 and 2011 highlights significant achievements (Atmore 2013; Atmore, Niekerk & Ashley-Cooper 2012). Notable, among others, are the establishment of Grade R as a preschool reception year programme that forms part of primary schooling for children aged 5 years4; the availability of ECD subsidies for ECD sites and Grade R grants-in-aid across all nine provinces; and the availability of child support grants for 10.5 million children in 2011. The latter rose to 12 million children in 2017 (Hall 2017). Together, these provide an enabling context for the integration of play in South Africa's ECD curriculum, educator development and assessment.
However, existing policy does not make explicit the conceptual and operational frameworks on teaching through play, play curriculum, and educator professional development and practice of play. The focus of existing policy is more on the availability of play resources and infrastructure, developing safe play spaces, and facilitating parent education and capacity-development programmes on the importance of play (A Chance to Play Southern Africa 2017).
Moreover, in practice, existing literature confirms that ECD educators and practitioners do not have access to adequate training on play-based pedagogies and have limited knowledge and understanding of learning through play as a concept. Many are also not aware of strategies to integrate play-based learning in their classrooms. This is also an area that is significantly understudied, both in South Africa (Aronstam & Braund 2016; Neha & Rule 2018) and globally (Ryan & Northey-Berg 2014; Wood 2009).
In an attempt to contribute to new knowledge on the professional development and practice of ECD practitioners on learning and teaching through play, this article analyses the evaluation of findings of a play-based capacity-building programme called 'Play Well and Be Happy' (Play Well & Be Happy). Established by a partnership between the LEGO® Foundation, Sesame Workshop (and their South African counterpart Takalani Sesame), the Eastern Cape Department of Education and the Buffalo City Metropolitan Municipality (BCMM), Play Well & Be Happy involved an estimated 1000 Grade R practitioners in a 5-week training programme that spanned urban and rural settings in one of South Africa's most educationally challenged provinces, the Eastern Cape. Our focus in this article is our attempts at measuring shifts in the confidence, knowledge and practice of ECD practitioners in relation to learning and teaching through play, before and after the Play Well & Be Happy intervention.
Theoretical foundations
There is growing attention in global scholarship on play-based pedagogies. The most recent literature acknowledges how the idea of play among humans has emerged since Plato introduced the concept in 643 BC and that today the concept remains nebulous and complex (Brooker et al. 2014). Expanding on Brooker et al. (2014), whose volume on play and learning in early childhood provides a historical overview of the theoretical, conceptual and operational underpinnings of learning through play, Dowker et al. (2018) have shown how differences in the conceptualisation of play have led to definitional confusion. These range from the theoretical debates on play and learning between Vygotsky's (1967) demonstration that sociodramatic play enhances cognitive and social development based on their zone of proximal development in a given play situation to Piaget's (1962) view that children assimilate the external world through play. These debates also include disagreements based on whether play is viewed as that which has no purpose or goal; whether the child initiates and directs play; whether and how caring adults are engaged in activities to scaffold playful learning; whether the play activity is reflective of or separate from real life; and whether it is consistently joyful and stress-free.
In their attempt at providing a widely shared conceptual and operational definition, Zosh et al. (2018) propose that learning through play should be viewed as a spectrum ranging from free play at one end to directed instruction at the other. The criteria applied to categorise the nature of play across this spectrum is informed by whether the play activity has a clearly established goal; and whether it is initiated or directed by the child or by the adult educator or caregiver. For Zosh et al. (2018), free play at the one end of the spectrum draws on definitions supplied by Pellegrini (2009, 2010, 2012) and Weisberg et al. (2013), where play activity is voluntary, without a clear goal or purpose and initiated and directed by the child. This compares with guided play that is directed by the child with the guiding support of adults, whether they are parents, caregivers or educators. This model is demonstrated in Figure 1.
The interpretation of new ideas related to play informs how educators mediate their understanding and knowledge of play. Ryan and Northey-Berg (2014) also emphasise, however, that the settings within which educators are located, and their situated social, economic, political and cultural contexts, also inform their perceptions and understanding of play. Clarity on how educators perceive play provided the basis for the responsive design of the training curriculum.
In South Africa, a few studies have addressed educator perceptions of play. Aronstam and Braund (2016) explored the perceptions of play of 104 Grade R educators in 41 schools and ECD centres in the Western Cape. They found that educators had limited knowledge of the pedagogy of play and that their views, perceptions and knowledge of play should inform capacity-building programmes for ECD educators and practitioners. Ogunyemi and Ragpot (2015) reviewed educator and parent perceptions of play in South Africa and Nigeria and found that educators and parents with narrow views considered play to involve walking, clapping and singing outside classwork, whereas educators with a broader constructivist outlook considered play to be integral to the development of children. They make the case for a more supportive policy and procedural environment and for higher education institutions to provide programmes on play pedagogies. In South Africa, much of the literature on these higher education-based programmes focuses on the relationship between theory, practice and service learning (Gravett, Petersen & Petker 2014; Petker & Petersen 2014) and the need to understand child development (Henning 2014).
Ryan and Northey-Berg (2014) found, however, that while play as pedagogy is becoming more prominent in scholarly literature, few studies are based on what and how educators learn about play.
Context and background
The Eastern Cape, with 21.6% of all South Africa's schools, ranks among the largest, poorest and lowest-performing provinces in South Africa (Department of Basic Education 2018). During 2018, the Eastern Cape Department of Education reported that 20% of children in Grade 1 in 2016 (36 000 children) had failed the grade. This represented the highest Grade 1 failure rate in South Africa (Linden 2018). Importantly, too, the poor performance of children in the Foundation Phase5 has also drawn attention to challenges with supply, skills and knowledge levels of Foundation Phase teachers. Green, Adendorff and Mathebula (2012) provide a succinct analysis of the growth in the supply of Foundation Phase educators in South Africa, particularly since 2008, and show that this growth is insufficient to meet the demand. They also found that there were still large numbers of unqualified and underqualified Foundation Phase educators in the system. These educators, including those who may be qualified, generally lack adequate knowledge and skills to make optimal use of resources in their classrooms to support active learning through play. In the Eastern Cape, this challenge is particularly acute, with 5389 public schools and approximately 132 785 children enrolled in public Grade R classrooms in the Eastern Cape in 2017 (Department of Basic Education 2018).
Play Well & Be Happy thus responded to the need for a systemic intervention to grow a teaching practice based on learning and teaching through play among Grade R practitioners6 of 5-6-year-old children in primary schools and ECD centres in the Eastern Cape. In doing so, the programme situated the lack of play-based competencies among Grade R practitioners within their broader systemic challenges related to the low status of Grade R within the Foundation Phase: poor working conditions and job insecurity of Grade R practitioners; the lack of formal qualifications among the majority of Grade R practitioners; the continuing prevalence of corporal punishment in primary schools (reported by practitioners); overcrowded classrooms; and school management's lack of awareness and acknowledgement of the importance of Grade R practitioners (Isaacs, Spencer-Smith & Roberts 2018).
Play Well & Be Happy trained 966 Grade R and pre-primary practitioners and principals, which included 81 lead practitioners and facilitators, in 23 training sessions between 28 February and 30 November 2017. Across three districts in the Eastern Cape, it reached approximately 25 000 children aged 5-7 years and delivered Play Well & Be Happy kits to 966 classrooms.
The Play Well & Be Happy approach to play
This article does not elaborate on the design and rationale for the Play Well & Be Happy programme and its related theory of change. Rather, it focuses explicitly on its approach to play.
The spectrum model as presented by Zosh et al. (2018) was adapted and adopted by the Play Well & Be Happy programme to inform the design of the capacity-building programme for the Grade R practitioners. The following conceptual and operational definitions were applied by the programme (Takalani Sesame 2017):
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Free play. This means that the children choose how they are going to play and what to play with. Here the educator does not provide help and encourages the children to play, finding their own challenges and solutions on their own while the teacher observes.
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Guided play. This means that the teacher offers a challenge to the children, who structure their own play to solve the problem posed. The teacher observes, supports and guides the children as needed.
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Instructional play. This means that the teacher structures the play environment with specific activities and instructions, based on specific learning goals, so that the children can learn something specific that the teacher has decided upon. (p. 5)
By applying this model, the programme designed the curriculum and capacity-building methodology that would be relevant for the immediate contexts of the Eastern Cape Grade R practitioners. The capacity-building model draws to some extent on the available literature, albeit limited and contested, on teaching through play. In reviewing the literature to date, Ryan and Northey-Berg (2014) found that there were two kinds: those that highlighted the perceptions and understanding of play and those that focused on ECD educator education and professional development.
For Play Well & Be Happy, play was conceptualised as a 'major method of active learning and creative problem-solving' for children (Takalani Sesame et al. 2017), which informed their quest to grow the repertoire of teaching through play skills, tools and strategies among an estimated 1000 Grade R practitioners. For Play Well & Be Happy, through play, young children would be given the opportunity of overcoming emotional and social limitations that could potentially impede their executive functioning, drawing on Blanco and Ray (2011). Play was conceptualised to help children make a connection between their concrete understandings, their experiences and abstract events such as thoughts and feelings, as reflected by Landreth, Ray and Bratton (2009). By growing their understanding of learning through play, practitioners and educators would learn how to teach using play-based pedagogies. Evidence of play-based pedagogy was considered in relation to the use of the Play Well & Be Happy resources in their classrooms and dividing children into play groups to allow the opportunity for play. In addition, four priority behaviours of practitioners were emphasised: (1) speak to children in calm tones, (2) bend down to their level during communications with children, (3) ask more open questions and (4) do not use aggressive language or tools to shame or punish children. In this way, it was hoped that practitioners would be encouraged to promote active learning through play that would enable the development of problem-solving skills, flexibility and the ability of the children to make connections to real-life situations (Partin et al. 2009).
The Play Well & Be Happy programme was delivered over four implementation phases by a core team of facilitators, supported by the lead practitioners in the Eastern Cape. Each phase was delivered in a different region in the Eastern Cape: Phases 1 and 2 in the urban areas of East London and Port Elizabeth, respectively; then Phase 3 in rural Lusikisiki; and Phase 4 in the BCMM. The selection of the four geographic areas was made by the provincial Department of Education, in consultation with the programme implementers and funders. While Phases 1 through 3 targeted Grade R practitioners in public schools, Phase 4 targeted practitioners in ECD centres.
Research methods and design
This article draws on the components of the data collected for a broader evaluation research study, which aimed to provide an independent yet engaged perspective on the design, implementation and outcomes of Play Well & Be Happy over the four successive implementation phases. The evaluation adopted design-based methods, and as such the programme design, as well as the instrumentation and ways of evaluating it, evolved with each successive implementation phase.
Research questions
The nature of the research questions of a study determines the research approach, which in turn determines the strategies used to collect and analyse data (Cresswell 2014). This article focuses on one aspect of the evaluation research data to answer the following questions:
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whether practitioners shifted their level of confidence in their self-reflections
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whether there was evidence of practitioner shifts in knowledge about learning through play
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if so, how this accorded with analysis of their observed practice of learning through play.
Data collection methods
Both quantitative and qualitative data were collected. The use of multiple data sources, which enabled insights from a number of vantage points (Henning, Van Rensburg & Smit 2004), enhanced the validity of the study as proposed by Bryman (2006).
Data collection involved the methods shown in Figure 2.
Changes in confidence, knowledge and practice of play were determined based on three data sources:
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Self-reported shifts in practitioners' confidence and knowledge practice (n = 882 matched questionnaires), solicited through a structured questionnaire at baseline and endline
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An analysis of practitioners' responses to open-ended questions designed to reflect their understanding of learning through play
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In-school lesson observations (n = 18) of case study Grade R practitioners in practice (in 14 'treatment' schools), where five case studies included lessons observed by the same practitioner (n = 10) at baseline and endline.7 These were compared to in-school lesson observations of Grade R practitioners in two 'control' schools.
Survey questionnaires
The survey questions at baseline and end line were largely matched in order to ascertain changes in practitioner opinions over time. Survey questions at baseline (n = 916) and end line (n = 882) included a combination of five-point Likert-scale questions that asked for opinions on various aspects of learning through play.
They also included three questions testing a practitioner's knowledge and understanding of aspects of play that required written responses:
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What do you understand by learning through play?
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What do children learn from learning through play?
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How do you organise your classroom for learning through play?
When analysing the practitioners' responses to the knowledge-based questions, a simple framework for judging changes in the practitioner's knowledge was used. An individual's baseline response was compared to their end line response on the same question, as follows:
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a positive shift (improved understanding from baseline to end line)
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a negative shift (regression in understanding from baseline to end line)
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no shift (no change in understanding from baseline to end line).
For Phases 3 and 4,8 a more detailed coding rubric was developed to analyse the matched open-ended questions, and the responses were blind-coded by two researchers. This included attention to three levels of possible shifts:
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Level 1: attitudes and perceptions of play
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Level 2: knowledge of play
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Level 3: practice of play.
Moreover, the quality of responses were coded as 0 (incoherent or off-topic), 1 (basic understanding), 2 (intermediate understanding) and 3 (advanced understanding).
Table 1 shows the data analysis frameworks as applied to the survey questionnaire responses.
During Phase 3, evaluators coded a random sample of 20% of responses to the matched open-ended questions pertaining to knowledge of learning through play. In Phase 4, all responses to the open-ended questions were coded. The difference in total score from baseline to end line was a rough quantitative measure of change in understanding. This was useful to measure overall trends, in the absence of an assessment rubric.
Lesson observations at treatment and control schools
In applying a qualitative methodology, the case study method was selected because it provides an opportunity to highlight specific experiences (such as, in this case, the integration of play in classroom practice), bounded and informed by specific contexts (Merriam 1998). A purposive sampling strategy was employed. Treatment schools were selected in each district, such that the two schools came from separate administrative circuits;9 were different school quintiles;10 and used different languages of teaching and learning. Where possible, case study schools were visited at baseline and again at end line. The control schools were identified by the Eastern Cape Department of Education as being in the same district as the treatment schools (but not engaged in the Play Well & Be Happy programme).
The qualitative data collected through the school visits is not the focus of this article. Instead, we have presented the coding rubrics and ways in which the data was collated among the case study practitioners to offer a broad-brush measure of changes in practice. Classroom observations focused on how the Grade R practitioner facilitated active learning through play in general, and how they used the Play Well & Be Happy materials in particular. A lesson observation protocol, as shown in Table 2, was developed to aid the interpretation of our observations.
A total score out of 72 was awarded for the baseline and end line guided play lesson observation, which included a total of 48 for practitioner outcomes and 24 for outcomes displayed by children. These were converted to percentages and compared. Positive shifts, negative shifts or no change from baseline to end line were noted for each case study observation.
Ethical considerations
This research followed the United Nations International Children and Education Fund (UNICEF) ethical guidelines for conducting research involving children (UNICEF 2015). In so doing, several ethical approval processes have been obtained, namely ethical approval from the Ethics Committee of the University of Johannesburg's Faculty of Education (ethical clearance number 2017-015); research permission from the provincial Department of Basic Education (Eastern Cape); and voluntary informed consent to participate in the research from the teacher trainers and Grade R practitioners (in their surveys). Furthermore, all data collected were anonymised, and all participants had the right to withdraw from the research at any point in time. There was no harm foreseen as a result of being part of the research.
Results
In this section we explain how practitioners self-reported on their confidence and knowledge. This is the augmented with how we analysed responses to survey questions, which were designed to solicit their understanding of learning through play. This is contrasted with the practice of play observed for the case study practitioners.
Practitioner reflections on changes in confidence (n = 882)
In all four phases there was a significant positive shift in the reported level of confidence with providing play experiences (moderate to large effect sizes), as shown in Table 3.
Practitioner reflections on changes in knowledge and practice (n = 882)
The practitioners also reported very positively on the materials, on their learning about planning and their promotion of active learning through play, as well as their children's ability to be organised into groups and the possibility of using guided play techniques.
As shown in Table 4, in all three phases, there was close to unanimous agreement that the LEGO® Duplo Bricks and Takalani materials had supported learning through play in the classroom. There was a bigger variation between phases on whether children knew how to be organised into play stations. The highest agreement levels were in the BCMM (91.7%) and the lowest in PE (78.3%).
In terms of the priority behaviours of the practitioners in their interaction with the children, the practitioners first self-reported on these. The practitioners in all phases but the first were asked to respond to four statements using a five-point Likert-scale. The results shown in Table 5 indicate that there was extensive agreement with all four statements. Thus, the practitioners felt that they asked more open-ended questions; spoke more calmly to the children; listened more to the children; bent down more to the children's level; and punished or shamed the children in front of the class less (compared with all cases before the training programme).
The results in Table 5 provide a glowing response to the extent to which the expectations of the programme were met: the practitioners were overwhelmingly positive. This at least demonstrates that they were aware of the behaviours expected of them after the short 5-week course.11
A slightly more nuanced view on the actual implementation of the hoped-for expectations was evident in their descriptions of the challenges that they faced when trying to enact the programme expectations. Table 6 highlights the main challenges that practitioners experienced during their attempts at teaching through play.
This provides a contrast to the overwhelmingly positive self-reporting on uptake of the programme expectations. It suggests that, while the practitioners were aware of what was expected, they nevertheless faced numerous challenges in enacting these expectations in their classrooms.
Practitioner knowledge of learning through play
In all phases, practitioners were asked, 'What is your understanding of learning through play?' and 'What do you think the children learn when you use "playful learning" in your classroom?'
Across all phases, participants reflected a basic understanding of learning through play, but there were modest and uneven shifts in understanding play from baseline to end line.
In Phase 1 (East London), 45.8% of practitioners showed an improvement in understanding from baseline to end line. In Phase 2 (Port Elizabeth), because they showed a good understanding of play at baseline, 28% of practitioners showed an improvement in understanding. In Phase 3 (Lusikisiki) and Phase 4 (Buffalo City), a more detailed coding protocol was applied, as shown in Table 7, which revealed that Lusikisiki practitioners showed a significant improvement in understanding from baseline to end line with moderate effect size, while Buffalo City practitioners showed a significant decrease in understanding with a moderate effect size.
In general, BCMM practitioners scored higher at baseline than at end line, thus showing a negative change with a moderate effect size. The reason for this may be attributable to less time being given to practitioners to answer the survey at end line compared to more time given when answering the baseline questionnaire. This is evident in the lower mean for the character counts at end line.
Observations of practitioners' practice of play
The following indicators of a practice of play were considered through the lesson observations: the use of play equipment, the running of play stations and the four explicit behaviours expected from the teachers (asking open questions, getting down to the children's level, not using aggressive gestures or tools and speaking with calm and gentle tones to the children).
Scores were allocated as per the lesson observation protocol for 'used available [play] equipment effectively' and 'set up and managed play stations in the classroom' and were then tallied. These scores are shown in Table 8.
Overall, the average total score increased from 10 points at baseline to 18 points at end line (which was a statistically significant difference).12
The average end line score is 56.3% of the total possible score for these two indicators. As a point of comparison, at seven control lesson observations, the average score obtained was 51.8%. Thus, the trained practitioners of Play Well & Be Happy obtained a slightly better score than those who were untrained (but this difference was not statistically significant).13
In the case of the observed lessons, scores for the practitioners' interactions with the children were allocated as per the lesson observation protocol for the five aspects indicated, which were then tallied (see Table 9).
Overall, the total score decreased from 48 points at baseline to 47 points at end line (but this difference was not significant).14
The average end line score is 58.8% of the total possible score for these five indicators. As a point of comparison, in the seven control lessons observed, the average score obtained was very similar, at 56.4% (and the difference between control and treatment schools was not significant).15
If one breaks down the overall score into individual aspects, it is clear that asking open-ended questions is a major omission across the board. Out of all seven lessons given by trained teachers of Play Well & Be Happy observed at end line,16 in only two did the practitioner receive a score of better than 0 ('never'): one received a 1 ('to a limited extent') and one a 2 ('somewhat'). On the other end of the spectrum, avoiding aggressive words and actions was positive throughout: out of the same seven lessons mentioned, in only two did the practitioner receive a score of less than 4 ('extensively'): two received a score of 3 ('most of the time').
Discussion
We return now to reflect on our research questions before and after the Play Well & Be Happy intervention:
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whether practitioners shifted their level of confidence in their self-reflections
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whether there was evidence of practitioner shifts in knowledge about learning through play
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if so, how this accorded with analysis of their observed practice of learning through play.
In all four phases there was a significant positive shift in the reported level of confidence with providing play experiences (moderate to large effect sizes). Similarly, there was enthusiastic positive self-reporting on their improved knowledge, utility and implementation of the changes in behaviour expected from the practitioners.
It is clear from the data that self-reported evidence (collected through the survey) is exceptionally positive, with practitioners reporting positively on desired attributes both before and after the intervention. While positive shifts were evident, this was from very high baseline levels. This was made worse in some cases by the skewed phrasing of questions included in the instrumentation, such as 'Do you agree or disagree that you now do X more than before?' As such, while the self-reporting may be interpreted to show practitioner enthusiasm and confidence in their approach to teaching through play, this seems to be of little substantive value.
There was more nuance and useful qualitative data obtained from the analysis of the open-ended questions included in the survey. Open questions like 'What do you understand by learning through play?' were posed, and the responses to these were coded in more detailed ways with each design cycle. This provided some written evidence of the practitioners' developing understanding of the main ideas.
Across all phases, participants reflected a basic understanding of learning through play but uneven shifts in understanding of play from baseline to end line. Initially a simple code of positive, negative or no shift in understanding was applied. By Phase 4, the responses were blind-coded using an agreed coding rubric. The type of activity undertaken as part of the evaluation research ought to be included in the assessment and feedback practices of the Play Well & Be Happy course in future.
The real test of changes in practice was only evident at the coalface, when practitioners were observed teaching in their classrooms. It is seldom that such site visits and lesson observations can be included within the available resources for a training intervention. In this case, careful selection of case studies allowed for 22 site visits to be included. However - as the data revealed - within the complexity of a challenging schooling system, only five cases included both pre- and post-intervention observations of the same practitioner in the same classroom. Table 10 offers a summary of this in relation to shifts from baseline to end line observations and then in comparison to the control schools.
This quantification of lesson observation data is crude, but suggests that there was evidence (at least among the five case study practitioners) that there was significant improvement in relation to teaching through play with the use of play equipment and play stations. We would describe these behaviours as the 'form' of what was expected from the Play Well & Be Happy programme: a shift from whole-class teaching without play equipment to managed play stations with play equipment.
This is perhaps not surprising in a South African policy context that places more emphasis on the availability of play resources and infrastructure, developing safe play spaces, and facilitating parent education and capacity-development programmes on the importance of play (A Chance to Play Southern Africa 2017). One has to be realistic about what is achievable in a short course. Achieving such a shifts towards better availability of play resources, great confidence and greater awareness of the importance of play, as well as the kinds of behaviours expected from practitioners in their classroom, are important steps in the right direction. They are perhaps all that can be expected from a short 5-week training intervention.
The evidence of any shifts in practice with regard to the 'hoped-for' practitioner behaviours was more elusive, with no significant difference observed from baseline to end line among the five case study practitioners. The positive shifts in confidence and knowledge did not yet accord with the practitioners' observed practice of learning through play. Practitioners demonstrated the clearest difficulties with understanding the practice of applying different play strategies, asking open questions and enabling children to manage their own play. This points to the need for a longer professional development intervention, which would provide more examples and clarity on the meaning of different play strategies and the appropriate conditions in which to apply each of them. It should be borne in mind that the lessons were being observed, which may have changed the normal practice of the practitioner. However, the data reveals at the very least that practitioners were more aware of what was expected of them in relation to their interactions with the children and were able to model this behaviour to the observer (other than in the case of asking more open-ended questions).
The inclusion of 'control schools' in the research design was exploratory. Their selection was made by the provincial Department of Education based on being in the same district as the treatment school being observed. However, after collecting the data it was clear that the control schools had not been adequately matched with the treatment schools (in terms of a whole range of socio-economic, infrastructure and practitioner qualification and experience indicators). The absence of this detailed matching - and preferably including standardised measures of learner outcomes - meant that the treatment and control baselines were not sufficiently comparable.
Conclusion
The Play Well & Be Happy research design made clear the complexity of designing, implementing and researching a large-scale intervention simultaneously. The four-phase design allowed for improvement in how the programme was conceptualised and reflected upon. However, by Phase 4 there still remained areas for improvement, with a particular need to include some formal assessment as part of the programme (via course materials or a written assignment), rather than being included as open questions in a research questionnaire. The coding and feedback of these responses needed to be integrated into the programme design.
Nevertheless, Play Well & Be Happy represents an important exploratory and systematic province-wide intervention on building Grade R and ECD practitioner capacity in learning and teaching through play in the Eastern Cape. The programme had wide-ranging positive effects on initial practitioner awareness of play, their levels of confidence and their understanding and practice of play, and it provided important joyful learning opportunities for the estimated 25 000 children who showed enthusiasm towards the LEGO® and Takalani materials that the programme provided.
The experience laid an important basis for a further improved systemic and sustainable intervention focused on growing the capabilities of practitioners and educators and deepening their practice of play. We believe that more formalised focus, funding and dedication to continuous professional development and training of practitioners in the Eastern Cape in terms of best practices in ECD in general, and specifically the role of play, will help strengthen the systemic capacity of the Eastern Cape Department of Education (DOE) for effective ECD delivery, thereby improving the lives of all the children in the province. This article contributes to ensuring that the Play Well & Be Happy experience and lessons are widely shared with the public, government, ECD non-government organisations and the research community.
Acknowledgements
This article is a product of the collective effort of a number of individuals and stakeholders. The authors thank the approximately 1000 Grade R and pre-primary practitioners and principals for their participation in the evaluation of the Play Well & Be Happy programme. The authors acknowledge the principals at five Early Childhood Development centres and nine primary schools who allowed them to conduct interviews and observe their practitioners and their practice of play.
The core implementation team, Ms Margaret Irvine, Dr Daisy Reddy, Ms Colleen Forsyth, Ms Cherrylyn MacMaster and the late Ms Busi Sokopo, supported the authors extensively with evaluation activities. Ms Koleka Lwana and Ms Glory Ndabeni played a central role in East London and Lusikisiki, respectively.
Meetings and conference calls with the Sesame Workshop team based in New York provided guidance on the design of the evaluation methodologies and ways in which the authors could improve the evaluation process. The authors thank Dr Jennifer Kotler (Head of Research and Evaluation), Ms Alyson Moskowitz (Project Manager) and Ms Nada Elattar (Director of Educational Programmes for the International Social Impact Department) for their warm support.
The authors also give special thanks to Mr Michael Renvillard (Initiatives Lead for South Africa), Dr Jill Popp and Mr Vincent Doyle (all from the LEGO® Foundation, who funded the Play Well & Be Happy programme). The authors acknowledge the Mai Family Foundation, who provided initial funding for the Takalani Sesame Eastern Cape outreach initiative, which served as an informative pilot for the PW&BH expansion initiative.
Finally, the authors thank the Kelello-University of Johannesburg research team: Ms Rene Weston (Project Coordinator), Mr Andile Mbali (Field Worker and Case Study Writer), Ms Pam Maxakato (Field Worker), Ms Koleka Ntantiso (Field Worker and Case Study Writer), Ms Yolisa Madolo (Translator), Ms Zola Thompson (Translator), Dr Kaya Tshabalala (Field Worker), Ms Gail Van Heerden (Data Capturer) and Ms Zahraa Parker (Data Capturer).
Competing interests
The authors declare that they have no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced them in writing this article.
Authors' contributions
S.I. coordinated the collaboration between the authors; conducted the literature review, which was integrated in the findings section; put the initial drafts together; and edited the final version. S.B. wrote the research methodology section. G.S.S. added the evaluation results in the findings section and provided edits to the article. N.R. wrote the abstract and discussion and edited the article.
Funding information
The PW&BH programme and the programme evaluation was funded by the LEGO® Foundation through their partnership with the Sesame Workshop, and their South African counterpart, Takalani Sesame which enjoys a partnership with the Eastern Cape Department of Education and the Buffalo City Metropolitan Municipality.
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Correspondence:
Shafika Isaacs
shafika@shafika.co.za
Received: 05 Sept. 2018
Accepted: 18 Dec. 2018
Published: 29 May 2019
1 . We use the term 'practitioner' to denote those who are not yet qualified as ECD educators and the term 'educator' to refer to those who have a minimum of the National Qualifications Framework Level 4 qualification.
2 . 'Large classes' refers to class groups of 60-90 children.
3 . Department of Education 2001:7, refers to ECD as 'a comprehensive approach to policies and programmes for children from birth to 9 years with active participation of practitioners, their parents and other caregivers' and ECD is referred to as 'the process of emotional, cognitive, sensory, spiritual, moral, physical, social and communication development from birth to school-going age' (Chapter 6: Section 91:1).
4 . Grade R is a single-year preschool programme intended for children in the year before entering Grade 1, implemented in primary schools or community-based ECD sites.
5 . The Foundation Phase includes Grade R to Grade 3.
6 . 'Practitioners' refer to those who are not yet qualified as Grade R or ECD educators.
7 . The remaining nine sites had inconsistencies in observations either because the children were sent home at the last minute by the principal (Phase 1), because only baseline visits were conducted (Phase 2), because the class was taught by the principal at end line and practitioner at baseline (Phase 4) or because the evaluators discovered that the practitioner did not attend the training at all (Phase 4).
8 . In Phase 2 there was a lighter touch evaluation, to stay within the budget parameters, and as the urban context of Port Elizabeth was considered sufficiently similar to that of East London.
9 . Each school district in the Eastern Cape contains two administrative circuits.
10 . Schools in South Africa are categorised into quintiles according to the level of affluence of the community surrounding the schools. Quintile 1 schools are situated in the poorest communities, and Quintile 5 communities in the wealthiest. Quintiles 1 to 3 receive a higher government subsidy and do not usually charge school fees.
11 . In this case, the percentages shown are for disagree/strongly disagree, as this is a negatively-phrased statement.
12 . A two-tailed Wilcoxon signed-rank test was conducted on the pre- and post-training 'play' scores of the treatment school practitioners. The post-training scores (median = 2.5) were higher than the pre-training scores (median = 1), and the differences were significant (the test statistic = 3, which is less than the critical value of 4 at a 5% level).
13 . A two-tailed Mann-Whitney U test was conducted on the 'play' scores of the control school practitioners (Group A) and on those of the treatment school practitioners (Group B) at endline. The scores for treatment school practitioners (median = 2.5) were higher than for the control practitioners (median = 2, U = 48, p = 0.611); however, the difference is not significant at the 5% level.
14 . A two-tailed Wilcoxon signed-rank test was conducted on the pre- and post-training 'interaction with children' scores of the treatment school practitioners. The post-training scores (median = 2.5) were lower than the pre-training scores (median = 3), but the differences were not significant (the test statistic = 9, which is more than the critical value of 4 at a 5% level).
15 . A two-tailed Mann-Whitney U test was conducted on the 'interaction with children' scores of the control school practitioners (Group A) and on those of the treatment school practitioners (Group B) at end line. The scores for treatment school practitioners (median = 2.5) were higher than for the control practitioners (median = 2, U = 337.5, p = 0.834), but the difference is not significant at the 5% level.
16 . This includes the four practitioners observed at both baseline and end line and a further three observed only at end line.
ORIGINAL RESEARCH
The disempowerment of early childhood practitioners in impoverished and marginalised communities
Tilana KnafoI; Brigitte SmitII; Petro MaraisIII
IDepartment Foundation Phase Education, AROS Private Higher Institution, Pretoria, South Africa
IIDepartment of Educational Leadership and Management, University of South Africa, Pretoria, South Africa
IIIDepartment of Early Childhood Education, College of Education, University of South Africa, Pretoria, South Africa
ABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: Quality early childhood programmes have proven to be highly cost-effective in reversing the detrimental consequences of poverty on children's development. However, these programmes can only influence developmental outcomes of poor children if their needs are considered
AIM: The purpose of this article was to inquire into the experiences of two early childhood development (ECD) practitioners working and living in impoverished and marginalised predominantly white communities where the involvement of volunteers from charity organisations was prominent. The researchers argued that the practitioners' experiences regarding their work should inform the kind of complementary volunteer aid and support sought for
SETTING: The research sites were two informal predominantly white settlements where unemployed residents lived in makeshift housing
METHODS: A narrative inquiry, nested in the social constructivist paradigm, was employed to explore the experiences of two practitioners. Data were collected from narrative interviews, observations, documents, photographs and artefacts
RESULTS: Both participants knew well that the needs of the children in their care differed significantly from those of their more affluent peers and believed that training would equip them better for their task. Although both centres (and communities) benefitted from volunteer support, this well-intended aid was often misguided as the volunteers were not qualified educators and did not understand the context
CONCLUSION: The volunteers did not empower the practitioners to use their insight and experience to deliver a quality programme fit for context. Instead, they left the practitioners with a sense of disempowerment by dictating the programmes and practices to be followed in the respective ECD centres, even though they were not qualified to do so
Keywords: early childhood development practitioners; impoverished and marginalised communities; informal settlements; narrative inquiry; volunteer support.
Introduction
The United Nations stated the universal termination of poverty in all its forms as the first of its 17 Sustainable Development Goals identified by the organisation in 2015 (United Nations 2015). Also, Statistics South Africa (2015) regards the eradication of poverty as one of the most pressing issues to be addressed. Poverty is a complex chronic and debilitating condition. A plethora of literature since the 1960s has shown its negative impact on all aspects of a child's development (Brooks-Gunn & Duncan 1997; Jensen 2009; Mustard 2007; Shonkoff & Phillips 2000).
In spite of this bleak scenario, leading economists such as Heckman (2013), Bernanke (2012), Grunewald (2015) as well as the World Bank publication No Small Matter: The Impact of Poverty, Shocks, and Human Capital Investments in Early Childhood (Alderman 2011) regard quality early childhood development (ECD) programmes to be one of the most efficient ways to level the playing field between the haves and the have-nots. At the same time, Grunewald (2015) warns against poor quality of ECD programmes, which he believes creates excessive stress that is detrimental to the healthy development of children. Therefore, programmes catering for poor children should be tailored to address their needs to be developmentally appropriate and efficient (Azzi-Lessing 2010).
For this reason, ECD practitioners serving these children and their families need to be empowered to develop and present a suitable programme. Practitioners experience the needs of the children in their care on a daily basis. They also intimately understand the social conditions of their communities, which, in turn, influence the development of their children. Therefore, their experiences should be a primary consideration when designing a quality ECD programme for children from impoverished backgrounds. Regarding the empowerment of unqualified practitioners in township centres, Fourie (2013) recommends practitioner participation in the development of their skills and knowledge. In this regard, Fourie (2013:61) refers to 'teaching and learning experiences that are transactional'.
Some significant studies have been conducted on early childhood programmes in predominantly black informal settlements and impoverished rural areas (Dawes, Biersteker & Hendricks 2012; Ebrahim, Killian & Rule 2011; Van der Vyver 2012). Insights emanating from such studies contribute to a better understanding of the context and needs of ECD centres in these communities. However, no scholarly studies on ECD programmes in informal settlements of predominantly white people could be found. This observation was confirmed by Dr Danie Brink, executive director of Solidarity Helping Hand (a non-government organisation [NGO] whose focus is primarily on the plight of poor white people) during a personal communication in 2015.
This article is based on a study of the experiences of two ECD practitioners working and living in impoverished predominantly white informal settlements (Knafo 2016). The broader study was guided by four questions:
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What are the experiences of the practitioners regarding the children in their care?
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What are the experiences of the practitioners regarding the parents of the children in their care?
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How do the practitioners' personal issues have an effect on their work?
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How do the experiences of the practitioners regarding their contexts influence the quality of their work?
Although the practitioners were not qualified, they showed remarkable dedication and insight regarding their work. Yet, a sense of disempowerment in their lives and work emerged as an ever-present theme in the stories of the participants. The two centres were supported by various volunteers from charity organisations and churches in terms of material support, and also in organising and running the centres. This state of affairs informed the fourth question above. This article now focuses explicitly on the last question.
The research focus is therefore on the degree of empowerment as experienced by the practitioners as a result of the various external influences and their particular context to work ethics.
Theoretical framework
This study has been conducted within Bronfenbrenner's ecological systems theory (1979) as theoretical framework. He identified four spheres of influence in a person's ecological system: micro-, meso-, exo- and macrosystems. The microsystem is described by Bronfenbrenner as the most direct and immediate sphere of influence on a person. The exosystems are those settings which may influence a person, although the person is not directly involved in the settings. The overarching circle of the ecological system, the macrosystem, consists of the belief systems, customs, hazards, life-course options, lifestyles and material resources of a particular culture or sub-culture. Bronfenbrenner's theory is frequently used in studies on childhood poverty, for example, Brown, Ackerman and Moore (2013) and Martin, Gardner and Brooks-Gunn (2012), to conceptualise the proximal and distal influences on children's development. This article assumes the point of view that the practitioners' experiences are determined by the entire ecological system in which the practitioner and child live and develop. At the same time, their experiences are not viewed as objective truths 'out there', but are seen as constructions of the practitioners' lived and subjective experiences.
Literature review
To understand the experiences of the ECD practitioners working in poverty, the nature of poverty should first be explored. Poverty is not merely a lack of income, but a multi-faceted concept, experienced by the poor as deprivation in various domains of their lives (Statistics South Africa 2014). At the same time, it is evident from the literature on poverty that each domain of deprivation contributes to a sense of marginalisation experienced by those trapped in the poverty cycle.
Marginalisation as an aspect of poverty is defined as 'being in a marginal or peripheral position from the centre of the main development activities or decision-making processes' (Executive Secretariat of the Africa Forum 2010:10). John Tesha, executive secretary of the Africa Forum (pers. comm., 2015), describes multiple deprivation and marginalisation as two sides of the same coin. Each domain of deprivation adds to the marginalisation experienced by the poor.
From the literature on poverty, it is evident that the poor are socially and physically marginalised. Ridge (2011) identifies limited and unaffordable transport and low-quality housing as contributing to their isolation. Friends are reluctant to visit cold and cramped homes. As the poor are embarrassed about their poverty, they try to hide it which further isolates them (Solidarity Helping Hand 2010). They are pushed to the outskirts of their communities because of unemployment and job losses. This, in turn, leads to stigmatisation of their neighbourhoods. As their physical space is removed from economic activities, the poor are disconnected from employment prospects (Angélil & Siress 2012; Šabić et al. 2013). Šabić et al. (2013:72) refer to these settlements as the 'invisible part of the city'. It is an ugly face characterised by neglect, unhygienic conditions, lack of sanitation and electricity, hidden from the eyes of tourists and foreign visitors.
The potential research sites (impoverished communities of predominantly white people) considered for this study were on farms, on smallholdings or in derelict caravan parks far from job opportunities, thus being geographically marginalised. Social woes such as child neglect and abuse, abandoned newborn babies and teenage prostitution characterise these settlements (Solidarity Helping Hand 2010). People live in wooden huts, caravans, corrugated iron shacks, chicken pens, under bridges and plastic sheets (Solidarity Helping Hand 2010). Extreme poverty seems to have a marginalising effect on all its victims. During this investigation, we learnt that the white residents of informal settlements and the aid organisations active in these settlements believe that they also have unique challenges. The perception exists, correctly or incorrectly, that white people do not have access to state and other forms of support, even though affirmative action deprived them of job opportunities. Research conducted on behalf of the Umsobomvu Youth Fund by Robin Pharoah (2008) found that these communities have largely fallen through the cracks of the current system. For example, they do not know about programmes available to them and for this and various other reasons do not access these programmes. It is evident that not only their immediate environment (the microsystem) but also more distal influences (the view of the more affluent and socially healthy part of society regarding the poor) contribute to a sense of marginalisation of these communities. The belief of impoverished white people regarding the macrosystem (a socio-political dispensation that does not support them) further pushes them to the fringes of society.
As indicated in the Introduction, a quality ECD programme is a highly effective route out of the poverty cycle. Nevertheless, poor parents in marginalised communities cannot access traditional ECD facilities because of distance and their inability to pay school fees (Atmore, Van Niekerk & Ashley-Cooper 2012). Being socially, physically and economically segregated, an ECD centre in the community is the most logical arrangement to serve these families. However, the developmental needs and challenges of marginalised poor communities should play a crucial role in the design of ECD services (Fourie 2013). Therefore, Fourie (2013) emphasises that community members should participate in the design of a suitable programme. They are in the best position to give a realistic picture of everyday realities in the community. Accordingly, this article argues that the ECD practitioners working and living in impoverished and marginalised communities should play a central role in the design and presentation of a suitable programme. Yet, the literature shows that outsiders initiate, develop and manage these programmes (Fourie 2013). The approach of outside developers is described by Fourie (2013:61): 'Developers often think that they know best and therefore their prime function is to transfer knowledge to communities whom, by definition, know less'. Also, Kholowa and Rose (2007) point out that internationally accepted best practices might not be the most appropriate for every context. Early childhood development practitioners working in impoverished areas in Malawi indicated lack of training, limited resources and limited community contributions as daily challenges. However, a more fundamental challenge was parental expectation. Parents expected the ECD centre to prepare their children to study successfully to escape from poverty. This focus on academic skills is in contrast with a universal view of the holistic development of the young child. Yet, Kholowa and Rose (2007:458) believe that this parental perspective points to 'a greater awareness of local realities'.
Narrative inquiry was selected as a research design to explore the experiences of ECD practitioners working in these settlements, facilitating emotional responses from the research participants (Elliot 2005).
Research design and methodology
The study was concerned with the participants' understanding of the world in which they live and work. Creswell (2013) in this regard endorses that this view is shaped through their interaction with others. Therefore, it was necessary to understand the social context and complexities of the participants' experiences. Thus, the research approach was qualitative and narrative inquiry, nested in the social constructivist paradigm, was the design type. A narrative inquiry based on Dewey's (1938) notion of experience as research design was considered to be most appropriate, as 'experience' is the core of this study. Dewey explains that 'experience' creates social reality and from this ontological assumption, all inquiry follows (Clandinin & Rosiek 2007). Accordingly, Caine, Estefan and Clandinin (2013) speak about a relational ontology in this regard. The narrative inquirer studies the experiences of the participants through their storied lives. At the same time, the cultural, historical, social and institutional narratives within which individual experiences are shaped and developed are also considered an important source of knowledge and understanding (Clandinin & Rosiek 2007). For this study, the socio-political narratives regarding 'white squatter camps' within the broader South African context were explored. However, the experiences of the participants were the start and end points of the study.
A purposive sampling strategy was used to identify two practitioners (Rina and Thea, respectively)1 in impoverished and marginalised communities of predominantly white people, who were information-rich and knowledgeable about the phenomenon (McMillan & Schumacher 2010; Strydom & Delport 2011). Rina worked as a practitioner alongside another practitioner - a volunteer from a church group. She was responsible for the younger group, whereas the volunteer taught the older group. The centre was managed by this volunteer as well as other volunteers. Thea, on the other hand, was appointed as a principal as well as a Grade R teacher by a volunteer (Mia)1 who started the centre in this community and also managed the centre. A few members of the community were appointed by the volunteer to work as practitioners for the younger age groups. The sample size was limited by the small population size, the availability of information-rich cases and the narrative interview as primary data collection technique as an in-depth understanding of their experiences was relevant. Christensen, Johnson and Turner (2015) expound the aim of purposive sampling to gain insight into a phenomenon and not to generalise findings from a sample to a population.
Gaining access to these communities was incredibly daunting. We had to approach two NGOs active in these communities to introduce us as a 'friend' of the community, because the members were wary of outsiders. We explained the purpose of the study to the manager of one of the settlements and the owner of the farm where the second settlement was established. Letters requesting the participation of the community in the study were explained and signed by the manager and the owner of the respective settlements. Letters of informed consent were signed by the two prospective participants after the purpose of the study as well as the significance of their contribution had been explained. We also secured ethical clearance from the College of Education of the University of South Africa.
The focus of this study was the experiences of Rina and Thea of their daily life and work as ECD practitioners in impoverished and marginalised communities of mostly white people. Data were collected using a variety of methods which allowed for a composition of richly descriptive field texts of the experiences of the participants. These included narrative interviews and conversations with the participants, field notes of non-participant observations, photographs, documents and artefacts.
Jovchelovitch and Bauer (2000) define the narrative interview as an unstructured in-depth interview used in qualitative research. The participant in a narrative interview is a storyteller who constructs the story on his or her terms and can develop or change the focus of the narrative according to his or her agenda (Hollway & Jefferson 2008). The narrative interviews for this study were based on one question to the participants, to speak about their challenges and experiences regarding their work as ECD practitioners. This question elicited a response from the participants, but they owned the response. Their narratives were not only about their work but also about their settlement. They talked about their experiences not only with the children in the centre and their parents, but also with the community, their families and the outsiders and volunteers supporting the centre and the community. They talked about what they did before moving to the settlement, their present situation and their future plans.
The large volume of collected data was coded using 7 of the 32 coding techniques identified by Saldaña (2013). The steps recommended by Creswell (2013) and Butler-Kisber (2010) were followed to arrive at four themes, which became the major components of this study and write-up. Categories were constructed from the initial codes by comparing, combining, sorting and rearranging codes. These categories were then reduced and combined into four themes based on connections among the categories. The four themes were the practitioners' personal and social experiences, their experiences concerning place (their settlements), their experiences with camp leadership and their experiences concerning support infrastructure.
The data the participants provided the researchers to work with also left them vulnerable. The researchers therefore adhered to ethical measures such as informed consent, avoidance of harm, assurance of privacy, confidentiality, and anonymity and access to research texts. The researchers also tended to ethical issues specific to a narrative inquiry and dealt with these during the entire inquiry. Throughout the study, the researchers considered the observation of Elliot (2005) that the way a researcher analyses and interprets personal narratives may affect the participants. The researchers followed the recommendation by Berg (2009) to discuss the participants, their viewpoints, their settlements and their communities with sensitivity without compromising on honesty. The researchers followed Lieblich's advice (Clandinin & Murphy 2007) to listen emphatically without judgement or disbelief. During the interviews and conversations with the participants, it was emphasised that because the researchers had never worked in similar conditions, their opinions could not be judged and that the participants were the experts in their contexts.
At the same time, the researchers endeavoured to establish the trustworthiness of this study in various ways, for example, to spend extensive time in the field with the participants to build a relationship of trust and to observe them in their natural environments (Butler-Kisber 2010; Creswell 2013; Lincoln & Guba 1985; Schurink, Fouché & De Vos 2011); to record interviews electronically and to jot down detailed observations on the spot (Strydom 2011) and to use various forms of field texts and data collection strategies to create thick descriptions (Butler-Kisber 2010; Creswell 2013).As the focus of the study was the experiences of the participants, their voices were conspicuous throughout the study (Butler-Kisber 2010).
Ethical considerations
Ethical clearance was obtained from the University of South Africa (Ref no.: 2014/September//MC).
Findings
Although the two communities where the study was conducted were similar, they were also different in many respects. Both were communities of mostly unemployed homeless individuals who lost their jobs, who were too sick or unqualified to work and even people who fled from the law. Many of the residents suffered from social ills that often accompany a life of poverty, such as alcohol and drug abuse, domestic violence and physical and sexual abuse, as described by Azzi-Lessing (2010), Waldfogel, Craigie and Brooks-Gunn (2010), Solidarity Helping Hand (2010) and Jensen (2009).
Rina's settlement was a classic informal settlement, such as defined by Huchzermeyer and Karam (2006) as land illegally occupied as living space by the urban poor where any homeless person could squat. Thea's community, on the other hand, lived in a legal settlement on a privately-owned farm where the farmer erected wooden huts for unemployed and homeless families. Housing in both settlements was substandard and not conducive to the physical and social well-being of the residents. Although Rina's settlement was characterised by neglect and littering, the gardens in Thea's settlement were well tended to. Poverty and an accompanying sense of desperation compromised parents' capacity for positive parenting in both settlements.
The two participants came from vastly different backgrounds and had different histories that brought them to their respective settlements. Rina was a married woman with four children in her late 30s. She had completed her high school education and worked in an administrative position in a big city council until both she and her husband became unemployed and the family was evicted from their house for their inability to pay rent. The family ended up in the settlement. Rina desperately wanted to move away as she believed that settlement life was not a dignified way to raise her children. She doubted her abilities as a practitioner and was satisfied to do menial work. At the same time, the volunteers (without any teaching qualifications) acted as teachers of the children.
Thea, on the other hand, was an unmarried woman in her mid-40s. She had a BSc degree and used to have a work and an apartment. Nevertheless, she chose to resign and moved to live and work in an informal settlement as she believed this move to be a divine calling. She was confident about her professional skills and was appointed as a principal of the centre. Therefore, she was highly disappointed when her authority was disregarded by her colleagues and the volunteer who originally appointed her as a principal. However, both practitioners loved the children in their care and were devoted to their work. Both showed remarkable insight regarding the needs of the children in their respective centres and an understanding of the socio-economic conditions that hamper optimal growth and development of the children. They focused on the achievements of the children and not on their shortcomings. As Rina and Thea were the most qualified members of their respective communities, they also had to run an aftercare facility for the school children of their settlements to assist with homework.
In spite of different backgrounds, personal histories and unique personalities, four dominant themes common to the participants' narratives could be identified, including the practitioners' personal and social experiences, their experiences concerning place, their experiences with camp leadership and their experiences concerning support infrastructure. Butler-Kisber (2010:15) indicates that in qualitative research, because of the small number of participants and the contextualised nature of the research, one situation cannot be generalised to another. Therefore, the findings regarding the two participants' experiences are separately discussed.
At the same time, the various contextual systems of influence as defined by Bronfenbrenner (1979) are evident in the experiences of both Rina and Thea. From the themes that emerged from this study, it is evident that various microsystems were at play in Rina and Thea's experiences. These include the children they worked with and their colleagues with whom they interacted on a daily basis. The volunteers who established and maintained the centres and either worked as practitioner in the centre or assisted the practitioners were microsystems of the practitioners. The owner or camp manager of the two communities also served as microsystems of the practitioners. The mesosystem included the relationship between the children in the centre and the other practitioners (the colleagues of the two practitioners), between camp management and the volunteers and between their colleagues and the volunteers. From the identified themes, the parents of the children emerged as exosystem of the participants. The practitioners had to cope with the challenges of the children caused by problematic circumstances at home. The links between the volunteers and donors or sponsors were more examples of the practitioners' exosystem. Although the practitioners often did not know the donors or sponsors, they depended on their goodwill and aid to survive and to keep the doors of the centres open. The macrosystem of the participants included the deprived lifestyle of the communities and the social woes that usually accompany poverty as indicated in poverty literature, for example, Azzi-Lessing (2010), Waldfogel et al. (2010) and Jensen (2009).This, in turn, typically had an influence on the residents' parenting skills which, in turn, contributed to the behavioural problems of the children in the practitioners' care. The participant practitioners were also subject to the economic hardship of the community which affected their health and emotional well-being.
Rina's narrative
Experiences concerning place
Rina and her extended family lived in a makeshift house of corrugated iron and tents as an extension of the home. Rina was highly distressed about the fact that their house did not have electricity as she believed that this condition was to the detriment of her children. Rina and her husband regularly made plans to improve their lives. She had been working as a practitioner in the ECD centre for 4 years at the time and earned a negligible salary of R250.00 per month - a donation collected by the volunteers from a church group active in the community. Although Rina was initially very frustrated with the small size of her classroom, the room was eventually enlarged, painted and decorated by the volunteers. This resulted in the classroom being colourful, warm and inviting with overflowing toy boxes. The classroom and playground were well equipped, but the volunteer teaching the older group complained about a broken gate being a safety hazard. A child was injured when the gate fell on her. The volunteer had asked the self-appointed manager of the settlement to fix the gate but to no avail. She commented that he took the money donated to the centre by individuals and charities, but did nothing for the centre.
As Rina's community illegally occupied an abandoned caravan park, the sword of eviction was hanging over their heads for years. No long-term plans for the centre could thus be made.
Personal and social experiences
Rina openly expressed her love for the children in her care and demonstrated her affection towards them by hugging, kissing, carrying them and playing with them. The children had a trusting relationship with her and talked openly to her about upsetting incidents that happened at home. Rina experienced that both parents and children valued her, and she derived a sense of purpose from her work. At the same time, the work caused her distress. She talked about neglect and abuse of children and specifically remembered the severe beating of a 5-year-old by her mother. The mother believed that her daughter took her cellphone and came to the centre to beat the child. Rina helplessly stood by, not knowing how to handle the situation. She commented that if Child Welfare had been there that day, they would have removed the child from the mother's care. Rina was at a loss on how to prevent parental maltreatment of the centre's children, neither talking to the parents nor reporting the abuse to authorities although she found abuse and neglect profoundly upsetting. However, a parent guidance workshop was offered to the community, but the mothers who enrolled were not interested to complete the programme.
Welfare indeed removed three children from their mother, an incident Rina found highly traumatic. The one sibling, a toddler, clung to Rina, screaming and did not want to let go when the social worker tried to take her. Rina interpreted this as a plea for help and that she had let the child down. As she was particularly fond of the toddler, Rina experienced this as a personal loss. A few months later the baby sister who stayed behind with the mother died. Being a mother herself, Rina had empathy with the mother and found this experience difficult to handle emotionally: 'Daai stuk kan ek nie hanteer nie' [That part I cannot handle].
Experiences with camp leadership
The camp manager decided how the centre should be run, had control over the finances of the centre and appointed and dismissed staff at the centre on a whim, which left Rina highly distraught. Rina was desperate when the volunteer working as a practitioner was told not to return to the centre. Firstly, handling the centre on her own overwhelmed Rina. Secondly, the volunteer was instrumental in securing donations to the settlement and in particular to Rina and her children. The self-appointed manager's position was undisputed, and Rina did not stand up to him when he kept on swearing at her about an issue that was none of her doing. Furthermore, she believed without a doubt that the manager and his wife always acted in the best interest of the children.
Experiences concerning support infrastructure
A salient feature of the settlement was the constant flow of donors, volunteers, loads of donations arriving at the settlement and the active involvement of outsiders supporting the community and in particular the ECD centre on a daily basis. Groups of women from surrounding neighbourhoods visited on different days to present various activities. Especially the younger group (mostly toddlers) was subject to an ever-changing stream of different women performing age-inappropriate activities. For example, a social worker indicated that her task was to teach the children shapes and colours. The children had to sit passively at tables while she repeated the names of the shapes and colours. Afterwards, the children had to watch a video of Moses and the Ten Commandments. Bored toddlers who did not pay attention were reprimanded. Rina, their teacher, was relegated to minor cleaning work and supervision of outside play. Rina indicated that she would appreciate training to be a qualified teacher. Although the volunteers had promised to enrol her for a training course a number of times, this never materialised.
Other donor organisations included a well-known auditors' firm, a group of bikers, a pharmaceutical company, famous singers and celebrities, a youth organisation and church groups. The abundance of donations often included non-nutritional sweets and snacks. Food donations were also precarious. Rina explained that the camp manager's wife prepared meals for the community, but only when she had food to prepare: '… sy kan nie kosmaak as daar niks inkom nie' [… she cannot cook if no food comes in].
Thea's narrative
Experiences concerning place
Thea's settlement on a privately-owned farm looked well maintained and peaceful from the outside. The ECD centre was next to a dam complete with floating ducks. Thea pointed out that the playground was treacherous as the dam was a drowning hazard, the road next to the playground carried heavy trucks transporting tar and on the third side of the playground was the kitchen with a donkey boiler on the outside where children could get burnt. The fact that the toddlers were busy with potty-training made matters worse, as the toilets were far from the playgrounds and the toddlers needed an adult to accompany them to the toilet. Thea regularly counted the children on the playground to make sure everyone was still safe. She referred to the situation as ''n nagmerrie' [a nightmare]. Thea secured a donation to have the playground fenced in, but the owner refused the request, indicating that this would spoil the appearance of the gardens. The wooden hut that served as her house did not offer her enough protection against the elements in winter, and she became very sick. The fact that she had to walk some distance to get to a toilet or shower made matters worse during winter. She felt that some children were even more exposed and talked about a family where the children slept on the veranda with a makeshift roof of plastic sheets. The alternative was to have children sharing the same room as their parents which Thea felt was also not desirable.
Personal and social experiences
Thea explained how she tried to juggle her responsibilities as ECD practitioner and also supervising the aftercare. She cleaned the centre and toys afterhours and over weekends and washed dishes between activities at times when she did not have a cleaner. The volunteer who set up and managed the centre expected her to offer the children worksheets to complete. She copied the worksheets by hand in the evenings as she did not have access to a photocopier and the centre could not afford to buy workbooks. Although she received a salary of R200 per week from the volunteer, this money was suspended during weeks when she was off sick. Not having money to take care of personal needs, left Thea embarrassed. Already during our first interview, Thea complained about ill-health and exhaustion. She threatened to resign, but the volunteer and representative of the NGO supporting the settlement downplayed it as mere end-of-the-year exhaustion. Thea felt misunderstood as the volunteers could not see that she was overburdened. The social problems in the settlement caused Thea further undue stress, which exacerbated her ill-health.
She talked about mothers being busy with men while neglecting their children and the effect of a hostile home environment on children's learning and behaviour. The services of a social worker were suggested by Thea when asked during an interview how the centre should be managed. She realised that the community's children needed specialised social support more than educational activities. At the same time, the well-being of the settlement's children had been compromised to the extent that the removal of the children by the welfare was a real threat. She therefore advised as follows regarding the social worker: '… hoor hier, leer hier, kyk wat aangaan, maar moenie die kinders weg vat nie' [… listen here, see what is happening, but do not remove the children].
Parents were irresponsible in terms of their children's school attendance. Furthermore, they were impulsive, leaving the settlement because of minor altercations with the owner or fellow residents. Not only did they end up on the streets begging, but their children's schooling was interrupted. The families' high mobility had an effect on Thea's teaching and the learning objectives she planned for the children. Considering these challenges, Thea suggested that experts should be consulted to tailor teaching and learning objectives for the context. Notwithstanding, her work gave her a sense of purpose, and she referred to the centre as a child '(e)k het twee-en-'n-half jaar hierdie kleuterskool grootgemaak. En nou moet ek dit vir iemand gee wat niks omgee nie' [For two and a half years have I raised this preschool and now I have to give it to someone who doesn't care a bit].
Experiences with camp leadership
Thea's position in the centre, as well as the centre itself, fully depended on the goodwill of the owner. Thea specified that the proprietor was not confident about the centre because he believed that mothers should look after their children, which left Thea unsure about the future of the centre. At the same time, the centre was a source of income: 'Die kleuterskool bring indirek vir hulle geld van buite of in, want mense se harte word altyd sag as hulle'n klomp kinders bymekaar sien' [Indirectly the preschool brings money in from outside because people's hearts soften when they see a group of children together]. The centre and the well-being of the children were not always a priority for the owner. For example, Thea's concerns about the quality of the food prepared for the centre's children and her request that school children be provided with sandwiches for school were ignored by the owner. Thea was promised a larger classroom as she had all age groups in one room - a very unsatisfactory situation. This promise was not kept, and Thea expressed her disappointment. Thea only received her own classroom when the volunteer was prepared to pay R1300.00 per month towards rent for the wooden hut. After Thea had left the settlement, the owner terminated all volunteer involvement indicating that the community could run the centre themselves according to their religious beliefs.
The owner had absolute authority over the residents and decided who could stay on the farm and who had to leave. Residents did not dare to complain and were asked to leave if they were not happy with the conditions. When a mother reported that a fellow resident molested her daughter, no action was taken. Thea believed that the owner did not want to give up on the rent that the alleged perpetrator paid for his wooden hut. Parents also feared that their children might offend the owner, which could lead to expulsion. When Thea wanted to take action against alleged child abuse when a toddler was burnt by the cigarette of a practitioner, the owner asked her to leave the settlement. He indicated that she was bad for his settlement. She explained that for the owner, it was all about the donations made to the ECD centre. Therefore, he did not want to have child abuse at his settlement made public. At the same time, Thea was strangely loyal towards the proprietor. She indicated that he gave homeless people a roof over their heads, food and hot water. Therefore, they had to be grateful towards him.
Experiences concerning support infrastructure
The dominant narrative of poor white people, and even more so of organisations and individuals supporting them, is that they do not have access to public social and financial assistance, because of the colour of their skins (Kruger 2010). Nevertheless, NGOs, charity organisations, social groups, church groups and private individuals were found to be actively involved in poor communities of predominantly white people. A medical doctor offered her services to the settlement on a monthly basis and an NGO provided a parent guidance workshop to the parents of the community. However, Thea felt that the workshop did not have any impact on their parenting skills as she described gross parental neglect. Thea talked about an advertisement posted in the kitchen offering to train residents as fitters, electricians and mechanics free of charge. Also, Thea was promised a training course by Mia2, the volunteer who set up the ECD centre in the settlement and actively supported and managed the centre. The promised training never materialised, which left Thea frustrated and disappointed.
The abundant donations and handouts even disturbed the social balance in the settlement as everybody wanted to work where these donations were received and distributed. This position meant that the worker had first access to the donations and could take the best before the rest was circulated to the remainder of the community. This situation led to fighting and fawning among the residents, and the most aggressive usually won the position. Unfortunately, the ECD centre was the main delivery point for the donations. Because of this, those who occupied the position of ECD practitioner were often not the most suitable to work with children. Also, the volunteer's favours and gifts to the practitioners exacerbated the discord, not only in the staff corps, but also between the staff and the rest of the community. Thea explained:
'Die ander probleem is Mia, almal wil gatkruip by haar, almal wil haar regterhand wees, en almal wil in die kleuterskool bederf word. So almal baklei, en naamskending is een van die maniere om jou daar uit te kry, die pos te kry. So, ek dink nie Mia besef hoe groot invloed het dit op hulle nie.' [The other problem is Mia, everyone wants to win her favour, everyone wants to be her right-hand woman, and everybody wants to be spoilt in the preschool. Thus, everybody is fighting, and defamation is one of the ways to get a person out of there to get the position for oneself. I don't think Mia realises what significant influence she has on them.] (Thea, practitioner, female)
Despite being appointed as a principal, Thea was never consulted regarding best practices for the particular context. Thea found this most disturbing as she read extensively on all matters regarding education. She complained:
'En as jy, as jy'n skoolhoof het, moet jy daai skoolhoof se woord kan vat bo al die gemors-stories.' [And if you, if you have a principal, you should accept the principal's word above all the other rubbish stories.] (Thea, practitioner, female)
Discussion
Rina and Thea came from different backgrounds with unique personalities and motivations for living and working in their settlements, which coloured their experiences and influenced their responses regarding their situations. Yet, a unifying thread in the four themes that emerged in the participants' narratives was that of a sense of disempowerment in the various domains of their lives and work. The participants were, for example, never enabled by the different role players active in the communities to make a meaningful difference in the lives of the children. Furthermore, they were not allowed by these role players to apply their skills, experience and insight in their daily work.
Disempowering experiences concerning place
As the practitioners were at the mercy of camp management, they had no authority to address safety hazards. However, these concerns caused undue stress as the practitioners were responsible for the children's well-being. Atmore et al. (2012) point out that safety issues are more prevalent at unregistered centres and specify the absence of secure fencing as a common safety concern.
Disempowering personal and social experiences
The high mobility of the families further disempowered the practitioners to make a significant impression on the learning and development of the children. Thea referred to children in her group who could not perform age-appropriate tasks even though they had attended pre-schools in the informal settlements where they came from, because there was no continuity in their learning. She felt that the high mobility of the community's families compromised children's school readiness, a view supported by the research findings of various scholars, for example, McCoy and Raver (2014), Brown et al. (2013) and Martin, Razza and Brooks-Gunn (2012). Children coming and going also disrupted her planning as she referred to the concert she planned for the group. Rumberger (in Porter & Edwards 2014) refers to the 'chaos factor' in this regard as the whole group (also those children staying behind) is affected by the high mobility among low-income families. Thea remembered her frustration when she tried to put a concert together:
'Maar ja, toe het ek net weer besef jy kan nie eers'n konsertjie deurvoer nie, want jy oefen twee maande aanmekaar vir 'n konsertjie en 'n week voor die tyd sit jy sonder kinders.' [But yes, then I realised once again one cannot even carry through a concert, because you practise for two months non-stop for a concert, and a week before the time you are stuck with no children.] (Thea, practitioner, female)
The parents were also never consulted regarding their needs, as volunteers decided on the most suitable parent guidance programme organised by an NGO for the parents of the respective communities. It seems that the social context and parental needs of the residents were not considered when this programme was presented. The writer talks in a vernacular not familiar to the residents about her happy, close-knit family and personal possessions such as a tumble dryer and her computer.
However, various international parent guidance programmes were successfully presented to low-income parents. These include Parenting through Change and the Family Care Curriculum (Perlman et al. 2012), the Pride in Parenting intervention (Katz et al. 2011) and the Hands-On Parent Empowerment programme (Leung et al. 2009, 2011). All of these programmes identified some principles to consider in order to ensure an efficient programme regarding improved parenting. These included active participation by all involved and consideration of family and social contexts with a focus on the specific needs of the community. While some middle-class parents indicated that they found the book, Kweek kinders met karakter [Cultivate Children with Character] by Hettie Brittz (2008), on which the programme was based, helpful, the content of the book and subsequent programme was not suitable for this community. Perlman et al. (2012:406) contend that 'a one-size-fits-all approach to parenting programs would be inappropriate'. To conclude, this was a lost opportunity to empower not only the parents but also the ECD practitioners of the two communities, as the volunteers decided on an ill-suited programme.
Disempowering experiences with camp leadership
Not only the children's safety but also food available to the centre's children depended fully on the goodwill of camp leadership. As the camp leader had absolute authority over the community and the centres, the practitioners did not dare to complain about irregularities and illegal acts such as child abuse. This rendered them powerless to act in the best interests of the children in their care.
Disempowering support infrastructure
It seems that the negation of practitioner insight and experience in the development of an ECD programme for poor communities is a common issue. Fourie (2013) explains:
Professionals often regard themselves as the sole owners of developing wisdom and as having the monopoly of solutions which consistently underrate and under-value that capacities of local people to make their own decisions as well as to determine their priorities. (p. 61)
The fact that both participants never received promised training left them frustrated. More importantly was that the potential of quality ECD experiences to moderate the effect of poverty on children's growth potential was largely diminished. Various scholars, for example, Aguilar-Crandall and Sutterby (2011) and Roberts et al. (2011), emphasise the importance of the quality and competence of practitioners, especially of those serving impoverished communities. Azzi-Lessing (2010) explains that quality ECD programmes can offer children raised in poverty a calm and predictable environment where they can be nurtured and stimulated, and where their parents are supported. However, the irony is that these centres lack the necessary resources to meet the high levels of need of vulnerable children and their families. Azzi-Lessing (2010) explains that low-income communities cannot afford higher school fees that would allow for expertise to meet the social and emotional needs of troubled children and to professionally support the practitioners who are often overwhelmed. Professional training was one way that the practitioners could have been empowered to address the manifold needs of the children in their care. Biersteker et al. (2016) propose teacher training, opportunities for professional development and good working conditions as indicators of quality.
Although the volunteers' assistance was misguided, they could render meaningful support. They coordinated food donations and volunteer services, for example, medical check-ups and screenings which contributed to the community's health and well-being. Sparks (2010) researched the impact of a food assistance programme for low-income pregnant women and mothers and young children and concluded that all low-income families could benefit from such a programme. Furthermore, the donations were delivered at the respective ECD centres, and the centres were used to provide medical services. Peterson et al. (2010) emphasise the role of an ECD centre in providing support services to families living in poverty. At the same time, these intervention strategies should be tailored for the context to be useful. For example, the volunteer at Rina's centre arranged a donation of R2000.00 for psychotherapy for a child. However, the number of therapy sessions was not enough and therefore did not deliver the desired results.
The involvement of the social worker in Rina's centre was yet another example of misplaced assistance. Instead of acting as a teacher for Rina's group, where she presented inappropriate activities, she could have supported parents in a context rife with social challenges. She could have provided the practitioners with moral support and practical guidance in dealing with children and families in highly taxing circumstances, both emotionally and socially. At the same time, protecting the children in their care against maltreatment and neglect is a grave predicament. The prospect of welfare intervention left the practitioners in both communities powerless. Therefore, Thea's recommendation of a collaboration between practitioners and academic experts is highly significant and should be considered.
Conclusion
This article aimed to shed light on the experiences of two ECD practitioners working and living in poor marginalised communities of predominantly white people. A more specific focus was their contexts as (dis)empowering agents based on practitioner narratives. The discourse about the marginalisation of the poor as discussed in the literature review played out in the work and lives of the two participants. They were marginalised in terms of any decision-making concerning the centres by the volunteers and camp leadership, notwithstanding their professional experience and insight. This, in turn, compromised the quality of the programmes. Furthermore, compromised parenting created challenges for the children which the practitioners were not empowered to handle. The volunteers who were qualified in this regard preferred to perform the teaching tasks of the practitioners. Fear of eviction also prevented the practitioners from addressing concerns regarding the well-being of the children.
We believe that this article can make a modest contribution towards gaining a better understanding of the nature of effective support to ECD centres in impoverished and marginalised communities. The empowerment of the practitioners in these communities is particularly relevant. The experiences of the practitioners in terms of contextual disempowerment might resonate with those of their colleagues in similar impoverished communities - not only in predominantly white communities.
In order for volunteers and benefactors to make a meaningful difference in the lives of the people they are serving, they should firstly acknowledge the input of key role players. Secondly, practitioners should be professionally empowered to deliver a quality service for their specific context. Thirdly, the practitioners' articulated needs and challenges should be addressed. Lastly, practitioners should be empowered in their personal lives by paying them a living wage and creating dignified working and living conditions for them.
Acknowledgements
Competing interests
The authors declare that they have no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced them in writing this article.
Authors' contributions
T.K. is responsible for the research and writing of the manuscript. B.S. and P.M. supervised, gave guidance and support and edited the manuscript for final approval before submission.
Data availability statement
Data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study.
Disclaimer
The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the authors.
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Correspondence:
Brigitte Smit
smitb@unisa.ac.za
Received: 19 Sept. 2017
Accepted: 23 Jan. 2019
Published: 19 June 2019
1 . The names used are pseudonyms.
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Towards quality early childhood development for refugee children: An exploratory study of a Grade R class in a Durban child care centre
Rasheedah O. Adams- OjugbeleI; Relebohile MoletsaneII
IDiscipline of Early Childhood Education, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Edgewood Campus, Pinetown, South Africa
IIDiscipline of Education and Development, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Edgewood Campus, Pinetown, South Africa
ABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: As populations of refugee children increase globally, strategies for providing quality and relevant educational experiences for this group of children has become a priority. This is because research suggests that refugee children tend to experience higher school dropout rates due to, among other factors, poverty, lack of shelter and inadequate nutrition.
AIM: This article reports on an exploratory study of Grade R teachers' interactions with refugee children in a child care centre in Durban and the ways in which these might contribute to the children's readiness for Grade 1 in mainstream schools.
SETTING: The study was located in a Grade R class in a Durban refugee child care centre catering for children from neighbouring African countries.
METHODS: The study adopted a qualitative ethnographic approach involving classroom and playground observations, as well as informal open-ended interviews with the Grade R teacher and her assistant
RESULTS: The findings suggest that several factors, including a high teacher-learner ratio (1:48), poor classroom management and pedagogical practices, inadequate and inappropriate resources and a lack of professional development opportunities for teachers influenced the nature of interactions between the refugee children and their teachers.
CONCLUSIONS: The findings have negative implications for the children's readiness for Grade 1 and beyond. The findings suggest that unless the provision of early childhood development and education (ECDE) in this centre is significantly improved, for example, by addressing the factors identified in the study, the refugee children in the facility will continue to be poorly prepared for mainstream schooling
Keywords: classroom interactions; early childhood education and development; refugee children; Grade R; school readiness.
Introduction
The first eight (0-8) years of life of a child are crucial for the development of basic skills such as cognitive, physical and socio-emotional competencies needed for lifelong learning and effective functioning in later life (UNICEF 2012). Similarly, Garcia, Pence and Evans (2008) noted that children's attendance in early childhood education programmes has a positive influence on their academic achievement, the reduction in school dropout, the need for remedial programmes, and an increase in school participation and completion rates. Thus, children's early years are important, as they lay the foundation for later development (Essa 2013; Halle, Vick & Anderson 2010). Children from refugee and immigrant families constitute a growing population of deprived, excluded and vulnerable children because of the nature of the environment and experiences (Block et al. 2014; Vandenbroeck & Lazzari 2014). For example, in recent times, there has been an increase in the number of studies relating to immigrant children's experience in their host countries (Arzubiaga, Noguerón & Sullivan 2009; Grieshaber et al. 2010; Sidhu, Taylor & Christie 2011). In the United States, for example, Prior and Niesz (2013) note that refugee children in the early childhood classrooms find it difficult to adjust to their new environment at first, but later develop resilience that assists them to cope and integrate into their new school environment. Similarly, Shuayb et al. (2016) investigated the education provision and schooling experience of Syrian refugee children in Germany and Lebanon. The study found that refugee children were faced with a number of challenges related to coping and integration into the educational system in the host countries. The challenges experienced by children from refugee families, especially the lack of access to quality early childhood education in host countries, expose them to the risk of not achieving their developmental potential. To respond to the challenges of refugee children, most interventions targeting refugee and asylum-seeking children have been focused on children's post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) (Tyrer & Fazel 2014; Vostanis 2016); displacement, migration and acculturation (Hamilton et al. 2000); and psychological symptoms and markers of psychosocial adjustment (Geddes 2012). Interventions that targets educational programmes for these children have focused on their schooling and the different interventions that have been employed to support them in their host countries. These interventions include inclusive programmes that support and promote refugee children's adjustment and effective integration in school. Block et al. (2014) noted that an increase in the number of refugees and asylum seekers across the globe continues to draw the attention of stakeholders to support educational programmes that create supportive and inclusive school environments to promote their school adjustment. In their conclusion, they posited that best practise must address the learning, emotional and social needs of students from the refugee backgrounds.
The majority of children in low socio-economic contexts, including those from refugee and immigrant families, are faced with different kinds of problems at school entry. These include a lack of readiness for formal learning, poor academic performance, inability to interact well with peers and adults, adjustment problems and inability to follow simple school routines in the formal school (Bradley & Corwyn 2002; Caro, McDonald & Willms 2009). The lack of access to a quality preschool experience has been cited as one of the major contributing factors. Bruwer, Hartell and Steyn (2014) and Bulotsky-Shearer, Dominguez and Bell (2012) noted that children from poor socio-economic backgrounds are most likely to enter school with limited school readiness skills or a lack thereof, because of their lack of access to quality early childhood development programmes. They observed that these children often struggle to cope and adapt to the formal school routines and activities. In line with the above, research suggests that the nature and quality of stimulation and experiences children are exposed to in the early years influence the trajectory of their future development and learning outcomes (Britto, Yoshikawa & Boller 2011; Whitebread & Coltman 2008). Studies have shown that providing varied opportunities and materials for children to interact with has important implications for the development of social and cognitive skills (Cabell et al. 2013). Further, a study by Bruwer et al. (2014), which investigated South African teachers' views on the influence of inadequate school readiness on the teaching and learning process, found that children who are classified as not ready for school did not have access to a good quality preschool.
One of the key indicators of a quality early childhood education is the nature of interactions that children engaged in learning activities. A study by Curby, Rimm-Kaufman and Ponitz (2009) observed that the quality and nature of teacher-child interaction in the preschool have been shown to directly influence children's academic performance and positive school outcomes, especially for children at risk of academic failure (Curby et al. 2009). Similarly, Tu and Hsiao (2008) posited that preschool children learn best in an environment that exposes them to direct interactions with objects, peers and adults in their immediate environment. In their study on preschool teachers' interactions with learners in science teaching, the authors found that both verbal and non-verbal interactions in the classroom promoted skills like curiosity, spirit of inquiry and development of cognition which in turn led to the overall development of the children. In other words, children who are exposed to quality interactions in the early years develop positive interactive skills, cognitive skills, behavioural skills, emotional skills and academic skills that prepare them for success in school and future life (Hamre et al. 2013; Stipek & Byler 2004; Williford et al. 2013). This article therefore examined the ways in which teachers in a Grade R class in a refugee child care centre interacted with learners (mostly refugees from neighbouring African countries). The study was guided by the following research question:
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What is the nature of social and academic interactions between refugee children and their Grade R teachers in a refugee care centre classroom?
Theoretical framework
This study adopted Bronfenbrenner's (2001) Bioecological Model of Human Development to analyse data. The model explains development in terms of interactions between four major elements: process, persons, context and time (PPCT model). It describes the relationships and interactions that exist between the developing child, the school, the home and the community taking into consideration the biological component of the developing person. These relationships and interactions become complex and consistent over time to influence and effect development (Bronfenbrenner 2001; Bronfenbrenner & Morris 2006b; Rimm-Kaufman & Pianta 2000; Tudge et al. 2009). From this perspective, Bronfenbrenner and Morris (2006b) have argued that positive interactions between adults (including caregivers, teachers) and children bring about positive outcomes in children's learning and development. According to Bronfenbrenner (2001), a reciprocal interaction between children and significant others in contexts where they spend time brings about development. Such interactions, according to Bronfenbrenner (2001) and Bronfenbrenner and Morris (2006b), are expected to bring about changes in the learners behaviour, and as time goes by, they are expected to become complex and reciprocal for effective development. Researchers have expounded on the importance of classroom interaction and suggest that positive classroom interaction is a strong tool that brings about development and a positive learning outcome for children (Bronfenbrenner & Morris 2006a; Mashburn et al. 2008). In this study, the framework was used to understand the nature of children's interactions with their teachers in and around their Grade R class and how these might prepare children for successful adaptation in the mainstream school.
In this study, classroom interactions were defined holistically as involving the children's reciprocal social and academic exchanges with teachers and peers, as well as with the teaching and play materials in and around the Grade R classroom. The study was premised on the notion that the quality of classroom interactions between teachers and learners in the classroom determines the trajectory of the children's learning and development in later years (Dodd-Nufrio 2011). Conversely, poor classroom interactions are linked to poor development, behavioural problems, emotional problems and low levels of achievement in later years (Coolahan et al. 2000). Understanding such interactions has implications for the influence these might have on the learners' preparedness for Grade 1 in mainstream schools and their success therein and beyond.
Research design and methodology
As noted above, the major aim of this study was to understand the nature and quality of interactions between a group of refugee children and their teachers and peers in and around their Grade R classroom. To address the questions, the study was located within the social constructivist paradigm. According to the constructivism worldview, knowledge is constructed through interactions and conversations between people in a social context, and through the use of language (Churcher 2014; Vygotsky 1980). Research within this paradigm is interested in the lived experiences of the social actors (Schwandt 1994). Hence, the study investigated the interactions between the children and significant adults in their context of development, with the aim of understanding the phenomena from the perspectives of the participants.
Informed by this paradigm and the Bioecological Model of Human Development, the study adopted a qualitative approach to research (Creswell 2009; Swain 2006). In this study, the setting was a Grade R classroom in a refugee children care centre in the Durban area. The centre was founded by a group of refugee women, with a major sponsorship from an international non-governmental organisation. As such it caters mainly for refugee and immigrant children from Burundi, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Malawi, Zimbabwe, the Congo and a few South Africans of a low socio-economic status. Most of the children's parents had only completed primary school and some had no education. Many, particularly those from French-speaking countries and those with little to no education, use their native languages to communicate with their children in the home. This made it difficult for them to assist their children with their homework. The centre caters for children between the ages of 6 months to 6 years. The participants included 48 learners between the ages of five and six in the Grade R class and two adults (the Grade R teacher and a teacher assistant). The Grade R teacher was a South African, while the assistant class teacher was a female refugee from Burundi. The Grade R teacher had a Diploma in Education in Foundation Phase, with 10 years of teaching experience in the preschool setting. The assistant teacher had an equivalent of Grade 12 with 8 years of teaching experience in the preschool setting. At the time of the study, both teachers had never participated in any professional development training since they started teaching.
Data collection was carried out by the first author who visited the school three times a week over a period of 8 consecutive weeks. Like any study involving young children, this study was faced with some ethical issues which needed to be addressed. Beyond the principles of doing least harm, and the ethical clearance by the university ethics committee, in this study, we were guided by Schenk and Williamson's (2005) ethical principles that inform research with young children. These include ensuring the autonomy of the participants and not coercing them into participating. In particular, because of their age and their particular vulnerability as refugees, the children themselves were not directly interviewed beyond brief informal conversations during classroom and playground activities. Because of the age of the children, we cannot claim that they understood consent and that they had consented to participate. Rather, their parents' and caregivers' consent was sought. This included explaining the focus and purpose of the study to them in a language they understood. Permission was also sought from the school management. The primary data were collected through classroom and playground observations of the learners and their teachers for the period of 8 consecutive weeks during the last academic term in 2013. The first author spent time in the centre carrying out participant observations and conducting informal interviews with the Grade R teachers and the centre management. This was aimed at providing an in-depth account of how a social group (refugee children in a Grade R class) interacted among themselves and with significant others in and around the Grade R classroom. This allowed for an in-depth understanding of the nature and quality of interactions between learners and teachers and among the children during play and learning activities in the Grade R classroom. As a participant observer, she participated in the day-to-day activities and routines in the Grade R classroom, for example, by assisting the Grade R teachers and her assistant during the learning and play activities in the classroom. Our belief is that her involvement in the different classroom activities helped to make the children see her as part of the classroom and not a researcher who was there to study them. The observations were recorded in the field notes for analysis. In addition, informal interviews were conducted with the Grade R teacher, assistant teacher and centre manager. Data analysis was continuous throughout the study. The interviews with both teachers and the centre manager were audio-taped and transcribed verbatim. The transcripts, together with the field notes, were coded and analysed into themes.
Ethical Considarations
Ethical clearance for the study was obtained from the University of KwaZulu-Natal Human and Social Science Ethics Committee, Ethical Clearance number: HSS/00S3/0114D.
Study findings
The main focus of this study was to examine the nature and quality of the teachers' social and academic interactions in and around a Grade R classroom at a refugee care centre. The findings are presented in two sub-sections, namely social and academic interactions.
Social interactions
Teacher training and nature of social interaction: Overall, the findings from this study suggest that the nature of interactions in the Grade R class might have been influenced by the quality of the teachers' qualifications and their access (or lack thereof) to professional development programmes. As pointed out by McDonald Connor et al. (2005), the teachers' qualifications and teaching experience have important consequences on their ability to manage the classroom and scaffold learning that is developmentally appropriate for optimal realisation of development and a positive learning outcome. Teachers who are responsible for the education of children, especially the refugee children, are to be adequately qualified and exposed to developmentally appropriate practices that will assist them to manage and support children's learning and play for optimal realisation of development. In this classroom, the lack of participation in professional development programmes seemed to impact negatively on the teachers' classroom practice and interactions with the children. In particular, this was evidenced by their inadequate understanding of the curriculum framework for Grade R (Curriculum and Assessment Policy Statement [CAPS]), and their pedagogical strategies (teaching methods used in the classroom) and their approach to classroom discipline seemed inadequate:
'I am not sure if I am doing the right thing. The centre fails to provide us with curriculum framework with which to teach the children. I only do what I feel is right and uses the resource materials I had gathered during my teaching practise of over eight years. We don't ever attend any training, no workshop of any sort. Guess I am stocked in this centre.' (Interview transcript Grade R teacher, 27 October 2013)
This is discussed in more detail later in the article.
Physical space and nature of social interaction: Informed by the notion that educational facilities for young children must support a full range of capabilities in young children (Bowman, Donovan & Burns 2000), this study examined the influence of the physical, social and academic spaces in which the children interacted for curricular as well as extracurricular activities throughout the day. Findings from the study showed that the refugee centre as a teaching and learning environment had an influence on the nature of interactions the children had with their teachers and peers. The location of the centre (on the fourth floor of a dilapidated building) and its architecture prevented the learners from optimally engaging in appropriate activities and interactions that would have enhanced their experiences and learning. In addition, the dilapidated condition of the building and the poor condition of the Grade R classroom and facilities around it also limited the children's ability to be fully engaged in the teaching and learning environment. This might impact negatively on the children's acquisition of the social and academic skills needed for learning and school success.
Classroom management and pedagogical practices and nature of social interaction: Research evidence indicates a strong relationship between classroom management practices adopted by the teachers as they have a great influence on the children's interaction with their teachers, peers and parents and the acquisition of academic and social skills (Cabell et al. 2013; Pianta et al. 2002). From this study, it was observed that social interactions between the Grade R teachers and the refugee children in and around the classroom were limited by the classroom management practices. The observations indicated that the Grade R teacher and her assistant tended to pay inadequate attention to the learners during some of the activities during the day, while they focused on preparation for the next day's activities or attending to their individual needs, leaving learners to engage in negative activities such as fighting and struggling over toys, play material or space. One explanation for this involves the high teacher-learner ratio (2:48), where one qualified teacher and one assistant teacher were responsible for 48 learners with varied social and learning needs. This meant that the two teachers did not have the time or resources to pay attention to the children who required individual attention and support. During this period, children were left on their own. While it may be argued that leaving young children to choose their own activities during free play may be good for their development, weak or a lack of adult guidance may affect their learning and development. In addition, the findings suggested that the learners did not interact well with their peers during play time. This may have been largely because of the absence of a responsive adult who monitors and encourages positive interactions among the children. When the observations were shared with one of the teachers, she commented thus:
'I know that some things are inappropriate, but the first problem I have with these children is their attitude. I believe their background has a lot to do with this. You hardly can get them to do the right thing. I know what I am supposed to be doing with them, but their population makes it difficult. They lack discipline and are very difficult to curtail.' (Interview with Grade R Teacher, 09 November 2013)
Thus, from this teacher's submission, it became clear that the learners' backgrounds and population were seen as a barrier to the interactions needed for optimal development and learning in Grade R. Interviews with the teachers also suggested that lack of teacher's professional development negatively influenced their ability to handle the prevailing situation in the Grade R classroom.
Academic interactions
Nores and Barnett (2010) posited that high-quality instruction that focuses on specific skills has a positive influence on children's preschool experience. Hamre et al. (2013) observed that quality feedback and language modelling by a teacher enhances acquisition and development of appropriate concepts and skills in learners. Through the participant observation, the study explored how Grade R teachers interacted with refugee children during various learning activities. The study also examined how these interactions influenced the acquisition of basic academic skills.
The National Curriculum Framework (the CAPS) (South African Department of Basic Education 2011) supports child centeredness and group work as appropriate pedagogies for optimal realisation of learning outcomes and children's overall development (Copple & Bredekamp 2009b; Department of Basic Education 2011; Kim 2011). From the study, it was observed that the Grade R teacher and her assistant did their best to teach basic numeracy, literacy and life skills needed for school readiness. Observations and participation in the Grade R classroom indicated that the teachers' lessons were largely aligned within the CAPS framework. For example, the teachers used the concept of roll-call during the morning sessions to develop numeracy skills in the learners. Also, according to the teachers, having the learners undertake this exercise and repeat it on a daily basis assisted them to master the numbers and number ordering. Secondly, the teacher used different shapes, colours and patterns to support acquisition and development of basic numeracy skills. In addition, the teachers assessed the learners' ability to recognise the different shapes by providing opportunities for sorting and grouping. The learners were guided to join the dots in their worksheets to form different patterns and were made to describe the patterns. The teachers observed that engaging children in such activities supports development of logical thinking and language skills. The Grade R teachers also used the weather charts to teach learners the different weather patterns where learners discussed weather elements such as days, months, dates, seasons and year.
Despite various teaching skills demonstrated by the Grade R teachers in the development of academic skills among refugee children, it was observed that Grade R teacher had gaps in understanding and applying some aspects of CAPS. For example, in a conversation with the Grade R teacher, she commented as captured below:
'I am using the resource materials that I use during my teaching practise years, because I don't have the department's [the CAPS] curriculum. The refugee centre don't have any either. I am not always sure if what I am teaching the children is right. I just do what I feel is right from my studies. They don't have a specific curriculum to follow in this centre, so, I am using my resource materials.' (Interview transcript, 15 November, 2013)
Secondly, the findings indicated that teaching and learning in the Grade R classroom were mostly teacher-centred and didactic in nature. It was observed that the teachers mostly stood in front of the class and 'taught'. For example, the morning usually started with the Grade R teachers leading the learners in reciting different nursery rhymes. This would often be followed by reciting, again in a chorus, the days of the week, months, seasons of the year and numbers from 1 to 20. After the recitations, the teacher would then teach the day's lessons, involving literacy, numeracy and life skills. Again, the learners would listen while the teacher taught. The teachers mostly used English, as a medium of instruction, limiting interaction as most learners were not well conversant with the language. The language barrier resulted in many of the learners struggling to complete the assigned tasks. As stated in the Developmentally Appropriate Practice Statement (Copple & Bredekamp 2009a), an effective teacher intentionally adapts the learning instruction to the developmental needs of the child. He or she tailors the curriculum to the individual child's needs, determines each child's capabilities based on the learning goal and adjusts their teaching to meet such needs (Copple & Bredekamp 2009b). Yet, the Grade R class teacher seemed to expect that once she gave a general instruction to learners during the morning session on how to complete the different tasks, every learner would be able to complete the day's learning tasks without difficulty. As such, learners were left on their own during this time, and those who struggled with the learning activities were either ignored or ridiculed. In one of the interviews with the teacher, she commented:
'It is difficult to teach these children. They do not understand the English. This makes it difficult for them to understand the learning instructions in the class. My responsibility is to teach them the basic things they need to be ready for school. I am not going to open their heads and put words in them. The children's population is also not helping … it is difficult to give them individual attention or attend to their individual needs.' (Interview, 15 November 2013)
Reading was one of the academic activities which took place in the Grade R classroom and that constituted an avenue for teachers to interact with the learners. However, as an activity, it was infrequent. The teachers only read to learners twice during the 8 weeks of this study. On the two occasions, the learners showed enthusiasm and paid a lot of attention while the book was being read to them by the class teacher. They were able to answer all questions directed to them about the story. This suggested that the learners could have benefitted more if the teachers read to them more often and in an interactive way. This would contribute towards building their literacy and communication skills (Mol, Bus & De Jong 2009; Reese & Cox 1999).
Discussion
The study sought to understand how the refugee children's interactions with others in and around the care centre influenced their experience in Grade R as well as their readiness for mainstream schooling. This analysis was informed by the bioecological model of human development introduced by Bronfenbrenner (2001). The model explains development in terms of interactions between four major elements: process, persons, context and time. The complex nature of relationships and interactions between the developing child, the school, the home and the community, taking into consideration the biological component of the developing person, was elucidated in the model (Bronfenbrenner 2001).
The findings suggest that the refugee children in this study had both positive and negative interactions with their teachers during the social and academic activities and routines in the Grade R classroom. Factors within the care centre and Grade R classroom tended to have a negative effect on the nature and quality of the interactions the children experienced with each other and with their teachers. These included teacher qualifications and experience, poor teacher expertise and motivation for managing and scaffolding the children's learning and play activities, a high teacher-learner ratio (2:48), insufficient teaching materials, a lack of conducive space for extracurricular activities and a lack of in-service training and support for teachers. This is consistent with findings from other studies, including Connor et al.'s (2005), which found that the higher the level of the teacher's qualifications and years of experience, the higher the quality of their interaction and responsiveness with the students. In addition, Curby, Grimm and Pianta (2010) posited that high-quality instructional interactions between teachers and learners have a positive impact on children's school outcome. Low levels of instructional interactions between teachers and learners as observed in this study are likely to have a negative impact on the refugee children's overall development. In this study, teaching was mostly teacher-centred, and the learners who struggled did not receive the attention they needed to learn and develop. This suggests that the interactions in this Grade R class lacked the reciprocity between the teacher and learners needed for optimal learning and development (Bronfenbrenner & Morris 2006a). As an illustration, research evidence suggests that reading in the early childhood setting provides children not only with language and literacy skills but also gives room for quality and rich conversations that transcend the content of the book or story, thereby allowing for dialogue between the adult and the child (Reese & Cox 1999; Wasik & Bond 2001). Such quality conversations and dialogue during reading have a positive effect on children's vocabulary and language skills. In this Grade R classroom, our analysis suggests that the learners were not fully engaged in such quality and rich conversations. They were only allowed to answer questions directed at them by the teacher. Considering their backgrounds (refugees from various African countries with different language backgrounds), informed by the scholarship reviewed here, it is not unreasonable to conclude that the children could have benefitted from engaged and interactive reading and other classroom activities than from the teacher-centred pedagogy that dominated the Grade R classroom.
Thus, this article argues that generally, in any context of development, children present varied learning interests and needs and abilities. Thus, it is imperative that their learning needs and interests are taken into consideration in planning and implementing learning and play activities. Such needs in the context of the Grade R class under study would include the children's background as refugees and linked to this their low socio-economic status. The findings in this study suggest that, influenced by such factors as inappropriate pedagogical practices, inadequate teaching and learning resources, and a limited/limiting classroom and school environment, the interactions between the teacher(s) and the refugee children in this Grade R class failed to address the learning and developmental needs of the learners. Arguably, failing to cater for the individual needs of the learners in the Grade R class might have a negative impact on their preparation for mainstream schooling and the trajectory of their future development.
Conclusion
The exploratory study analysed in this article reiterates the importance of quality ECDE provision for all children, including those from refugee families as a necessary foundation for their entry into and success in schooling (and beyond). Providing ECDE for refugee children is important in ensuring that, like all children in society, they receive the care and support they need to reap positive educational and other outcomes later in life. Significantly, the nature and quality of the interactions they have with their teachers (and others) in early childhood influences their development and learning and later success in school and beyond. In this Grade R class, several factors impacted negatively on the quality of these interactions. For example, the teachers' lack of access to professional development opportunities meant that they had an inadequate understanding of the National Curriculum Framework (CAPS) and its requirements and that of relevant pedagogical strategies for use with young children with diverse learning needs, such as the refugee children in their care.
This study argues that for refugee children to be ready for school and succeed therein, quality interactions in the ECDE teaching and learning environment must be ensured. Children must be exposed to developmentally appropriate learning materials and teaching practices in an environment that is conducive and stimulating and that solicits their active participation and engagement. Of course, this cannot be achieved without the active participation of a supportive adult (like the teacher) who scaffolds the children's play and learning activities in ways that lead to their optimal development. This is key also for ensuring that the country achieves the United Nation's sustainable development goals, including, among others, ending poverty and hunger, reducing inequality, providing quality education and ensuring well-being for all. Provision of quality ECDE for refugee children will contribute to eradicating inequality and ensure that they have access to programming that caters for social, educational and health needs.
Despite its importance in advancing the conversation around the need for the quality of early childhood education for refugee children in host countries, this study has several limitations. Notably, the study focused on a small sample of refugee children from one refugee care centre. While a lot can be learned from this glimpse into the children's experiences of ECDE in this setting, more in-depth and longitudinal studies that focus on the children's experiences from Grade R through the schooling system are needed. Such studies could address questions like: What educational and developmental programmes are on the ground for refugee children who are newly arrived in South Africa? What works in supporting refugee children's learning and development as they progress through the schooling system? Addressing these questions would go a long way towards developing curricula that address the diverse early childhood educational and social needs of these children. For example, based on the findings from this exploratory study, we conclude that targeted ECDE interventions aimed at facilitating the academic and social integration of children at risk, such as refugee children, are needed. These could include institutional policies and programmes that pay specific attention not only to policy development but also to professional development programmes that equip teachers with the necessary knowledge and skills for providing quality ECDE for all children, including those from refugee families. This requires targeted funding for ECDE centres that enrol refugee children so that these interventions are well resourced.
Acknowledgements
The authors would like to thank the Early Childhood Development Centre community (staff, parents and children) where this study was conducted.
Competing interests
The authors declare that they have no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced them in writing this article.
Authors' contributions
This article was compiled by the joint contribution of both authors as follows: data collection was done by R.O.A.-O., while analysis of data and results presentation and the development of the manuscript were done by both R.O.A.-O. and R.M.
Funding information
This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial or not-for-profit sectors.
Data availability statement
Data sharing is not applicable to this article as this was not negotiated in the informed consent and permission to conduct the study.
Disclaimer
The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the authors.
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Correspondence:
Relebohile Moletsane
moletsaner@ukzn.ac.za
Received: 23 Jan. 2018
Accepted: 07 Feb. 2019
Published: 10 July 2019
ORIGINAL RESEARCH
Foundation phase learners' view of learning support and self-esteem
Carike Kriel; Candice Livingston
Faculty of Education, Cape Peninsula University of Technology, Wellington Campus, South Africa
ABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: Learning support in South Africa is a phenomenon where learners who experience barriers to learning are withdrawn from the mainstream class and receive support in their home language and mathematics. A need for learning support surfaced when emphasis was placed on inclusivity in mainstream schools. The efficacy of this withdrawal on self-esteem has however not been investigated.
AIM: This study sought to investigate the learners' experiences of withdrawal for learning support and the relationship with their self-esteem.
SETTING: A primary school in the Western Cape.
METHODS: This qualitative design aimed to determine the perspective of the learners. Purposive sampling was used to identify five learners who received learning support. Interpretative phenomenological analysis (IPA) was used to analyse data gleaned from the Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale (RSES), which had been adapted into an informal interview schedule.
RESULTS: Participants in this study did not report negative experiences of learning support. Learners identified that issues of negative self-esteem were unrelated to learning support, but were attributed to school culture, mainstream teachers' attitudes, family relationships, peer comparisons and social competencies.
CONCLUSION: Participants reported that learning support rarely caused negative self-esteem, but rather heightened confidence in their academic abilities regardless of their need for learning support, holding social factors responsible for their negative self-esteem. The implications of these findings allude to the fact that withdrawal for learning support continues regardless of popular beliefs reported to the contrary. Schools should however monitor these learners in order to determine individual differences and needs.
Keywords: barriers to learning; learning support; Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale; self-esteem; withdrawal; Foundation phase.
Introduction and background
The Policy Guidelines on Inclusion in Education by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO 2009:8) refers back to international policies, such as The Salamanca Statement and Framework for Action: On Special Needs Education for inclusive education (UNESCO 1994:12). This policy states that learning support (LS) should be provided in mainstream schools and classrooms. Learning support can however be given in various forms. Primary schools in the Western Cape, South Africa, are encouraged to follow a specific LS model. In South African primary schools, an LS model is suggested. Learners who experience barriers to learning are withdrawn from the mainstream class in small groups in order to receive extra support from a specialist (Mahlo 2016:7). Nel et al. (2016) however point out that learning support teachers (LSTs) are only stationed at a few schools. As pointed out by Mahlo (2016), there remains a division between theory and practice. The job description of LSTs (Western Cape Education Department [WCED] 2017) stipulates that this support should be in their home language and/or mathematics.
The researcher as an LST was also caught between the practice of withdrawing learners for support and the policies of inclusive education moving towards providing all support in the mainstream classroom. Contradictory statements between campaigners for inclusive education, policies and those in favour of withdrawal brought about a need for a qualitative study. It is thought that learners experiencing barriers to learning often have low self-esteem, and it is argued that LS is a possible cause of low self-esteem. This is especially true in cases where learners are withdrawn from the mainstream classroom, in order to be taught in a separate LS classroom. International campaigners for inclusive education such as Condren et al. (2000) and Takala, Pirttimaa and Törmänen (2009) argue that withdrawal from the mainstream classroom often goes hand-in-hand with 'labelling' of learners. With this in mind, labelling is often linked to negative self-esteem. These campaigners are trying to put an end to the withdrawal of leaners from the mainstream classroom for support. They encourage LS to remain in the mainstream classroom.
Polat (2011) however highlighted that the necessary support is not always given in the mainstream classrooms with full inclusion. Therefore, inclusive education policies and South African researchers such as Dreyer (2008:212) argue that learners experiencing barriers to learning have the right to receive additional support outside of the classroom. Policies for inclusive education include withdrawal from the mainstream class for specialist support (Polat 2011). An international statement by UNESCO (2000:3) suggested that learners experiencing barriers to learning can receive support in the mainstream classroom or on a withdrawal basis. The Screening Identification Assessment and Support (SIAS) policy also suggests this form of support as Level 2 support which is a temporary withdrawal from the mainstream classroom for small-group support by the LST (Department of Basic Education [DBE] 2014:19-21). This allows the researcher to investigate the actual experiences of learners who are withdrawn for LS, instead of making assumptions about their experiences.
Conceptual framework
Social inclusion was used as a paradigmatic lens with which to underpin the elucidation of the conceptual framework of self-esteem and LS in this study. The idea that all members of society including learners who receive LS should have equal access to institutions and resources and take part in the activities of the mainstream school and classroom (Mahlo 2016:8) is a central tenant of social inclusion. Society should ensure that people are included as this leads to improved self-esteem (Cobigo et al. 2012).
Self-esteem
Lawrence (2006:13) proposes that self-esteem is an underlying part of self-concept, together with self-image and the ideal self. According to Lawrence (2006:13), self-image is a person's belief in him or herself, while the 'ideal self' is the belief of what he or she should be like. Self-esteem is thus seen as the 'gap' between self-image and ideal self. Minton (2012:34) claimed that Lawrence's self-esteem theory is excellent to help teachers grasp the concept of self-esteem.
Theories and models of self-esteem
There are various perspectives of self-esteem. The multidimensional view of self-esteem entales that self-esteem is formed by a combination of various contexts, including: peers, school, parents and personal interests (Miller & Moran 2012). This view of self-esteem was originally proposed by Stanley Coopersmith. Coopersmith (1967:6) discovered that children do not distinguish between their self-esteem in various contexts before reaching adolescence and this led to the researcher choosing to focus on the global self-esteem of the learners, rather than multidimensional self-esteem. Rosenberg's (1965) perspective is the most widely accepted and states that self-esteem is global and unidimensional. It was confirmed by Descartes, Ramesar and Mills (2018) that global self-esteem is a more accurate predictor of children's self-esteem than domain-specific self-self-esteem. Rosenberg (1965:30-31) defines self-esteem as the positive or negative attitude towards oneself as an object, therefore referring to whether a person feels that he or she is good enough compared to others. Researchers have labelled the Rosenberg's Self-Esteem Scale (RSES), which defines self-esteem as global and unidimensional, as the most widely used measure of self-esteem (Hyland et al. 2014). However, Tafarodi and Milne (2002:444) claim that global self-esteem is two-dimensional and has two aspects, namely, self-competence and self-liking. Self-esteem is therefore formed by what a person can do, including abilities, skills and talents, as well as what they are, referring to moral character, attractiveness and social acceptance (Tafarodi & Milne 2002:444).
Learning support
A thorough understanding of LS is also necessary in order to understand the phenomena under scrutiny. Learning support aims to improve teaching and learning and can be defined as 'supplementary', 'remedial' or 'extra class instruction' (Mashau et al. 2008:416). Transformation of the education system in South Africa has led to policy reviews with regard to inclusive education in order to meet the diversity of learning needs in the mainstream classroom. White Paper 6 was published in 2001 and aimed to support the national curriculum in promoting education for all learners (Department of Education [DoE] 2001:5). As a result, a need for LS in the mainstream class came to the fore. Inclusive education policies require that all learners are accommodated in mainstream classrooms, irrespective of their abilities (DoE 2001).
Four different levels of LS are described in the SIAS policy (DBE 2014:19-21). Level 1 refers to LS by the LST in the classroom. Level 2 refers to temporary withdrawal from the mainstream classroom for small-group support by the LST. Policy, however, does not specify the schools, grades or size of groups in which learners should receive this support. In the researcher's experience as an LST, these schools are mostly previously disadvantaged schools, and learners are withdrawn in groups of between 1 and 12 learners.
Dreyer (2008:60) is of the opinion that full inclusion (level 1 of LS) will lead to the teasing of these learners, causing them to be reluctant to participate in the mainstream class. This view is supported by Hornby (2015:240) who is of the opinion that learners experiencing barriers to learning will be labelled in the mainstream class whether they are withdrawn or not. Overcrowded classroom is another issue raised by Mahlo (2016:11) and Everling (2013) as it often leads to disciplinary problems of learners (both mainstream and LS) which makes it extremely difficult for the LST to offer effective LS to the learners in his or her care. According to Bojuwoye et al. (2014:9), LS in the mainstream classroom is problematic, because learners are afraid to ask for support, be labelled as the weak learners and be teased by their peers. Condren et al. (2000:3) argue that withdrawal of learners (level 2 of LS) is often unsuccessful, because of discontinuity with the programmes followed in the mainstream and in the LS classroom. Takala et al. (2009:167) also stressed that learners miss out on work done in the mainstream classroom, and teachers do not have time to plan together in order to align their curriculums. Condren et al. (2000) however concluded that although collaborative support in the mainstream classroom improves learners' self-esteem and participation, literacy and numeracy remained a major problem. Dreyer (2008:166) on the other hand found that in the most cases, these learners, who were withdrawn from the mainstream class for LS, showed academic improvement and even those who did not show academic improvement still seemed to develop emotionally. Uszynska-Jarmoc (2008:13) and Pullmann and Allik (2008:562) further found that age plays a role in the relationship between academic abilities and self-esteem.
Learning support and self-esteem
In a research conducted by Condren et al. (2000:6), self-esteem was identified as a factor that is equally as important as a learner's intelligence in ensuring academic achievement. They argue that continuous failure will have a negative effect on a learner's self-worth and self-esteem. Mashau et al. (2008:416) argue that LS will help learners to overcome their barriers to learning. This view of additional instruction to improve specific knowledge is supported by Everling (2013). According to Condren et al. (2000:5) it is important to strengthen a child's self-esteem as well as social skills while focussing on literacy and numeracy. They argue that it is essential for the learner to believe in himself in order to learn (Condren et al. 2000:35). Donald, Lazarus and Lolwana (2012:315) agree that improving the learner's self-esteem will help the learner to achieve academic success. As such, LS can then be seen as the vehicle by which either (1) academic achievement encourages vicarious improvement in self-esteem or (2) self-esteem leads to improvements in academic achievement. Therefore, it can be stated that these two factors shape one another.
Thus, we know that LS is provided in certain schools in the Western Cape to Foundation phase learners experiencing barriers to learning. Labelling due to withdrawal, teasing by more competent peers and age are factors that can contribute to negative self-esteem. The phenomenon under investigation has, however, not been investigated in South Africa.
The purpose of this interpretative phenomenological analysis (IPA) design therefore was to discover how Foundation phase learners experience LS and whether they feel it leads to negative self-esteem, in a mainstream primary school in the Western Cape. At this stage in the research, LS will generally be defined as learners who are withdrawn from their mainstream classroom for additional academic support. Self-esteem will be defined as global self-esteem that has two dimensions, self-liking and self-competence, and is formed by the cognitive bottom-up model. This model implies that success or failure linked to self-competence and social acceptance, also known as self-liking, is linked to self-esteem. The research questions 'How does Foundation phase learners' experience learning support?' and 'Is there a link between learning support and self-esteem?' were formulated to investigate this phenomenon.
Methodology
This study employed an IPA as research design. Interpretative phenomenological analysis is a phenomenological approach which involves a thorough investigation of the participants' world and the researcher aims to stand in the participants' shoes while continuing to ask critical questions (Pietkiewicz & Smith 2012:362-363). Interpretative phenomenological analysis uses small samples as it aims to let each participant's voice be heard and does not intend to create a theory which can be generalised over the population (Pietkiewicz & Smith 2012:364). The researcher chose this approach because she aimed to determine the experiences of learners towards LS and also asked critical questions with regard to withdrawal from the mainstream class for LS. The researcher argues that it is of utmost importance to give the Foundation phase learners a voice, to share their own experiences of LS as they are the subjects of this support service.
The learners came from one no-fee, primary school in Circuit 3 of the Cape Winelands Education District. As this study dealt with minors, ethical clearance certificates were obtained from the university and the DoE. Purposive sampling was used to identify five learners who had been withdrawn from the mainstream classroom for LS in their home language and mathematics for at least a year in order to determine how they experienced LS. Learner 1 was a boy who was repeating Grade 1, Learner 2 was a girl who was repeating Grade 2, Learner 3 was a Grade 2 boy, Learner 4 was a girl who was repeating Grade 3 and Learner 5 was a boy who was repeating Grade 3. The self-esteem of the learners was explored by using the RSES (Rosenberg 1965:326) which was adapted into an interview schedule. The reason for the adaption of the test was firstly because the learner participants have academic barriers and, secondly, to acquire in depth experiences from the learners in order to improve the researcher's understanding of their personal experiences. Learners who receive LS usually experience difficulty with reading and the researcher wanted to ensure that the learner participants were as comfortable as possible, thus removing all stress from the process. Informal semi-structured interviews further allowed the researcher to delve into topics which came to the fore during the process. For example, if a learner responded that he did not like himself, the researcher could enquire why not. The learners were introduced to the researcher and she became known to them as a 'teacher', to ensure that they would be comfortable speaking to the researcher. Audio recordings of the interviews and field notes made up the data collection instruments for this phase of the research.
The data analysis of this qualitative study was carried out as stipulated by interpretive phenomenological analysis procedures (Pietkiewicz & Smith 2012). Firstly, the researcher transcribed the audio recordings, leaving margins on both sides for comments. The researcher read the transcript of a single case, making notes in the left-hand margin. The themes which emerged were then written in the right-hand margin, clustering similar themes and identifying superordinate themes. Identifiers were added to the table to indicate where the original source of the theme could be found in the transcript. The remaining four learner interviews were then analysed individually and compared to each other in order to find similarities and differences. A final table of superordinate themes was constructed, containing the themes on which the researcher would focus. Themes were chosen towing to frequency, richness of the transcript or contribution to other aspects. Themes were then converted to narrative accounts, linking these to the literature as each superordinate theme was discussed.
Ethical considerations
Ethical protocols were adhered to and parents and principals signed informed consent forms. Ethical clearance was granted by the Faculty of Education, Cape Peninsula University of Technology as well as the WCED (Western Cape Government, Education) (reference numbers: WCED: 20150826-2741; EFEC 6-8/2015).
Results
The researcher aimed to get an indication of the learners' levels of global self-esteem by asking the questions which were adapted from the RSES during an interview. Follow-up questions were asked in order to determine how the learners experienced LS in order to determine whether withdrawal for LS can be associated to learners' self-esteem.
The RSES (Rosenberg 1965:17-18) consists of 10 questions. Questions 1, 3, 4, 7 and 10 are positively stated and scored from left to right (4 to 0), while questions 2, 5, 6, 8 and 9 are negatively stated and reverse-scored from left to right (0 to 4). The higher the learners' score, the higher their self-esteem. The highest self-esteem score that could be achieved was 40, while the lowest score is 0. Self-esteem scores that were less than half of the possible maximum score (thus less than 20) were considered as low self-esteem. Self-esteem scores from 20 to 30 were considered normal self-esteem, while scores over 30 were considered high self-esteem. Two learners (one boy and one girl) had normal global self-esteem, and three learners (two boys and one girl) had high global self-esteem. None of the learners who received LS in this study were perceived to have low global self-esteem. However, all of these learners indicated a low level of self-esteem in some of the questions, but when the researcher inquired about the reasons for their low self-esteem, it was found that the causes were often unrelated to LS or even to the school context. The causes of low self-esteem as identified by the learners were placed in groups of superordinate themes. Although all these learners received LS, they often referred to other experiences when discussing positive or negative self-esteem statements. These experiences included personal experiences, family issues and school-related occurrences, which were often unrelated to LS. The main themes that emerged from the merging of the data were behavioural characteristics, self-competence, self-liking, family relationships, mainstream teachers' attitudes, perceptions of experienced success and comparison to peers.
Personal experiences
The majority of the learners made statements that indicated that behaviour can be associated with low self-esteem. Four learners made positive statements indicating behaviour and characteristics of high self-esteem. Two of these learners however also made negative statements on behaviour and characteristics associated with self-esteem. Therefore, learners portray a combination of behaviour and characteristics that can be associated with low and high self-esteem. Learner 5 indicated that he does not always feel he have good characteristics. He gave the following explanation:
'Sometimes I'm a bit lazy, but other times I'm not lazy. Sometimes when my grandma gives me work while I have a friend over, and then we will do the work together.' (Learner 5, boy, Grade 3)
Learner 3 indicated positive self-esteem at various questions. His responses indicated that this is because of good behaviour.
'I do not hit other children.'
'I share with my friends.' (Learner 3, boy, Grade 2)
These comments indicate that learners consider their behaviour when judging their self-esteem. Good behaviour contributes towards positive self-esteem, whereas disobedient behaviour contributes to negative self-esteem.
Four of the five learner participants made statements that indicated high self-liking. Two learners however also made statements, which indicate low self-liking. When asked why they feel good about themselves they made positive statements about their physical appearance and gender.
'Because I like my body.' (Learner 1, boy, Grade 1)
'I am a beautiful child. (Learner 4, girl, Grade 3)
'Because I am a boy.' (Learner 5, boy, Grade 3)
Learner 2 (girl, Grade 2) once again made contrasting statements; although she was too shy to talk, she first nodded that she never feels like a failure and then later shook her head when asked if she feels good about herself.
The fact that the majority of the learners made statements about self-liking (whether positive or negative) indicates that self-liking can be associated with self-esteem, although it is often completely unrelated to school or LS.
Family issues
It seems that the family circumstances at home, although unrelated to LS, play a major role in the self-esteem of young learners. Learner 5 scored high self-esteem when asked whether he has good characteristics and explained that it is because his grandma cares about him, and he likes his grandma.
One learner scored a low self-esteem when asked if she is happy with herself. She explained her negative response as follows:
'My dad used to live with me and then when he got that new wife he did not want me anymore.' (Learner 4, girl, Grade 3)
Once again, good family relationships seem to be coupled with positive self-esteem, whereas bad family relationships seem to be linked to negative self-esteem.
School-related occurrences
The majority of learners commented on their academic incompetence. Learners also referred specifically to their incompetence in the mainstream class. Some learners however made contrasting statements in this specific domain where they referred to their academic incompetence and at another stage to their academic competence. For instance, learner 1 made the following statements:
'I struggled with the writing.' (Learner 1, boy, Grade 1)
When asked at a later stage: What are you proud of? He replied:
'When I write.' (Learner 1, boy, Grade 1)
Therefore, it can be argued that although these learners have barriers to learning, they still experience success with academic work positively.
Teacher attitudes is a possible cause of the contrasting statements learners make about their experiences of support at school. One of the learners was upset about the way that his mainstream teacher treated him when he had to leave the class for LS. Learner 5 was asked if there was anyone who teased or treated him badly for leaving the class for LS, and he responded that the teacher sometimes did:
'She says I must leave the class, but other times she says we must wait till the teacher finishes with the other group. If I'm not done with my work she says I must come again. Sometimes when I'm busy with my last sentence she says I must go, and then she gives us other work to do and tell me to leave that sentence and finish the other work. Then she wipes that sentence off the board.' (Learner 5, boy, Grade 3)
The deduction is made that the mainstream teacher is not responding consistently. Sometimes she would not allow him to go to LS, because he is still busy with work and other times she sends him off but then does not give him the opportunity to complete his work in the mainstream class.
In the light of the learner's experience with the mainstream teacher, a follow-up question was asked to determine learners' general feeling towards LS. The majority of learners made statements that they enjoy LS and experienced success in the LS class. Learners indicated that LS gave them the confidence to take part in the mainstream and LS classes and thus experience success in learning and class integration. Their statements included:
'It is fun.' (Learner 1, boy, Grade 1)
'We learn.' (Learners 3, boy, Grade 2)
'When I go out of my class to the other teacher she gives work that is fun and we learn and we read in the class.' (Learner 5, boy, Grade 3)
A general positive feeling towards LS is found in the learners' experiences. One learner however revealed that she does not want to go to LS anymore, but her explanation made it clear that it is not because of a negative experience of LS. Her reason was as follows:
'Because I have learned.' (Learner 2, girl, Grade 2)
It seems that learner 2 realised that the LS group is for improving her academic skills, and as it has, she is now satisfied with herself. She later also explained that she has now moved to the middle ability group in the mainstream classroom.
Learner 4 was the only learner in this study who mentioned a negative experience of LS. When asked why she does not think she is just as good as her peers, she replied that she has to go to LS. However, in other questions she responded that she enjoys LS.
Learner 4's answer indicates that she compared herself to her mainstream peers. This finding of peer comparison however was true for the majority of learners. This was predominantly a negative experience, as most of them did not feel they were as good as their peers. All of these learners were either grade two or grade three learners, indicating that age can play a role in self-esteem. This highlights the importance of the LS group where learners will compare themselves to peers who work more or less on the same level.
Learner 3 was asked: 'Do the other learners struggle as well?' And he replied, 'No teacher'. (boy, Grade 2)
Learner 5 compared himself to his mainstream peers and felt that: 'Sometimes they do things well and then I do poorly.' (Learner 5, boy, Grade 3)
Learning support creates a group of learners with more or less similar capabilities, implying that comparison to peers within this group will not have such a negative impact on the learners' self-esteem (Hornby 2015). Thus at least for part of the day, the learners will feel competent when compared to their peers.
Learners mentioned various experiences that can be associated with self-esteem. Learning support seems to be experienced in a positive manner and is found to be enjoyed by learners and perceived as a vehicle through which to improve their academic abilities. Negative experiences that the learners linked to their self-esteem were behavioural characteristics, self-competence, self-liking, family relationships, mainstream teachers' attitudes, perceptions of experienced success and comparison to peers.
Discussion
The global self-esteem assessment found that all the learners portrayed a combination of high and low self-esteem aspects. However, their global self-esteem seemed to be high. It can thus be concluded, that the learners' self-esteem varies in different environments and domains, which are included in global self-esteem. The majority of the learners mentioned that they enjoyed LS and experienced success in LS. Various learners however also mentioned that they did not feel they were as good as their mainstream peers and struggled in the mainstream class. Only one learner indicated that she did not want to receive LS anymore, but she explained that it was only because she felt she has learned enough. Learning support does not seem to cause low global self-esteem; however, individual differences should be kept in mind.
The researcher concluded that LS can be associated with the self-esteem of learners but that most of the learners experienced LS positively. They seemed to enjoy it and experienced academic success because of it. It seemed that most of the learners did not get labelled and teased about leaving the class for LS. Only one learner mentioned that he was sometimes teased for going to LS. However, she still said that she enjoys going to LS. Therefore, the concern of Takala et al. (2009:167) is valid, although it was seldom experienced by learners in this research context. It seems that most of the mainstream teachers contributed to the positive experience of LS. However, one learner did have a negative experience in this regard. Bojuwoye et al. (2014:9) also raised the issue that learners in need of support are sometimes afraid to ask the mainstream teacher for help, indicating a possible negative attitude of mainstream teachers towards LS. Behavioural aspects, social acceptability and family relationships were mentioned more often as negative experiences than LS and other school-related factors.
Although the findings of this study cannot be generalised to the broader population, it can be noted that LS, within the context of this study, does not seem to be a negative undertaking. However, a caveat that must be added is that the LST needs to be cautious when withdrawing learners for LS. One learner commented that she did not want to go to LS anymore; although she did not experience lowered self-esteem, she just felt that she has learned enough as she had been moved to the middle ability group in the mainstream class. This finding agrees with Dreyer (2008), Mashau (2008) and Everling (2013) that withdrawal for LS improves academic ability, and as discovered by many researchers such as Condren et al. (2000:30), Mashau et al. (2008:416) and Donald et al. (2012:315), improvement of academic abilities and self-esteem goes hand-in-hand. Mainstream teachers and LSTs should be aware of these negative experiences that learners may have of LS. They must ensure that no learners who are withdrawn for LS does not regard LS as a negative incident in their school day.
Limitations
Certain limitations were identified in this study. The learners' poor language ability might have influenced their responses and led to the possibility of inaccurate results. Owing to the nature of the qualitative IPA study, a very small sample was used. The small size of the sample did not allow the researcher to generalise the findings to the greater population. In order to accommodate the learners' linguistic ability, the internal reliability of the RSES needed to be forfeited to change the survey to an interview.
Implications and recommendations
Further research should be conducted to compare Foundation phase learners and intermediate and senior phase learners' experiences of LS. As Uszynska-Jarmoc (2008:13) pointed out, various domains of self-esteem are important in different developmental stages of the learner. The younger the learners, the less differentiation could be found between the domains that defined self-esteem. Schools should monitor the self-esteem of learners' who receive LS to ensure that it is not harmful to the individual's self-esteem. Where a learner experiences LS negatively, the learner should no longer be withdrawn for LS. The school should rather investigate alternative methods of LS in the mainstream classroom. Learners and their parents should be consulted and given a choice with regard to the inclusion in a LS group. Family relationships have a strong link to learners' view of their self-esteem. The LSTs, in cooperation with the school psychologists and school social worker, should therefore suggest the compilation of a parent training guide and/or training sessions to equip the parents on how to treat the learners in a way that will enhance their self-esteem.
Conclusion
Withdrawal for LS as found in the Western Cape, South Africa, is a reality. Learning support aims to include all learners, irrespective of their barriers to learning, in the mainstream school closest to where they live and provide the support that the learner needs at that school. This research aimed to determine the learners' experience of withdrawal from the mainstream class, for LS, and their self-esteem in order to have informed discussions about the relationship between LS and self-esteem.
The researcher found that none of the learners in this study had low global self-esteem. Further exploration however was done in order to determine which of the learners' experiences can be linked to self-esteem, thus allowing informed discussions to proceed. This study has found that LS is experienced positively by most learners and can be linked to both the self-esteem components of self-competence and the self-liking. It can be concluded that a connection between LS and self-esteem does exist. However, all learners do not have identical experiences. Learning support itself is rarely linked to negative self-esteem. Rather, it is the way in which the school culture and teachers handle the LS that sometimes creates a negative experience for the learners. The learners' family relationships, behavioural characteristics, self-liking, self-competence, achievement of success and comparison to peers seem to be linked to the learners' self-esteem. These aspects can thus be identified as common experiences that the learners' link to their self-esteem and should be taken into consideration when decisions are made with regard to LS within this research context.
Most of the learners feel rather confident about their academic competence, although they need academic support. In the researchers' opinion, the learners enjoy the LS. It is something in their day to look forward to. They get a break from the pressure of the mainstream curriculum with which they are not coping and experience success. No matter how small the success is, if it is accompanied by praise and love from the LST, the learner's self-esteem will improve as he or she starts to feel worthy and confident. The correct attitude towards LS will lead to improved academic competency as well as positive self-esteem.
Acknowledgements
This article was produced as a result of a Master in Education thesis completed by C.K. (The influence of learning support on Foundation phase learners' self-esteem available at http://etd.cput.ac.za/handle/20.500.11838/2516) and supervised by C.L.
The authors would like to acknowledge the South African National Research Foundation (NRF) for the funding of the larger research project, comparing the perceptions (of the influence of learning support on self-esteem) of the learners with those of mainstream and learning support teachers. Opinions expressed and conclusions arrived at in this article are those of the authors and are not necessarily to be attributed to the NRF.
Competing interests
The authors declare that they have no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced them in writing this article.
Authors' contributions
The original draft was developed by C.K. and sent to C.L. for input, corrections and editing.
Funding information
The financial assistance of the South African National Research Foundation (NRF) (Grant # SARCI150209113904) towards this research is acknowledged.
Data availability statement
Data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study.
Disclaimer
The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the authors.
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Correspondence:
Carike Kriel
krielc@cput.ac.za
Received: 17 July 2018
Accepted: 23 Jan. 2019
Published: 23 July 2019
ORIGINAL RESEARCH
The constructions of early childhood practitioners' literacy needs on an in-service Bachelor of Education course
Karin Hackmack
Faculty of Education, Fort Hare University, East London Campus, South Africa
ABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: Academic literacy(ies) is a major determining qualifier for success in a university qualification. Academic literacy(ies), in this study, are seen as social practices or discourses that occur within specific academic disciplines. Students therefore needed to 'learn' the academic literacy(ies) discourse of the faculty.
AIM: This study investigated the way lecturers and the course facilitators understood literacies and their students' literacy demands.
SETTING: The early childhood practitioners were attempting to obtain a B.Ed degree on a piloted degree career path at a university.
METHODS: Data were collected from individual and focus group interviews, one assessment task, and one assessment report from each respective course. Two lecturers and two course facilitators participated in the individual interviews, and three lecturers and three course facilitators participated in the focus group interviews.
RESULTS: The study revealed that the course facilitators' and lecturers' understanding of literacies was not cognisant of literacy as a set of social practices, nor of the enormous changes students needed to make at the level of identity to progress in their academic careers.
CONCLUSION: The findings from the study showed a disjuncture between the understanding of the meaning of academic literacies by course facilitators and lecturers. A focused and cohesive discussion on academic literacy needs to occur in order to facilitator the practitioners' progress.
Keywords: academic literacies; discourses; early childhood; practitioners; ideological model of literacy; autonomous model of literacy.
Introduction
This article deals with the concept of academic literacy(ies) and the perceptions of the course facilitators about academic literacy(ies) and consequently their students' literacy needs. The focus on academic literacy was because of the fact that literacy continues to be one of the determining factors of students' success at university. A focus on academic literacy(ies) is required as the number of students enrolled at universities has grown considerably (Calderon 2012). This is true in South Africa, where after 1994, access was opened to all potential students (Butler & Van Dyk 2004:1; Council of Higher Education [CHE] 2016), and the National Qualifications Framework (NQF) provided access and redress for many students. However, access was not necessarily equated with success as universities have a low throughput rate (CHE 2016; McKenna 2012). A 50% completion rate was achieved by students who enrolled at universities in 2008 (CHE 2016). As academic literacy(ies) plays such a pivotal role in the success of the student, it is important to understand what is meant by the term academic literacy(ies).
Academic literacy(ies)
The concept of academic literacy has a number of interpretations. However, this study uses the concept of academic literacies (plural) as outlined (Street in Baker, Clay & Fox 1996):
Academic writing is not a single thing but an aggregation of literacy practices that make, and are made, by the epistemologies and practices (including the use of power) of specific disciplines and other institutional formations; that it mediates identity struggles; that it is largely transparent to instructors socialised in a discipline, assumed; that technical solutions such as study skills do not get at the problem (p. 118).
This study acknowledges that the term 'academic literacy' in the singular hides the complexity of the term and restricts literacy to a singular set of practices (Henderson & Hirst 2007; Lea & Street 1998). The perception of literacies as a set of social practices shifts the focus from the deficit discourse of placing the blame squarely on the shoulders of the students.
However, the study also takes cognisance of the work done by Richards and Pilcher (2016) and Lillis and Scott (2007), who argue that the term 'academic literacies' is inadequate. Lillis and Scott (2007) state that neither the term 'academic literacy' in the singular or in the plural is adequate. Instead they propose that it is viewed 'as a field of enquiry with a specific epistemological and an ideological stance' (Lillis & Scott 2007:5). As neither the singular nor the plural adequately describes the complexity of academic literacy, the term academic literacy(ies) is used in this study.
The importance of academic literacy(ies)
Academic literacy is seen as the common understanding of the rules and conventions that most academics share and the means that will be used to judge the students' competence (Ballard & Clanchy 1988). Student success therefore depends on them following the conventions and cracking the code of reading and writing that is prized by the university (Gee 2000).
Students need to be provided with access to the privileged academic literacies of the university. To succeed, the students need to take on the 'ways of being and doing' of the course and the university. In other words, the students need to be enculturated into the Discourses (deliberately capitalised) (Gee 1996:146; Northedge 2003:19) associated with the course. These Discourses cannot be overtly taught in a set of introductory lectures (Boughey 2000:281), but will be developed throughout the students' academic career. The Discourses need to be embedded into the course content (Neil & Shashi 2016). The lecturers need to develop the students' academic literacy, until 'ways of speaking, acting, thinking, feeling and valuing common to that discourse become natural to them' (Boughey 2000:281; McKenna 2004:279). If the Discourses are not made overt to the students, they will not succeed academically and they will find it difficult to participate in the academic Discourses of their disciplines (Crook 2005).
This study was conducted using the third cohort of BEd students. The students had progressed through various Early Childhood Development (ECD) courses, which should have ultimately prepared them for the BEd. This study focuses on how the university lecturers and the Institute course facilitators understood literacy(ies) and how they, thus, perceived their students' literacies and literacy demands. In addition, the way in which academic literacy(ies) was conceptualised by course facilitators and lecturers would impact the way they developed and designed course content and assessment tasks to meet the black majority of the student body.
The students enrolled on the BEd ECD career path were from different socio-economic backgrounds and are termed 'historically disadvantaged' students (Butler & Van 2004:1). These students are also first-generation higher education students. However, Higher Education Institutions (HEI) academic literacies are mainly middle class Discoures, which are different from their home-based Discourse. Heath's (1983:2) study on language patterns and effects within community, home and school setting in two working class communities and one middle class community showed that the language skills and values that the school valued were those of the middle class community. The home context therefore would not necessarily prepare students for the more powerful and valued literacies of the universities. Northedge (2003) notes that a difference exists between work-based discourse and academic discourses.
Scollon and Scollon's (1981) research supported the concept of home literacies being different from school and that it is usually the literacies that the children acquire from home rather than the school that prepare children for HEI. This is relevant to my study as the participants are mostly working class, and live in communities where different sets of literacy practices exist to those that are dominant in schools and universities. This means that whatever practices students might encounter on the courses or in schools are not affirmed in their home contexts. The concept that the knowledge at university is different from that of the school resonates with Bernstein's (1999) theory of different types of knowledge, which he terms 'discourses'. Bernstein (1999) distinguishes between horizontal discourse and vertical discourse. The horizontal discourse or common sense or 'profane' knowledge is the kind of knowledge that is acquired and used in the home and local community.
In addition, McKenna (2004) found in her research that lecturers tended to focus on surface grammar errors. This is what Christie (1985) identifies as a model of language as an instrument of communication, in contrast with a model of language as a resource. The 'model of language as an instrument of communication' views language as a mere conduit, carrying the meaning and message (Christie 1985). This model of language sees thought to be independent of language, which is merely a channel for communicating 'pre-made' thoughts to others (Christie 1985).
Christie contrasts this with a 'model of language as a resource', which sees language use as involving choices that are informed by context. The context, in turn, is informed by belief systems and values. Academic literacy draws on beliefs and values relating to what can count as knowledge, and how it can be acquired. These beliefs, then, inform language choices. For example, the belief that objectivity is important in knowledge creation would lead to the use of the passive rather than the active in some academic texts.
Closely linked to model of language as an instrument of communication is Christie's (1993) identification of what she terms the 'Received Tradition of English Teaching', which 'calls for the remedying of grammatical problems, as if a conscious knowledge of the surface rules of language is what the students are lacking', and assumes that if these instructions were made overt to the students the problem would disappear (McKenna 2004:282). As Christie (1995) points out, grammar teaching can be related to a form of social control - control that ultimately seeks to deny access to powerful ways of 'meaning-making' by forcing students to focus on the details of language use, which they actually did not control, at the expense of more meaning-related concerns.
To understand the unique nature of the career path and the various qualifications, the history of ECD and teacher training is required.
Historical background
In South Africa, ECD pertains to the education of any child between the ages 0 and 9 years (Department of Education 1995). This definition sees ECD straddling both the pre-school and formal schooling sectors. Prior to 1995, the in-service training of ECD practitioners had little or no legislation controlling and setting standards for ECD courses. ECD training was mainly carried out by non-profit organisations with a few Further Education and Technical and Vocational and Educational Colleges (TVET) also offering courses. This resulted in a number of practitioners holding 'historic qualifications' that were issued on an ad hoc basis with no consistency regarding the content, length and quality of the courses (Department of Education [DE]) 2001, (Department of Higher Education and Training [DHET]) and plethora of unregulated qualifications in the South African education system was one of the reasons for the development of the NQF, in 1995.
The NQF outlined and agreed upon standards and qualifications and amalgamated the ECD training into one integrated single national system (SAQA 2007). The NQF also outlined the various qualifications and allocated educational levels (see Figure 1). The NQF made provision for a (limited) career path for students as they progressed through qualification levels (SAQA 2007) (up to a level 5 qualification). This resulted in the Education and Training Development Practices Sector Education Training Authority (ETDP SETA) developing Unit Standards-based courses for ECD training at levels 1-5. Exit-level outcomes were developed for each of the levels. The ECD level 5 comprises a large credit-bearing academic literacy fundamental course. This is significant as, according to the NQF, a level 5 was at the time equivalent to the first year of university. The formulisation of ECD training provided practitioners with the opportunity to obtain formal ETDP SETA qualifications at all levels, after successfully demonstrating achievement of the exit-level outcomes. A level 4 and/or level 5 whole qualification permitted students to apply for a Grade R post within the formal schooling structure.
In 2011, the Department of Higher Education and Training developed a new framework and guidelines for teacher education. The new teacher qualification legislation set out the Minimum Requirements for Teacher Education Qualification (MRTEQ) (DHET 2011) and altered the teacher qualification landscape. Minimum Requirements for Teacher Education Qualification was revised in 2015 to take into consideration the new Higher Education Qualifications Framework (HEQF) (DHET 2015). Figure 1 illustrates the framework for formal Teacher Education Qualifications and ECD prior to and after 2015.
Challenges of the career pathing for practitioners
After the completion of the ECD level 5 Diploma, options were limited for practitioners, despite the implementation of the NQF. The students were unable to enrol on the now defunct Advanced Certificate in Education (ACE), as the course focused on in-service teachers upgrading and practitioners did not meet the entry requirements. The only degree options available were to either enrol on a full-time 4-year BEd course, offered by a Faculty of Education (at a university), or a full-time distance education BEd (through a distance education university). Neither of these options was financially viable for the students.
The students were mostly mature in-service students (the majority were female), studying part-time and working in ECD centres or at a Grade R at a school. Practitioners teaching in a Grade R class are employed by the Department of Basic Education (DBE), but are regarded as 'under-qualified' and therefore receive a much lower salary than a 'qualified' teacher. In many instances, they were the sole breadwinner and had the added responsibility of supporting and raising their families. The majority of students could therefore not afford tuition fees.
The introduction of MRTEQ (DHET 2011) provided a third option for practitioners, namely, that of a Diploma in Grade R teaching. The Grade R Diploma would provide them with the credit equivalent of the first year of a BEd. The practitioners would still need to complete three more full years of study to obtain a BEd degree.
These challenges are what galvanised the ECD practitioners to approach the Faculty of Education to request assistance. The Faculty of Education, in conjunction with the Institute, established a pilot career path for ECD practitioners in 2008.
The Department of Higher Education (2017) has recently published the 'Minimum Requirements for Programmes Leading to Qualifications in Higher Education for Early Childhood Development Educators'. This Act specifically deals with the qualification of educators from birth to 4 years. This has provided another option for students as it outlines a comprehensive career path for ECD practitioners. This career path permits students to be granted recognition of prior learning for their ECD level 5 qualifications. The career path will enable practitioners to obtain a BEd degree, honours degree and a masters and doctorate qualifications in Early Childhood Care and Education (ECCE). The policy defines ECD as encompassing 0-4 years, so it makes a clear distinction and limits students' mobility in terms of moving into the formal schooling sector.
The career path established by the Faculty of Education
The Institute had been offering accredited qualifications at levels 4 and 5 for ECD practitioners, for a number of years. The lack of access to suitable further educational opportunities for the practitioners resulted in the establishment of the more comprehensive 'career path'.
When the 'career path' for ECD practitioners was established in 2008 (Irvine 2009), practitioners were able to enrol for programmes where they could acquire an ECD qualification at NQF level 4 (the equivalent of a school leavers' certificate, see Figure 1), a National Diploma in Early Childhood Education (ND ECD at NQF level 5), and a Bachelor of Education Foundation Phase (BEd FP) at NQF level 6 (now regarded as NQF level 7). After the successful completion of the ND ECD (situated at level 5), students were given an opportunity to apply for the in-service BEd (birth to 9 years) offered by the Faculty of Education in conjunction with the Institute (see Figure 2). The Institute was responsible for housing the BEd programme: the logistics and the oversight of the BEd. The BEd programme was specifically designed so that the students could have face-to-face lectures outside of school hours.
The Institute was cognisant of the fact that while financial support had been provided to the students this did not necessarily mean students would succeed academically (Du Plessis & Gerber 2012:1; Morrow 2009). The Institute needed to assist students to succeed (Engstrom & Tinto 2008) especially with the academic literacy requirements of the various courses, as academic literacy is the literacy that is most valued at HEIs (Boughey 2002; Henderson & Hirst 2006) and consequently has a high status.
Theoretical framework
This study was framed by Gee's (2008:154) definition of Discourse and Street's (1984) autonomous and ideological theories of literacy.
Gee (2008) defines Discourse (capital D) as:
… [C]omposed of distinctive ways of speaking/listening and often, too, writing/reading coupled with distinctive ways of acting, interacting, valuing, feeling, dressing, thinking, believing, with other people and with various objects, tools, and technologies, so as to enact specific socially recognizable identities engaged in specific socially recognized activities. (p. 154, original emphasis)
A Discourse, then, is a socially constructed role into which we are socialised over time (Gee 1990). Gee (1990) explains this process of socialisation by distinguishing between primary and secondary Discourses.
The primary Discourse is seen as the initial socialisation that occurs at home. Literacy is defined as the mastery of a Discourse and all individuals are literate in their primary Discourse and are therefore able to demonstrate their membership of the home community. The primary Discourse is used during casual social interactions, and becomes the foundation on which to build further Discourses, acquired later in life. Gee (2002, 2008) refers to these Discourses as secondary Discourses. They are the Discourses required by various, 'non-home based social institutions … these may be used' in academic courses, community group and so forth (Gee 2008). The practitioners in this study would need to use their secondary Discourse when they were studying on the various ECD courses. The secondary Discourse will be more challenging as the students would not have much or any experience of the Discourse, even at school.
Although the study on which this article is based relied on Gee's concept of discourse (lower case d) and Discourse (upper case D), it was also cognisant of Street's (1984) 'autonomous model of literacy', which is contrasted with the 'ideological model'. The autonomous model sees literacy as being culturally free (Street 1984:29) and as a set of normative technical skills that are detached from the social context in which they are used. Within this model, language is also seen as a set of technical skills that can be taught through drill and repetition (Street 1984). This also resonates with Freire's (1968) analogy of teacher depositing these knowledge and skills into the students and having them memorise and repeat them.
In contrast, the ideological model perceives literacy to be a set of social practices, and not a set of cognitive skills, and emphasises the social context of literacies. Street (2006:78) considers the ideological model to be a much more culturally sensitive view of literacy practices, as they vary from culture to culture. Street (2006) believes that reading and writing practices are dependent on context and the way in which people approach language and writing is tied up with their beliefs, identity and being. This concept is echoed by Boughey (2002), who points out that the way people get meaning from print or writing is dependent on the way they see themselves, the texts and the value they place on text in their everyday lives. Literacy is, therefore, not neutral and value-free, but has ideological underpinnings (Boughey 2002) and consequently we cannot separate literacy from the people who use it, and the institution in which it is used. This moves from a deficit model of literacies to paying attention to the context, purpose and practice in which language is used (Barton et al.2007:17).
The theoretical framing of literacy and of what it means to be a student at a university, outlined above, identifies the role that can be played by lecturers or course facilitators in the processes of acculturation into, following Gee, the Discourses and, following Street, the literacies privileged by the university. To do this, the course facilitators and lecturers need to understand literacies for themselves, understand the students' existing literacies and demands and use this information to inform their teaching. It is not enough for the course facilitators and lecturers to have an in-depth understanding of literacy practices of the university; they also need to understand the diverse literacy practices that the students bring to their study (Lea & Street 1998). This is particularly true for students without a family history of enrolling for qualifications outside of schooling. This is applicable for the in-service students enrolling for this particular career path.
Academic Discourses (in which the highly prized reading and writing practices of the university are located) are secondary Discourses. All students, therefore, who gain access into university, need to acquire the Discourse (the ways of doing and being, etc.) of the university. However, the primary Discourses of some social groups are closer to elevated secondary Discourses of the university. This means that some individuals, usually those from middle class homes with educated parents, have an advantage over others. Bourdieu (1991:502) refers to this as linguistic capital. This had implications for this study, as the students participating in the study, because of apartheid, were structured into working class positions in homes where education had been denied. In many instances, the students on the course are the first generation to finish their schooling, let alone attend post-school courses, or obtain an undergraduate degree.
The rules of Discourses are rarely made explicit (Gee 1996), and this is exacerbated by the fact that, in the academy, Discourses are discipline specific. What constitutes good academic writing or practice in one discipline may not apply to another discipline or course (Lea & Street 2000:40). In addition, academic literacy cannot be 'taught'; it can only be acquired through scaffolding, in an apprentice situation (Gee 1990).
Research methodology
A qualitative research method was used. This research set out to determine the privileged literacy Discourses of the university (critical to success) and the way that the lecturers and course facilitators supported the acquisition of literacies.
Data collection methods and sampling
The data collection began with three individual interviews; one with a course facilitator teaching on the level 4; one course facilitator teaching the level 5 course and with two lecturers from the BEd programme (one of the BEd lecturers had previously taught on level 5 ECD course). The interviewees were purposively chosen to provide a view of how each level scaffolded the students' literacies at each level of the career path. The individual interviews were followed by a focus group interview. The semi-structured individual and group interviews were conducted at a venue and time convenient for the interviewees.
The focus group interviews were conducted with two course facilitator teaching on the level 4 and one on the level 5 course and with two BEd lecturers. Both the individual and focus group followed a semi-structured interview format.
In addition to the interviews, an analysis was conducted on assessment reports. Course facilitators and lecturers were required to complete assessment reports after each assessment had been completed. The reports were based on student performance and required comments on students' strengths and areas for improvement. Three assessment reports were analysed: one from level 4, one from level 5 and one from the BEd course.
For level 4 and level 5 courses, mandatory assessment reports were written by the course facilitator, after each Unit Standard has been assessed. These completed reports were required by the ETDP SETA. After each batch of academic or practical assignments, the BEd lecturer writes a generalised assessment report to the students. Each of the assignment reports had a different format and content, and some of the reports were intended for individual students, while others were general reports intended for the whole class.
Data analysis
Data collected were in the form of interviews and assessment reports. The transcribed interviews and the assessment reports were analysed following the steps outlined by Giorgi, Fischer and Murray (1975). Firstly, all the transcriptions and documents were read to get an impression of the whole. Then the transcriptions and documents were read with the purpose of finding out the exact transactions that occurred during the interviews. This was followed by the elimination of any redundant information. This meant that only the relevant themes were left. This occurred with the assessment report documents as well. Thereafter, any colloquial language of the participants was translated into the language of science. Finally, common recurring discourses were identified and classified into themes. From the preliminary identification of the broad discourses, subordinate discourses began to emerge.
Trustworthiness
Trustworthiness means that the investigation findings are reliable and rigorous. In this study, triangulation and member checking (Birt et al. 2016) were used. Yeasmin and Rahman (2012) refer to triangulation as a process of verifying and controlling biases so that research increases in validity by incorporating several viewpoints and methods. This research employed a number of theories to explain the data that were collected, and made use of more than one method to collect data. In this study, member checking took the form of requesting the participants to look at the transcribed interviews for accuracy.
Ethical considerations
In this research, ethical considerations such as the participant's right to anonymity, informed consent, confidentiality and voluntary participation were explained and adhered to. The participants had the right to withdraw from the study at any stage.
Findings and discussion
The data analysis saw three major discourses emerging, namely, the autonomous view of literacy; literacy as an ideological process and language as an instrument of communication.
The failing education system is responsible for student's deficit abilities in reading and writing
When students do not succeed at university, this is often assumed to be because of their own inadequate preparation for university. This deficit framing of the student's learning and abilities tends to ignore and devalue the types of literacies that 'non-traditional' students bring with them (Carstens 2013) to the courses. It also ignores Street's ideological model of academic literacy(ies). As it places the problem on an external factor such as schooling, this means that no introspection needs to be done by the course facilitators and their role in making the Discourse of the university evident to the students.
One of the course facilitators expressed the idea that students are not adequately prepared at school for reading and writing at university:
'… what I have discovered is that children of now a days are really not writing the way we used to write. In the past although there were things that were not accepted ne, we used to write things that can be read you know by somebody even if it's wrong you can know it's wrong nowadays you can see to it you can't even guess what the person wants to say in the assignment you know those are the difficulties we encounter.' (Participant 3, female, ECD facilitator, 35 years old, Level 4)
The Discourse of the failure of schools to adequately prepare students was mentioned by the level 4 course facilitator:
'They (students) have a difficult time I have a group of students whose basic language and reading and writing skills are poor. They are almost illiterate and now I have to help them do level 4 fundamentals. It is difficult to me. I don't think they can read and write in Xhosa. I get them to read story books. They are not ready for academic reading and writing.' (Participant 4, female, lecturer, 50 years old, B.Ed)
One course facilitator remarked that the basic comprehension skills required at school do not prepare the students to read, make inferences and critically reflect on what they read, as is required of academic literacy at tertiary level. This respondent's comment seems to indicate a belief in the inability of the present education system to equip students with critical literacy.
The deterioration and continued failure of the education system, which was the reason for students' poor performance, was noted by one of the course facilitators. She believed that, in the past, children who passed standard 61 had a higher quality of education than the present-day matriculation.2 She noted that 'our education is going down - it's as if it can't be changed …' (Participant 4, female, course facilitator, 50 years old, B.Ed) The respondent notes that 'it seems as though the teachers in the past, maybe they are better, now we're not doing it correctly.' (Participant 4, lecturer, 50 years old, B.Ed). She voiced the opinion that the teachers are just passing the students because during the next academic year they have to have a new group of students, and did not want to deal with students who had failed. She mentions, 'they (teachers) were just passing the buck.'
This discourse draws on the autonomous model of literacy and literacy is socially embedded, and that both schools and universities are distinct social institutions. Johns (1997) suggests that, at school, the only academic reading that students are exposed to is in textbooks, and that the kind of writing that they do is merely summarising the facts from a text book, which, in essence, is a regurgitation of the text book. This leaves the responsibility of enculturating the students into the Discourse of the university with the course facilitators.
Language is a set of skills that students need to learn
The most common understanding of literacy ascribed to by the lecturers and the course facilitators was that of the autonomous model of literacy (Street 1984), which sees literacy as a set of acultural, asocial skills focusing on the encoding and decoding of printed text. This focus on what Street (1984) terms the 'technology' of literacy which then leads to the development of an understanding of literacy as a set of neutral skills. Therefore, despite their varied groups, both the facilitators who were teaching mature female students, some of whom had a national senior certificate (the students who had a national senior certificate were hoping to be able to carry onto the BEd) and the lecturers teaching mature female students who had completed the ECD level 5 course, were now doing the BEd course had similar perceptions of literacy.
One of the course facilitators, whose students came from one of the remotest and rural areas of all the students, noted:
'… as we do not have time, not enough time to educate everyone to be able to read and write. I think in fact, what I do is to encourage them to go and attend ABET [Adult Basic Education and Training] classes so as to get more education like in the form of reading and writing because these are the skills that they will need more especially when they are teachers obvious that they have to write every now and again.' (Participant 3, female, ECD facilitator, 35 years old, Level 4)
Her view was that the more the students practised, the more their academic skills would improve and this would impact their understanding of the work covered in the course. One course facilitator, reported that she had 'a group of students whose basic language and reading and writing skills are poor.'
The resounding idea of the skills approach to literacy was also mentioned by another course facilitator who said:
'They need to read a lot. They need to read all the books and the newspaper they come up with so they get used to reading the more they read the more they get knowledge and the more they develop their skills in order to read and write.' (Participant 5, female, lecturer, 58 years old, B.Ed)
These course facilitators felt that if the students' reading improved, then this would improve the students' ability to produce written texts. This was, in particular, a concern for the level 5 ECD course facilitator who commented, 'As you know, reading and writing skills (academic literacy) are extremely important in this course, because it is equivalent to the first years of a degree.' (Participant 2, female, course facilitator, 43 years old, Level 5)
This was further supported by a comment on the assessment reports where a lecturer wrote the following note to the students:
'Writing … it is hard to do in the beginning. It gets easier the more you do it. It is like sewing or knitting or driving a car. It is not easy to begin. The more you sew, the faster you get at sewing. They more you sew, the more you learn, the better you get at sewing. Writing is not different.' (Participant 4, female, lecture, 50 years old, B.Ed)
While there is no doubt that the ability to produce academic text does improve with practice, this sort of comment takes no account, for example, of the need for students to develop the understanding of the value system that underpins academic text.
A course facilitator reported that she perceived that some of the students on the certificate courses were illiterate. This showed her perception that one was either literate or illiterate and the idea that literacy is merely coding and encoding of print. Just because the students were lacking in the particular literacies does not mean that they would not have demonstrated mastery over other literacies.
The ideological discourse of literacy
'… they (the students) need to read with confidence they need to read all the books they are given, they need to read at home because that is not happening either they only read when they are at the classes they don't read when they are back at home. And culturally, we as blacks, we don't read we are scared to be seen reading a book in public. I think that hinders them from improving their skills in terms of reading and writing.' (Participant 5, lecturer, 58, B.Ed)
The above quote shows that the course facilitator is cognisant of the cultural and social discourses that emerge from home, but simultaneously she subscribes to reading and writing in the terms of learned skills. Therefore, both the autonomous and the ideological Discourse of literacy are subscribed to simultaneously. The course facilitator was not alone in using both Discourses interchangeably. Two of the lectures interviewed as well as the assignment reports had comments relating to the autonomous and ideological nature of literacy simultaneously.
In particular, one of the lecturers made several references to the autonomous nature of literacy; however, the inconsistency in her Discourse can be seen in her comment on the ideological nature of literacy and her awareness that schooling involved more than teaching 'everyday' understanding of things. Bernstein's (1999) horizontal discourse or common sense or 'profane' knowledge was mentioned during the interviews. For example, the lecturer remarked.
'… the students that have come in … they can write you know. But it's like their reading they write in everyday way and schooling is not about the everyday … It's about trying to understanding things in more depth …' (Participant 2, ECD facilitator, 43, Level 4 & 5)
The lecturer's comment also resonates with Gee's (2003) idea that children do not only learn literacy (of various sorts) at school, but in fact children are also acquiring these literacies through experiences in the home, which occurs before and after school. Walton, Bowman and Osman (2015:267) also note that the skills, knowledge, dispositions and values that the students bring to the university 'are valid but not necessary valued by the university.'
The ideological discourse was also expressed in course assignment reports for the BEd. For example, in the following comment the ideological model of literacy is evident.
'You may not understand academic English well. You may not be used to reading a lot. You may not be used to thinking academically in English, which is different from thinking in everyday life English when you are chatting to a friend. So even though you speak English from birth, this is a new English to learn … So in many ways, you are also a second language speaker!' (Participant 4, female, lecture, 50 years old, B.Ed)
The model of language as an instrument of communication
Christie's (1985) two models (a model of language as an instrument of communication and a model of language as a resource) were a theme running through the data. Evidence of both a model of language as an instrument of communication and the Received Tradition of English Teaching can be seen in comments made by the facilitators particularly in relation to assessment. One facilitator, for example, notes:
'… you can't even guess what the person wants to say in the assignment - you know those are the difficulties we encounter. And the spelling errors, the grammar even though I am not an English teacher. We notice such things.' (Participant 2, female, ECD facilitator, 43, Level 4 & 5)
This facilitator went on to say that:
'we can start teaching them (students) this and that in the form of grammar, spelling etc. They (students) need lessons, a few lessons … to upgrade their level of knowledge because really we are experiencing problems.' (Participant 2, female, ECD facilitator, 43, Level 4 & 5)
Assessment criteria were also redolent of the model of language as an instrument of communication and the Received Tradition. For example, assessors look for simple sentences, spelling and grammar errors when marking students' work. While technical accuracy in language use is important in academic literacy, it is still possible for meaning to be conveyed even if the communication is grammatically incorrect. In academic language use, technical accuracy is part of a value system centred on the use of Standard English.
The assessment reports and tasks also echoed the model of language of communication and the Received Tradition of English Teaching. For example, the use of full sentences was a criterion used in relation to many assessment tasks. A level 4 assignment was evaluated against the criterion 'must be written in full sentences with correct grammar.'
Additional comments reflecting this discourse was seen in the level 4 assignment task that had 'spelling and grammar is correct' as one of the assessment criteria for marking the assignment. The assignment task clearly states that the students' assignment task, or essay, 'must be written in full sentences, with correct grammar.'
Similarly, a level 5 assignment assessment criterion was 'meaning of written text clear and simple using full sentences and adequate sentence structure', while the BEd assessment criterion mentioned 'clear effective sentence structure'. In her research, McKenna (2004) found that lecturers and course facilitators tended to focus on surface grammar errors rather than larger structural issues in an assignment, as the surface errors were easy to see and to mark. This seems to be parallel with the criteria required in the assignment tasks in this research. Furthermore, the level 4 and level 5 assignment reports made mention of spelling with comments, such as 'the sentences were poor. They had a lot of spelling mistakes.' The poor spelling in assignments was also noted in a level 5 report, with a comment that students must:
'please proofread your assignment, or give it to a fellow student to read and make comments on, before you submit it. Use the dictionary to look up words that you are not sure about the spelling.' (Participant 2, female, ECD facilitator, 43, Level 4 & 5)
In South African Higher Education, a wealth of research has been produced in relation to the so-called 'language problem'. All of this research points to students' language development needs far exceeding that of knowledge of grammar and spelling.
Concluding remarks and recommendations
It is clear from the assessment reports, which formed part of my data that students following this career path designed for them to become qualified educational practitioners struggled with the reading and writing demands of the academy. This is not surprising given the complexity of the literacy demands made on them. Students were required to read types of texts, which they were unlikely to have encountered previously. In addition, they were required to engage with those texts in a critical fashion where 'criticality' involves reading a text with the intent to question and interrogate it, and use other texts and knowledge of the world, to challenge it (Boughey 2013). Given the theory outlined earlier in this article, and most particularly Street's ideological model of literacy, it can be seen that it is highly unlikely that students would have been socialised into the literacy practices associated with such 'criticality'.
Gee's (1990) construct of Discourse also allows us to understand that the 'being' required of students as they travelled the pathway of qualifications was very different to that of their primary Discourses and, probably, to other secondary Discourses to which they had been exposed. Students were being required to take on an entire new 'role', which probably conflicted in numerous ways with previous roles they had played in their lives.
In response to what they experienced as students' literacy-related 'problems', course facilitators and lecturers had little on which to draw other than their common sense and their own experience of language teaching in the form of the 'Received Tradition' and the autonomous model of literacy. However, in many respects, the adoption of the autonomous model of literacy absolves the course facilitator of any responsibility for perceived underachievement or failures by the students because their failure is seen to lie in their inability to master simple encoding and decoding processes.
The recommendation of this study would be for the Institute and the Faculty of Education to focus on the development of course facilitators' understanding of literacy and what this means for their students. Pym (2013:353) suggests that instead of 'fixing' the students and having them adapt to the university, there is a need to focus on the strengths and challenges that the students bring to the university and move away from a 'one size fits all approach'.
Furthermore, a more shared understanding of what is meant by academic literacy practices and requirements for each of the courses should be unpacked to a greater extent so that students can benefit from a continuous scaffolding process that enables them to succeed academically in all the courses and future courses they enrol for.
Acknowledgements
Competing interests
The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.
Authors' contributions
All authors contributed equally to this work.
Funding information
This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial or not-for-profit sectors.
Data availability statement
Data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study.
Disclaimer
The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the authors.
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Correspondence:
Karin Hackmack
khackmack@ufh.ac.za
Received: 24 Aug. 2017
Accepted: 31 Mar. 2019
Published: 20 Aug. 2019
1 . This is the 8th year of schooling which is presently referred to as Grade 8.
2 . Matriculation is the last year of public schooling in South Africa.
ORIGINAL RESEARCH
Foundation phase science teacher identity: Exploring evolutionary module development to promote science teaching self-efficacy
Leslie F. Meiring
Faculty of Education, Nelson Mandela University, Port Elizabeth, South Africa
ABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: The South African national school curriculum for the foundation phase (6- to 9-year-olds) does not have a unique subject called 'science', but 'hidden' away in the subject 'life skills', one detects a great deal of science, but not all of it overtly presented. This presents a challenge to teachers who might be limited in their science content knowledge and lack understanding of the processes of science, both of which might contribute to low levels of science teaching self-efficacy
AIM: This article explores an evolutionary module development process designed to promote science teaching self-efficacy
SETTING: Pre-service foundation phase student teachers taking a single method module in science
METHODS: The study is anchored within the Scholarship of Teaching and Learning (SoTL). On completion of the module, student teachers complete anonymous module-evaluation questionnaires. An interpretive, qualitative approach is used to support discussion of the module's principles, content and delivery within the context of module development
RESULTS: Data originate from two cohorts of student teachers (2011 and 2014). These data inform lecturers' decisions on the re-development of the module for the following year. The intervening years (2012-2013) saw the module being firmly anchored on three pillars, namely teacher identity, science teaching self-efficacy and the nature of science
CONCLUSION: This article outlines the evolution of a pre-service foundation phase science module, from a science-content-only module (2006) through to a module whose underpinning principles and content attempt to address the hopes, fears and challenges faced by prospective foundation phase teachers
Keywords: science teacher identity; self-efficacy; foundation phase science teaching; nature of science; scientific enquiry.
Introduction and background
The foundation phase (FP) consists of the first 4 years (Grade R - Grade 3) of schooling in South Africa (Department of Basic Education 2011). This is where learners get exposed to science and where their '… love for science should start and be nurtured so that they develop a curiosity about the world and become critical thinkers' (Beni, Stears & James 2017:1). Palmer (2006) concludes that a good understanding of content and pedagogy is required for teaching successfully. He did, however, identify primary science teachers as one group where this is a challenge. This suggests that FP teachers might not be sufficiently empowered to facilitate the development of the skills and subject knowledge required to teach science in the FP. One might reasonably expect a curriculum to support teachers, but according to Beni et al. (2017), the curriculum does not provide sufficient guidance on the types of activities, neither does it provide guidance on how to integrate the science within the rest of the curriculum programme. Bosman (2009) concurs that the relevant policy documents do not provide any, or sufficient, guidance for the FP teacher on how to actually teach the prescribed topics and skills. While in-service teachers tend to be positive about science, they 'are often ignorant and uncertain about what is required of them' (Bosman 2009:238). The key to successful FP science teaching, according to Bosman (2009:235-236), lies with teacher training. She proposed that training programmes should be able to provide teachers with 'adequate knowledge and skills in content, curriculum requirements, and in appropriate methodologies …'. During the period 2006-2011, these three aspects of science teaching were also our focus areas. We now argue that this is not enough to enhance teachers' science teaching self-efficacy. The science component of FP initial education programmes need to include three additional and fundamental constructs: science teacher identity, self-efficacy and the nature of science (NOS). All three might meaningfully influence FP science teachers' praxis.
The FP curriculum does not have a unique subject called science, but 'hidden' away in the subject, life skills, one can detect a great deal of science (Department of Basic Education 2011). A perennial challenge for the science education specialist is that FP pre-service students don't like science. Palmer (2006) identified that negative school science experiences mitigated against the development of a high science teaching self-efficacy. At the start of a pre-service FP science module, it is not uncommon for lecturers to be confronted by some students who 'hate' science. This aversion to science appears to stem mainly from students' previous school experiences of the subject.
Each year a 6-month, 10-credit, introductory science module is taken by FP pre-service student teachers at our university. This is the only exposure to science that these students get during their 4-year BEd programme. When first introduced in 2006, the module contained only science content knowledge. The chosen content was that which is contained in the national senior phase school curriculum. This naive and unidimensional perception of what science an FP pre-service student 'needs' to know about science appeared to make little or no difference in their attitude towards science. Apart from enabling students to answer simple, basic grade 9 school-level science examination questions, there appeared little gain of in-depth science content knowledge nor a change in attitudes towards science teaching. Roth (2014) sums up what we were becoming aware of during these initial forays into preparing FP science teachers:
… teachers lack the science content knowledge needed to teach science effectively, have little training in science-specific pedagogy, and have even less training in the scientific disciplines they are expected to teach. (p. 362)
Realising that if we were to succeed in positively changing FP teachers' science teaching efficacy, we needed to change the module's science content-only approach. Palmer (2006:337) claims that 'cognitive pedagogical mastery' has the potential to enhance self-efficacy. With this in mind, we spent the following 8 years adapting the module's curriculum. The curriculum morphed from being a science-content-based one, through a period in which, while still retaining large doses of 'pure' science content, and started shifting towards a more multi-faceted approach that included many hands-on activities. Additionally, we shifted the focus towards scientific literacy and finally to its present format as reported on in this article.
Identifying what science content knowledge is required is a good starting point. Making lectures interesting, topical, relevant, hands-on and using an engaging style (pops, bangs and science 'magic') are all relevant, but pre-service FP teachers need more than this. Roth (2014) encapsulates our 'aha' moment when she claims that:
Teachers engage students in hands-on science activities without linking those effectively to science ideas and practice. At best, we can hope that elementary teachers' desire to make science interesting for children will engage and maintain children's interest and identity in science. But this is not enough to meet society's needs for science literacy. (p. 363)
The first activity completed by pre-service FP teachers taking our science module is to complete a survey questionnaire. The questionnaire items range from reflecting on their school science experiences through to their feelings and expectations of the module. On discovering that they will have to teach a great deal of science, they express a range of emotions ranging from trepidation (experienced by the majority) through to excitement (see Figure 1). This scenario suggested three pillars on which to anchor the science module, namely: teacher identity (Avraamidou 2014; Luehmann 2007), science teaching self-efficacy (Evans 2015) and the NOS (Akerson, Abd-El-Khalick & Lederman 2000). This article outlines how these three concepts informed the module's topics, hands-on activities and lecturer pedagogy, so as to develop confident, competent teachers who felt at home when integrating scientific enquiry, in the form of explorations (Johnston 2005).
Literature review
Students who enrol in FP education programmes are required to identify themselves as specialist FP teachers in three subjects: language, mathematics and life skills (Department of Basic Education 2011). Additionally, the life skills curriculum includes four study areas: beginning knowledge, personal and social well-being, creative arts and physical education. This subject focuses on the skills, concepts and values inherent in early childhood development and lays a foundation for the subjects taught in grades 4-12 (Department of Basic Education 2011). The introduction of life skills as a subject enjoined FP teachers to become experts in a whole range of subjects (Stroebel, Hay & Bloemhoff 2017). It is in the beginning knowledge area where students need to identify themselves as both social sciences (history and geography) and natural sciences and technology experts. The challenge is that each study area comes with its own constructs in the form of learning outcomes, content and skills and requires a robust understanding of the nature of the subject. Beni et al. (2017) posit that FP teachers might not see the need, or even desire, to identify themselves as anything other than an FP specialist. Being a subject specialist entails more than one's perception of identity, it involves a certain degree of subject knowledge and a perception of one's ability to teach that subject, which is, teaching self-efficacy (Woolhouse & Cochrane 2010).
Science teacher identity
Avraamidou's (2014) definition of identity includes not only skills, knowledge attitudes, values and beliefs but also how these play out in specific contexts. Fortunately, identity is not fixed; it is constantly being moulded by interactions with other people, contexts and experiences. Changing teaching identity, however, involves risk, requiring engagement in a discourse that is unfamiliar, testing new areas of knowledge where the teacher might lack confidence in her ability to teach effectively (Avraamidou 2014; Slavin et al. 2014). Enhancing FP teachers' science content knowledge appears to be a good starting point for positively influencing FP teachers' science identity. Luehmann (2007), however, argues that teachers who want to value and engage in authentic science teaching need more than just science knowledge and skills; they need to develop a new professional identity of a 'real' science teacher. While acknowledging the centrality of science knowledge and skills in identifying oneself as a science teacher, one should not lose sight of the other aspects of science teacher identity, including beliefs about science teaching and personal science teaching efficacy (i.e. how one views oneself as an effective science teacher).
Self-efficacy
Tschannen-Moran, Hoy and Hoy (1998:233) define self-efficacy as 'the teacher's belief in his or her capability to organise and execute courses of action required to successfully accomplish a specific teaching task in a particular context'. Bandura (1997) proposed four main sources of self-efficacy. Firstly, enacted mastery experiences, where success in doing something promotes self-efficacy. In science, the mastery of hands-on science activities promotes science teaching self-efficacy (Mansfield & Woods-McConney 2012). Secondly, vicarious experiences, where one attempts to compare and align one's capability to a real or abstract model (Palmer 2006). Thirdly, verbal persuasion, involving positive feedback. Fourthly, physiological and affective status, which, according to Palmer (2006), revolves around how one responds to stress and fear in a particular situation. In a somewhat different interpretation of Bandura's four sources of self-efficacy, Mansfield and Woods-McConney (2012) claim that previously held beliefs and exposure to science both play a role in the development of science teaching self-efficacy. They claim that pre-service experiences, be they mastery at doing hands-on activities, being exposed to 'good' science teaching, receiving positive feedback and believing that they can actually do science, have profound influence right through pre-service teachers' careers. When working with pre-service teachers, one should be cognisant that self-efficacy is not fixed and that pre-service experiences can influence teachers' instructional practice. In her seminal study on the teaching of FP science in South Africa, Bosman (2009) found that FP teachers tended to avoid teaching science in their classrooms because of their lack of science content knowledge. Sandholtz and Ringstaff (2014) lament that teachers who have low levels of science teaching self-efficacy downplay teaching science, resulting in a disservice to young children who are ready and eager to engage in science. On the other hand, Roth (2014) said that when teachers do teach science, they concentrate on enjoyment, with little attention given to developing conceptual understanding in children. This, she suggests, might be because teachers lack confidence in their personal conceptual understanding of science. Effective science teaching involves more than just enjoyment and fun science; it involves children being actively engaged, resulting in them having a conceptual understanding of the science being taught (Konstantopoulos & Chung 2011). Engaged teaching for conceptual understanding of science requires deploying a whole range of different and innovative teaching strategies. This, according to Sandholtz and Ringstaff (2014), requires confident science teachers. They report that when there is an increase in science teaching self-efficacy, there is a shift from a teacher- and textbook-centred focus to a more learner-centred approach, with its concomitant inquiry-based emphasis. A primary aim of science method courses should therefore be to promote science teaching self-efficacy. Sandholtz and Ringstaff (2014) recommend that pre-service early-years science teachers should be taught conceptually challenging science using a pedagogy that is appropriate for young children.
The national school curriculum for life skills uses topics or themes integrated into different study areas (Department of Basic Education 2011). Ideally, FP is taught by integrating all the beginning knowledges (i.e. social sciences, natural sciences and technology) into different topics. This, however, is fraught with problems, in that Beni et al. (2017) found that teachers have a really poor understanding of integration and that the science appears to be 'hidden' in the curriculum. It is this latter point that drove a participant in their study to exclaim: 'You see if I was science driven as a teacher then maybe I will pick up the aspects of science easier, but because I am not, it is hard to find it' (Beni et al. 2017:5). What mitigates against FP teachers focussing on making science an integral and central part of their instructional menu might be the mismatch between an enhanced teaching self-efficacy in languages and mathematics versus a low science teaching self-efficacy. If, however, teachers are able to positively advance their science teaching self-efficacy beliefs, there emerge teachers who possess a better balance between their perceptions of themselves as FP experts and their ability to teach science. The resulting change in their pedagogy with respect to science can then be ascribed to a change in science teaching self-efficacy (Sandholtz & Ringstaff 2014:749). The core elements of science in the life skills curriculum are scientific process skills of exploration, enquiry and investigation. All three of the foregoing involve, to a greater or lesser extent, observing, comparing, classifying, measuring, experimenting and communicating (Department of Basic Education 2011). Johnston (2005) claims that the process of exploration should be the focus of young children's early science. All these skills are inexorably linked to the NOS, thus begging the question 'So what is science?'.
The nature of science
The NOS refers to a particular way of knowing and thinking in and about science and includes values and beliefs. This impacts on and influences the development of scientific knowledge (Akerson et al. 2000). Thus, an understanding of the NOS is fundamental to supporting the main aim of science education, which is to promote science as way of understanding the world around us. This understanding does, however, involve a good grasp of how scientific knowledge is constructed (Luehmann 2007). A robust understanding of the NOS by prospective science teachers becomes important for their science teaching. A number of studies highlight the claim that teachers' praxis in the classroom directly influences children's learning (Akerson et al. 2000). In their study of an elementary (primary school) science method course, Akerson et al. (2000:295) investigated the influence of a 'reflective, explicit, activity-based approach to nature of science'. Their study focused on the following aspects of NOS, namely:
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the empirical, tentative, subjective (theory-laden) nature of the scientific endeavour
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its imaginative and creative aspects
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the social and cultural aspects of the science
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the difference between observation and inference as science process skills
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the relationship between scientific theories and laws (Akerson et al. 2000:295).
The above suggests that science is more than an enjoyable, captivating and motivating activity. Zangori, Forbes and Biggers (2013) claim that fun hands-on science activities, without foregrounding scientific sense making, are a consequence of teachers simply not having a robust understanding of the NOS and scientific reasoning. This, they suggest, does a disservice to young children who have the capacity to engage in science as a sense-making exercise in their attempts at understanding the world. During a pre-service science method module, one can adopt an implicit approach to the NOS, by assuming that student teachers would come to an understanding of the NOS as a matter of course. On the other hand, one can take an explicit approach, similar to Akerson et al. (2000). They attempted an explicit approach to the NOS within a pre-service science method course, claiming that this approach benefited teachers in their actual classroom praxis. As such, not inducting FP pre-service teachers into the NOS might present problems for them when they start to teach in schools.
Research design
During the period (2006-2010), data sourced via anonymous online (MOODLE) module evaluations suggested that certain aspects of the module were perceived by students to be effective, while other aspects were problematic. The primary purpose of this data collection is to get students' views on the module so that the content and delivery can respond directly to students' responses. At the end of each of these years, the module was adapted to take this feedback into consideration (e.g. more hands-on activities were introduced the following year). It was during 2010 that the module started to undergo a radical revision, shifting from content-focus towards a focus on the pre-service teacher and their views and attitudes towards science.
Maurer and Law (2016), while acknowledging Kathleen McKinney's 2015 view that there remains a lack of consensus on a single definition for the Scholarship of Teaching and Learning (SoTL), used her 2003 and 2006 writings to clarify the difference between good teaching, scholarly teaching and SoTL. Good teaching enables learning, something which we were trying to achieve in the period 2006-2010. Scholarly teaching uses evidence from teaching and learning, coupled with best practice, to enhance learning. This is the approach we have followed post 2010. This article takes its cue from SoTL, where evidence-based innovations in teaching and learning are reported on and disseminated for colleagues in similar fields to use in their scholarly teaching.
This study reports on the period 2011 to 2014. It was during this period that the module was changed to focus on pre-service teacher's identity as a science teacher, with a concomitant emphasis on enhancing science teacher self-efficacy, all within the ambient of explicitly teaching about the NOS.
Data were collected via an initial pre-module and then again using a post-module questionnaire. Two data sets were reported on, namely: 2011 and 2014. It was during this 3-year period that the module underwent continuous adaptations, spurred on by what students were telling us and what we were learning about the teaching of science to these pre-service FP teachers. These two data sets were chosen as they best suggest how changes in a module philosophy, from a content hands-on activity driven module (2011) through to a more student teacher and science as a discipline approach (2014), influence the FP pre-service teachers' perceptions of science and of themselves as science teachers.
Research question
Scholarship of Teaching and Learning requires one to reflect on one's teaching and then identify what actions or situations will improve that teaching and learning. With this in mind, one has to formulate the question that underpins this reflection and as such the research question driving this study is:
How can a science method module, premised on teacher identity, self-efficacy and the NOS, positively influence FP pre-service students' science teaching self-efficacy?
Methods
This study is situated in the SoTL, where evidence-based reflections on a specific teaching and learning situation, and the evolution of a science module, is reported. Data originate from pre-post-module evaluation questionnaires for two cohorts of students (2011 and 2014). The questionnaires have remained the same over recent years (2009-2018). While the reliability of responses has not been determined, the fact that they are anonymous and online might suggest that the participants would not need to fabricate false responses. There are a number of different item styles contained in the questionnaire, for example, Likert scale items, opened-ended questions and short anecdotal paragraphs.
Included is an item asking students to write down five words that describe their beliefs and attitudes concerning the forthcoming module (pre-questionnaire) and similarly in the post-questionnaire, where they reflect on their experiences during the module. Word clouds are generated from these words. It was during our interrogation of these word clouds that we began to consider more carefully the potential changes in beliefs and attitudes - changes that might have been a consequence of changing both the contents and underpinning philosophy of the module.
Word clouds
According to McNaught and Lam (2010), a word cloud is a visual representation of words where the more times a word appears in a text, the bigger that word is represented in the word cloud diagram. They caution, however, that while this tool is a useful initial way to present information, it is not equivalent to traditional content analysis. Our intention with the word cloud instrument was not to use it as a standard research tool, but rather to guide us towards gleaning an insight into students' thinking and feelings about the module. In this study, the word cloud tool is a web-based application, Wordle (Feinberg 2014). Participants wrote down five single words that described their feelings and/or beliefs about science before and after completing the module. Using only single words avoided some of the criticisms of using word clouds, for example, the individual words are not considered out of context. However, participants might still have written down the exact same word, but have a personally different nuanced understanding of the word (McNaught & Lam 2010).
Data from survey questionnaires are used to illustrate and support claims of positive change in pre-service FP students' views towards science.
Participants
Data reported in this study originate from two separate cohorts of pre-service FP teachers, namely the 2011 cohort (n = 52) and the 2014 cohort (n = 59). The participants in both cohorts had similar characteristics: all were female; all were in their twenties; all had not taken science beyond grade 9; and if they had, it was in the life sciences. Unlike the current (2018) cohort, they would have all completed their schooling in a handful of local urban high schools.
Ethical considerations
All online questionnaires were anonymous via the learning management platform, MOODLE. Students could opt out of having their responses used in our research by ticking a box in the first questionnaire item. While these responses were excluded from the research, all responses were considered when we evaluated the effectiveness of the module and considered student suggestions for improvements to the modules. Ethical clearance was obtained from the Human Ethics Committee Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University (Now Nelson Mandela University). Ethical clearance number: H15-EDU-CPD-001.
Much of the results and discussion section pertains to the content and delivery of the module. It is here, in the spirit of the SoTL, which this article hopes to open debate around about what should be included in, or excluded from, a pre-service FP science module.
Results and discussion
The course underwent a metamorphic change over the space of 8 years (2006-2013) and for the past 4 years (2014-2017), annual changes have been minimal. Initially, 2006-2009, the approach was premised on the idea that the students did not like science because of their previous school experiences and 'dropped' it at the earliest opportunity (Grade 9). Consequently, they must lack content knowledge! Gradually over the years, while continuing with content, the focus and delivery methods began to change. The module's content ceased to consist of only subject content materials for students to learn and understand. The main aim now shifted towards attempting to change students' beliefs and attitudes towards science. Graduate FP science teachers should view themselves as scientists in the eyes of their classes. They should be confident in their content knowledge and have the ability to design and manage appropriate science activities. Ultimately, they must have a robust understanding of how science works.
Word clouds
The pre-module word clouds generated by each new cohort have differed little over the years. The initial 2011 word cloud (Figure 1) is as an example of a typical pre-module word cloud. McNaught and Lam (2010) remind us that word clouds are not a 'good enough' analysis tool in the traditional sense and that at best they provide initial information. These pre-module word clouds did, however, present us with a 'picture' of the affective status of the students at the start of the module.
These word clouds foregrounded words that might indicate large doses of apprehension amongst the participants, for example, nervous, confused, unsure, scared, difficult and complicated. A quote from a 2011 student exemplifies these feelings: 'I honestly expected it to be boring and I was petrified when I just heard the word science, …' (Participant 36, FP Student, 2011). By way of comparison, the post-module word clouds for the 2011 and 2014 cohorts are presented in Figure 2 and summarised in Table 1.
Table 1 suggests that in 2011 the module succeeded in positively influencing students' attitudes towards science. A selection of anonymous student comments in the 2011-module-evaluation survey suggests that student self-efficacy was enhanced, for example, with respect to mastery experiences:
'I definitely thought it would be a challenge, but by learning what science is all about and then given the opportunity to practice and understand what we learnt was important.' (Participant 11, FP Student, 2011)
'with respect to the affective domain: 'This module changed my attitude towards science, in a positive way' (Participant 2, FP Student, 2011)
'I expected the worst but now at the end it is the complete opposite' (Participant 1, FP Student, 2011).
Good science teaching, however, needs to move beyond just an attitudinal change. While students may have become more positively inclined towards science, there was little acknowledgement of being better prepared and confident to tackle the teaching of science. Our cue to change the module came from Luehmann's (2007) article that suggests that if pre-service teachers have not personally experienced what it is that they are to teach, they tend to lack confidence to teach it. We were also becoming aware that students, during their school-based learning experiences, were struggling to integrate the different topics within the life skills programme. This challenge is not uncommon in current FP classrooms (Beni et al. 2017). Feedback from students, based on their experiences of the 2014 version of the module (Table 1), highlighted three themes that were not present in 2011: confident, prepared and knowledgeable. Students' 2014 post-module comments suggest that the module was now improving their subject knowledge and confidence:
'Very exciting and was actively involved in the learning of science. Made me gain confidence and knowledge when it comes to science.' (Participant 5, FP Student, 2014)
'I underestimated science. It is actually fun and very interesting, I have learnt more now than my past 12 years of school.' (Participant 27, FP Student, 2014)
'I had no knowledge about all the science but now I do have more knowledge and a bigger insight on science.' (Participant 35, FP Student, 2014)
The change in emphasis of student responses between 2011 and 2014 begs the question: How did the module change during this period? In responding to this question, it might be informative to go back to the beginning, to 2006.
Module evolution
The first 3 years of the module is best categorised as subject-content-matter-only approach. During the following period (2009-2010), a smattering of pedagogical content knowledge was included. This specialised knowledge was premised on a constructivist approach, thus integrating common science misconceptions into the pre-service teachers' repertoire. This era of the module's evolution started to exhibit scholarly teaching. There was a shift from simply teaching content to including research aspects of science teaching. The focus on content and pedagogical content knowledge was an improvement, but we were still getting unsatisfactory post-module student comments. It was around this time that the draft national school curriculum documents started appearing for general comment. Based on these, we started introducing the idea of authentic investigations. During authentic investigations, we experienced the following student response: 'So what is the right answer?' This 'right-answer focus' is common when dealing with pure content and factual knowledge; however, this is not the essence of investigations. Luehmann (2007:830-831) says that 'School science that values creativity, embraces multiple right answers, and is open-ended and messy is an unfamiliar image to many future science teachers, …' It was during this period that we began to entertain possible ways to address this skewed idea of investigations. A shift in focus occurred with the introduction of tenets taken from the NOS, for example, that science is tentative and based on theories that need to have the potential to be falsifiable. In addition, we started embracing Johnston's (2005) idea that the early years of science should focus on explorations rather than the more formulaic investigations which are undertaken in the intermediate phase.
The next period of module evolution (2010-2012) introduced the idea of scientific literacy. During this period, two approaches dominated, the Predict-Explain-Observe (Liew & Treagust 1995), and the use of science notebooks (Nesbit et al. 2004). Science notebooks provide a fruitful route to follow in the teaching of science in the primary school. In this pedagogy, students are exposed to Toulmin's writing frame to support a scientific argument.
In attempts to address students' perceived aversion to science, we introduced numerous activities that foregrounded the 'magic' of science. Initially (2011), we did the impressive 'stuff': the collapsing can, popping balloons, etc., in the format of demonstrations of discrepant events, mainly delinked from understandable explanations of the science involved. Students came to the lectures for the entertainment, but still were not overly enamoured by science. Roth (2014) claims that low-quality lessons are ones where there is 'activity for activity's sake'. While we might not have set out to do activities for activities sake, we could not deny that we aimed to entertain and capture student interest via science spectaculars.
It was during 2012-2013 that we started to deliberate on what philosophical and conceptual ideas should underpin a science education module, starting from the premise that the module should address three broad pillars or constructs, namely science teacher identity, science teacher self-efficacy and the NOS. The 2018 version of the module consists of eight units, with the first of these, 'So what is science?', being allocated a dominant 30% of the module's time. This first unit has begun to include the construct of multiple knowledges by including in the title 'and whose science is it?' This unit forms the foundation of the module, while the remaining seven units (Appendix 1) are each allocated 10% of the available time.
Module design - The entrée
'What is science?' is the unit that sets the tone for the rest of the module. The remaining units, while stand-alone, rely on this first unit for laying the groundwork to enable an understanding of how and where science fits into the rest of the module. The module starts with an understanding of where the students are coming from. They are nervous, confused, unsure, scared and fear the difficult and complicated terrain into which they are venturing (Figure 1). Various activities, designed to convince students that they can do science, are undertaken. Hands-on activities designed to capture attention and focus on discrepant events are followed by carefully choreographed open-ended questions designed to elicit student explanations and theories. By way of example, two tried and tested classic activities are pulling a piece of paper out from under a glass of water (to illustrate inertia), and an activity that illustrates how water increases in volume by approximately a 1000 times when it changes phase (illustrating phase change). These activities link directly to the everyday experience of inertial reel seatbelts and the dangers of dunking wet potato chips into hot oil.
Once one has an engaged audience, albeit a captive one, we then move to encourage students to challenge their identity as 'scientists'. This activity, based on Chamber's (1983) 'draw a scientist' study, throws up the usual stereotypical sketches. After general banter that includes comments such as: so to be a scientist one must have no hair or poorly kept hair and have issues with eyesight, the discussion then turns to stereotypes and concludes with the single show-stopping question: 'Who of you drew yourself?' This is the first time that students entertain the idea that they are probably the first 'scientist' that children encounter at school. The responsibility is not lost on them. As a useful prompt to encourage students to take on their newly identified role as the scientist in their classrooms, they are shown their competition for the children's science learning. There are any number of videos to use in this activity. We currently choose the series, Nina and the Neurons (Bryan 2007) as it is both entertaining, from a visual perspective, and scientifically correct, which is an important, but often overlooked aspect when one choses popular media for teaching science. Interesting and useful pedagogical aspects for teaching science to young children are pointed out to students during the viewing.
Luehmann (2007) promotes story telling about ones' own participation in a particular context, as being able to impact on one's own identity and future actions. She claims that one should not underestimate the huge impact of a pre-service teacher's own school experiences. As such, during the initial weeks of the module, students write reflective paragraphs on their past science experiences and document their vision for themselves as FP science teachers.
Module design - The main
An issue with a science-content-only approach is that students, starting from an inadequate and insecure understanding of the science content, seek out the one correct answer. While the one correct answer is adequate for 'facts' and 'laws', it is inadequate for theories. Just as scientists offer their theories up for others to attempt to falsify, so should children be encouraged to offer their explanations for phenomena up for attempted falsification. In this way, students are exposed to two fundamental elements of science, both of which rely on the falsification construct. Scientific theories have the potential for falsification, if there is no potential for falsification, then it is something else, no better or worse than science, it is just not science. This is an important aspect of the module, firstly, it dispels the hegemony of science, and secondly, it allows for all manner of other beliefs to avoid being sacrificed on the altar of a science hegemony. By way of example: 'The moon is made of green cheese' qualifies as a scientific statement: it has the potential to be falsified. Humans have gone to the moon and thus the potential to falsify it exists. On the other hand, the statement 'God exists' is not falsifiable and, as such, does not qualify as a scientific statement. It may still, however, be considered by people to be a true statement, just not a scientific one. The dialogical approach that we promote in the module is best exemplified by the anecdote based on a science educationalist's experiences with his own child (Box 1).
Students engage with the story, encouraged to ask the child why he thinks that the robot changes as the car approaches. In other words, to encourage the child to theorise an explanation for, what is for him, a curious phenomenon. It is up to the teacher to attempt to falsify the child's theory. Students seldom offer something similar to the child's explanation, which is, 'It is the man in the little grey box, when he sees us coming and it is safe, he changes the light to green'. As an aside, I have yet to come across a robot, anywhere in the world, that does not have the ubiquitous grey control box in close proximity. This begs the question of the students: 'How might you attempt to falsify the child's theory?'
Thus, by choosing carefully selected examples, preferably based on the student's own life experiences, one can overtly teach the NOS and 'how science works' in an innovative and meaningful manner. How children learn science is analogous with how scientists 'work'. Once the link is established, the students' understanding of both the NOS and their understanding of how children learn science reaches a tipping point, where their science teaching pedagogy focuses on teaching science for understanding rather than rote learning. Students' comments from their anonymous questionnaire included:
'I did not know how important it is to have an understanding of science in order to teach young FP children.' (Participant 45, FP Student, 2014)
'This module gave me new insight about science as a whole.' (Participant 7, FP Student, 2014)
'… let me think of how science is …' (Participant 32, FP Student, 2014)
'It was interesting to see how to make learning of science fun and exciting as well as adaptable for the certain age groups.' (Participant 2, FP Student, 2014)
Luehmann (2007) suggests that a key aspect in transforming teachers into effective science teachers is to get them to experience investigations as learners themselves. The module exposes students to key constructs via appropriate FP science activities. Observation is a science process skill that is required in a number of areas in science. After experiencing the danger of believing that one can make unbiased observations, students are trained in how to develop both observational and investigative skills in young children, by experiencing practical hands-on activities themselves involving authentic investigations. By way of example, students do an activity named: 'Drops on the coin'. Students predict the maximum number of drops of water that can fit on the surface of a coin. This example uses the predict-observe-explain approach (Liew & Treagust 1995). While linking to the NOS and process skills, students are cued into linking this with the development of fine motor skills in young children.
Once an idea of 'teacher as a scientist' is established, the challenge is to tackle the dearth in science content knowledge possessed by the students; however, tackling this from a subject topic approach reaped few, if any, rewards in the first few iterations (2006-2010) of the module. Beni et al.'s (2017) study found that FP teachers don't easily integrate science into the life skills programme because they are unsure of their own scientific understanding and/or simply cannot 'find' the science in the curriculum documents. This supports the premise underpinning the remaining seven module units, namely teaching content via appropriately integrated and FP relevant topics.
Module design - The desert
The 'hidden' science in the FP is often overlooked by teachers, possibly because they do not know what they should be looking for in the relevant documents. This suggests that science teacher educators should develop pre-service teachers' scientific content knowledge in appropriate areas and topics, as well as exploiting various innovative pedagogies that link the science to other areas of the life skills curriculum. Physical movement, dance, rhythm and poetry, all aspects where students appear not to hold the same trepidation that they hold for the science, need to be deployed in order to teach science. Acting out and singing the nursery rhyme 'twinkle, twinkle little star', while not being entirely scientifically correct, is a useful pedagogy to link other aspects of the curriculum to the hidden science. YouTube has interesting rhyming ditties that can link to a number of science topics, for example, the variables song (Baibel 2009) and 'The Dinosaur Song' (Derriman 2007). This particular clip, in addition to using song, dance and movement, is used to consider why dinosaurs became extinct (theories and NOS), linking present day animal conservation and dental structure linked to animal diets. Extensive use is made of cartoons (Keogh & Naylor 1999) with students learning the science through the concept cartoons' misconceptions-based approach and developing a pedagogy to use concept cartoons in the area of language development and co-operative group work. All seven units (Appendix 1) focus on developing the students' science teaching identity and science teaching self-efficacy through a NOS framework. Each unit is stand-alone and includes appropriate subject content knowledge and, where possible, related children's misconceptions, which invariably are similar to the misconceptions held by the pre-service student teachers. The lectures and workshops involve hands-on activities, most of which are presented at an adult level, but are followed by discussions on how to adapt, if necessary, the activity to make it appropriate for young children. The science aspects are contextualised within the context of how a FP child might think, function and experience the science. Student comments suggest a degree of success here:
'I enjoyed how it integrated science with everyday life and that of the children.' (Participant 14, FP Student, 2011)
'The activities, linking it to how children think and reason and clearing their preconceived ideas.' (Participant 15, FP Student, 2011)
'It opened my eyes to ways of how a child thinks and ways to teach difficult things and make it easier for the children to understand.' (Participant 20, FP Student, 2014)
'When starting this module, I hated science on all levels, but while doing this module, it has opened my view to science and being able to participate in something that was previously boring.' (Participant 13, FP Student, 2011)
'I am now more confident in my knowledge of science, there was room for exploration and personal growth.' (Participant 39, FP Student, 2011)
One final element to the module is introducing the students to the community of practice within the SoTL. Students read and comment on selected readings from practitioner journals. Currently, we have found many short, two or three page articles written by teachers and science educationalists with respect to teaching science to younger children in journals such as Primary Science [Association for Science Education (ASE)].
Conclusion
If the teaching of science, particularly in the primary school, is not to be compromised, science teachers need to have a positive attitude towards science, sufficient confidence in their ability to teach it, and a high degree of confidence in their own content knowledge and understanding. In the absence of clearer guidelines on integration in the FP CAPS curriculum, and appropriate pedagogies to teach science, we argue that it is incumbent on the science education trainers to guide and assist prospective FP teachers to:
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view themselves as a competent science specialist
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empower them with sufficient content knowledge and skills to teach the curriculum, including authentic integration of science within the FP programmes
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have a robust understanding of the NOS such as to create a positive and authentic view of science in children.
By using an ongoing student feedback loop, within a long-term SoTL research-type study, it is possible to develop a single science method module that succeeds in developing FP teachers who will confidently teach science. It is hoped that, in the interest of the SoTL, this article might contribute to the debate that involves how best to prepare FP science teachers.
Acknowledgements
Competing interests
The author declares that he has no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced him in writing this article.
Authors' contributions
L.F.M. contributed solely to this article.
Funding information
This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial or not-for-profit sectors.
Data availability statement
Data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study.
Disclaimer
The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the author.
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Correspondence:
Leslie Meiring
leslie.meiring@mandela.ac.za
Received: 29 Nov. 2017
Accepted: 15 Apr. 2019
Published: 21 Aug. 2019
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Planet Earth and beyond: Focus on children's ideas of day and night, seasons, phases of the moon, eclipses.
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Weather: Focus on cause and effect, for example, the leaves are falling therefore winter is coming.
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Life processes: Focus on applying 'rules', for example, what characterises something as living?
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Fossils, dinosaurs, evolution and other theories: Focus on theories and current Earth sustainability challenges.
Beni et al. (2017) noted that physics and chemistry were seldom, if ever, attempted in the FP, and the final three units of the module attempt to address this challenge:
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Static and basic electricity (with a smattering of magnetism): Focus on simple electrical circuits, electrical safety.
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Energy and toys: Focus on using everyday toys to illustrate various energy constructs.
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Force, pressure and centre of gravity: Focus on centre of gravity activities relating these to assist young children to develop an awareness of their own balan
ORIGINAL RESEARCH
Effects of a 6 Brick Duplo Block guided play intervention on pre-literate learners' visual perception
Sarah Jemutai; Paul Webb
Faculty of Education, Nelson Mandela University, Port Elizabeth, South Africa
ABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: Literature reveals that guided play promotes the development of visuospatial abilities essential for learning to read, write and do mathematics. However, most of these findings have focused on older children who are already literate, and the tests and the instruments used were designed for children in Western contexts.
AIM: As there is little data on the development of visuospatial abilities in pre-literate children in African contexts, this study set out to explore the effects of using a guided block play intervention on the development of these abilities in pre-literate children.
SETTING: The study was carried out in two classrooms (one experimental and the other comparative) in each of two schools, one in South Africa and one in Kenya.
METHODS: The study used a pre- and post-test, quasi-experimental, mixed-methods approach. The intervention and test used, namely, the Visual Perception Aspects Test, were designed and validated in African contexts.
RESULTS: The data revealed that using the 6 Brick Duplo Block guided play approach statistically significantly accelerated the development of visuospatial abilities in pre-literate children in the experimental groups over those in the control groups (no intervention). The data also revealed that the greatest improvements were made among children who had few prior opportunities to engage in guided play using physical manipulatives.
CONCLUSION: The overall findings of the study suggest that the development of aspects of visuospatial perception is accelerated when teachers use this approach to facilitate guided play. This finding has implications for promoting the development of reading, writing and numeracy skills in pre-literate children.
Keywords: guided play; visuospatial perception; 6 Brick Duplo Blocks; Visual Perception Aspects Test; VPAT; accelerated visuospatial development.
Introduction
A crucial aspect of child development is the development of perceptual skills during the early learning years. Visuospatial perception, which plays a fundamental role in determining a young learner's ability to successfully complete written and numeric tasks (Clutten 2009), is the brain's ability to organise and interpret what is seen (Deiner 2005). Visuospatial perception brings meaning to what the eyes see and plays a fundamental role in a learner's ability to learn, read and spell; in other words, it facilitates the accomplishment of written and numeric tasks vital for academic competence (Scheiman & Gallaway 2006; Schieman & Rouse 2006).
Children, whether playing informally or functioning within an academic environment, have a tendency to learn through the regular use of their eyes (Atherton & Gates 2007; Gentile 2005). Only 20% - 30% of learners learn more effectively through the auditory channel compared with at least 40% who learn more effectively when presented with visual information (Schneck 2005). One of the ways of acquiring visuospatial abilities is through play where the primary learning channel is vision (Sattler & Evans 2002). Although a great deal of research has been done on play internationally (Whitebread & O'Sullivan 2012), play has not been taken particularly seriously in African settings (Ogunyemi & Ragpot 2015). The few research studies on play and visuospatial perception that have been done in Africa have been done mainly in South Africa with literate children but little to nothing has been done with children in the crucial early learning years before formal schooling (Brey 2017). These observations underpin the exploratory research that was undertaken and described in this article.
Children and play
Play is a child's 'work' that helps thinking, doing and feelings to flourish (Hewes 2006). It is an activity where everything becomes possible and freedom of imagination takes precedence (Elkonin 2005). It is an instinctive, flexible, malleable, natural and creative process that instinctively leads to a well-developed imagination (Tsao 2008; Wardle 2006). Through play children get the opportunity to assimilate reality into their experience and hence make it part of their own lives (Elkonin 2005). Play develops in children in a predictable pattern, which is linked to their intellectual, emotional, social and physical aspects of development (Bennett 1997; Kalliala 2005; Whitebread & O'Sullivan 2012).
Piaget, Montessori and Vygotsky agree on the important relationship between play and cognitive development (Mielonen & Paterson 2009). Piaget (1964) notes that understanding children's stages of development is important if one is to facilitate play that helps them to fully realise the potential of their physical and mental capabilities. Teachers and adults, who often help define the boundaries of their children's play, need to know the developmental stage that the children are at if they are to transform random play into activities that are vital for their development (Edwards 2000; Piaget 1962). Vygotsky agrees that play has an important role in facilitating cognitive development in that children not only put into practice what they know, but in the process of play they get to learn new things from each other and from their surroundings (Mielonen & Paterson 2009). Piaget also asserts that young children develop meaning through interacting with their environment, particularly in his pre- and concrete operational cognitive development stages (Mielonen & Paterson 2009). At these stages children develop the ability to retrace their thinking through a phenomenon he termed as 'reversibility' (Mooney 2000:78). Through reversibility children develop the ability to solve higher scale problems and to begin thinking abstractly (Mooney 2000). Such notions place play as a strategic niche in children's cognitive development.
One form of play is guided block play. Blocks have been used by children for playing for centuries. John Locke introduced alphabet blocks as early as 1693 (Hewitt 2001). In the mid-1900s, Pratt (1948) introduced unit blocks, which have been used uninterruptedly in the United States to teach mathematics to date. In the early 1900s, Maria Montessori noted the importance of block building in terms of cognitive and intellectual achievement (Whitebread & O'Sullivan 2012). Montessori, whose theories have influenced the way many Early Childhood Development programmes are structured (Mooney 2000), emphasises that children develop literacy skills through play. In turn, literacy skills are dependent visuospatial abilities (Scheiman & Gallaway 2006; Schieman & Rouse 2006).
While mechanisms to develop children's visuospatial abilities have not yet been clearly defined, it is known that when children play they develop important basic brain functions (Nath & Szücs 2014). One such function is visuospatial ability. As there is little data on the development of visuospatial abilities in pre-literate children in African contexts, this study set out to explore the effects of using a guided block play intervention on the development of the three basic visuospatial abilities, namely, visual discrimination (VD), visual memory (VM) and visual sequential memory (VSM), all of which are essential aspects for enhancing literacy and mathematical capabilities (Clutten 2009).
Research design and methods
In the following section, the study design is outlined, the setting and sample is described, the intervention explained, the data collection and analysis discussed and ethical issues around the study explained.
Design
This study utilised a quasi-experimental design with pre- and post-testing of experimental and comparison groups. The design is quasi-experimental and not truly experimental as the experimental and comparison groupings were not randomly chosen (existing classes were used) and the numbers were relatively small. Quantitative data were generated via pre- and post-tests of the participating children in the three aspects of visuospatial perception, namely, VD, VM and VSM. Grade R children (5-7 years old) in one South African and one Kenyan school were chosen to serve as both purposive and convenience samples. Sampling was purposive in that the two schools that were chosen are both broadly representative of urban Grade R classes in South Africa and Kenya. The fact that the schools chosen are in South Africa and Kenya was not to make comparisons in terms of countries, but was a convenient way of sampling. The convenience aspect came about as the first author studied in South Africa, but, after doing the initial fieldwork in South Africa, went back to Kenya. However, after purposively identifying a conveniently situated school in Kenya that was similar in terms of socio-economic grouping, class and school size, language and so on, it became apparent that the school in Kenya was different in one aspect, mainly that there was a dearth of play resources in the Kenyan school. This difference was taken into account as a variable when considering the results of the research.
As noted, there were two Grade R classes in each of the South African and Kenyan schools chosen. In Kenya this level of schooling is not called 'Grade R', but is equivalent to Grade R in South Africa. One class in each school constituted the experimental group and their teacher received 'treatment' (an intervention based on guided play using the 6 Brick Duplo Block approach), while the other provided a comparison group that had not received the 'treatment'. The teachers in each school decided who would be the 'experimental' teacher and who would be the 'comparison' teacher on the understanding that enough material (Duplo blocks and teachers' guide files) would be supplied by the researchers and that the 'comparison' teacher would have equal access to support from the researchers once the experimental stage of the intervention process (training of 'experimental' teachers, pre- and post-testing of the children and the teaching intervention over 6 months) was complete.
The intervention included providing the experimental group teachers with training and sufficient sets of 6 Brick Duplo Blocks to allow all of the children in their classes to participate in the pre-designed Duplo Blocks activities individually over 6 months. The 6 Brick Duplo Block activities that were identified and selected by the researchers as having the potential to promote VD, VM and VSM were used for the intervention.
In order for the researchers to be able to confirm that the intervention took place as planned, the teachers filled in a record sheet each time they engaged their learner with 6 Brick activities. The information on the record included the date, activity name, number of bricks used, whether the learners completed the activities or not, whether the teacher felt that the children had understood the activity (fully, partially or not at all) and whether they had enjoyed it (five-point Likert scale). There was also space for any additional comment that the teacher might like to make. Classroom observations were made concerning how the teachers and learners engaged in the activities (a minimum of five visits per experimental class) and the teachers were interviewed individually on completion of the intervention and testing phase of the study in their schools in South Africa and Kenya.
The VD, VM and VSM abilities of the children in both the experimental and comparison classes were tested using the Visual Perception Aspects Test (VPAT) immediately prior to the intervention. The same test was used as a post-test immediately after the intervention. As the psychological test is carried out on a one-on-one basis with the tester guiding the pre-literate children through the process, five final-year psychology students at the university were recruited on a voluntary basis to carry out the visuospatial abilities testing in the South African school where the study was conducted. Guidance in terms of their selection was provided by a professor in the Psychology Department at the university and, after final selection, they were made conversant with the VPAT testing procedures. These processes were repeated in Kenya with final-year psychology students and a psychology professor from another university.
Sample and setting
As noted above, two classes of pre-school children in two schools (one school in South Africa having a comparison and experimental class and the other school in Kenya also with comparison and experimental classes) participated in the study. This empirical investigation's sampling frame focused on government schools of almost similar size and representing an urban population where second-language learners are taught in English (a reasonably common situation in both countries). The schools were also chosen because of links with teachers who were part of previous research studies and who had prepared to be part of the process. The participating children ranged between the ages of 5-7 years. This age group was chosen because research suggests that, taking into account verbal and non-verbal intelligence, visuospatial ability may be a unique underlying mechanism which can be used to account for differences in higher order academic performance at this age (Mayer et al. 2014). The sample size was approximately 80 learners, that is, 40 learners from each school with approximately 20 children in each class.
Research intervention
Permission was granted by the Care for Education and Hands on Technologies group to choose and implement '6 Bricks' activities from the resources they provide. After personally carrying out the over 100 activities available, 30 were chosen as activities that required and were suitable for developing the skills of VD, VM and VSM.
After choosing the activities from the Care for Education and Hands on Technologies booklet, they were photocopied in colour and put in the same order in five different files, one each for the four teachers and one for the researcher. The files contained activities on the different aspects in the order VD, VM and VSM, record of completed activities, completed record sheets containing the date, activity name, number of blocks used, whether the learners completed the activity, learners' enjoyment of the activity and a section was left blank for comments. The comparison group teachers only received their files, blocks and training once the intervention period and data generation were completed.
The training of the experimental teachers was done by the researchers over two half-day sessions. Workshops were conducted individually with the two experimental teachers to develop their understanding of the '6 Bricks' approach and how to implement it in their classes. During these workshops they experienced first-hand some of the activities they would conduct with their learners and how they should complete a 'teacher record sheet' after each activity. After the workshops, the teachers were provided with enough sets of '6 Bricks' for each of their learners to have their own set of '6 Bricks', a file containing the '6 Bricks' play activities that they were expected to cover over the duration of the intervention, and pages of teacher record sheets to be filled in after each activity. Not only were the teachers trained and guided in terms of how play should be facilitated when using the 6 Bricks approach, they were also given insight about the possible relationships between guided play and the development of visuospatial perception.
The experimental and comparison teacher (the ones who did not receive training or the 6 Brick Duplo Blocks) in each school worked independently from one another. The children in the experimental classes each received a set of 6 Brick Duplo Blocks, one of each colour, which they kept on their desk readily available throughout each school day so that the teachers could easily facilitate play at any given time that they felt was appropriate. The children's visuospatial abilities were pre- and post-tested before and after the experimental group teachers implemented the intervention with their learners. The pre- and post-tests used were the first three sections of the VPAT. These sections dealt with the visuospatial perception aspects of VD, VM and VSM.
The teachers facilitated the 6 Brick activities as set out in their files. Four 10-min activities were to be carried out separately on 4 days of each week. The order of the activities each week was an activity that aimed at developing VD, followed on consecutive days by activities that aimed at promoting VM and VSM, respectively. The fourth day of the week was reserved for teachers to repeat any activity that they believed was not well understood by the children. The approach was for the teacher to demonstrate an activity (building a shape, sequencing different coloured blocks, etc.) and then asking their learners to replicate what they had done before continuing to play (building their own shapes, sequencing their own colours, etc.).
Open-ended classroom observations were done by the researcher in the course of the intervention period to observe how the teachers facilitated guided play and how they maintained their guided play records in the files. The experimental group teachers were interviewed individually after the intervention and the classroom observation field notes were interrogated to help explain the quantitative data findings. These teacher interviews, conducted after the post-tests, were audio and video recorded.
Data generation
The Visual Perception Aspects Test, developed by Sylvia Clutten in South Africa in 2009, was used to measure visuospatial skills in this study. The validity and reliability of this test was the core of Clutten's research and, as it was shown to be both reliable and valid in the South African context, no measures of validity or reliability were deemed necessary. Clutten (2009) identified nine aspects of visual perception, the development of which she considers essential for the effective processing of visual information and learning, as well as the academic performance and competency of learners. These nine visual perceptual aspects are as follows: VD, visual form constancy, VM, VSM, visual-spatial relationships, position-in-space, visual closure, visual figure-ground, and visual analysis and synthesis. Only three of these visuospatial perception aspects were considered in this study.
Each subtest, namely, a test of one of the aspects of visuospatial perception, comprises 16 items that are made up of shapes, forms or designs arranged from easy to more complex forms. Each initial form is presented in a stand-alone box. The child is instructed to observe the form and then instructed to choose an answer from a multiple-choice selection of forms or designs. Every successful response is awarded one mark and the marks are added to provide a total raw score for that specific subtest. If the respondent answers three consecutive questions unsuccessfully, the tester moves on to the next subtest. An example of a question in the test, namely, one on VD, is illustrated in Figure 1. There were also visual perceptual aspect tests that used toy shapes (squares, triangles, stars, etc.), which had to be identified in 2D (2-dimentional) on paper.
Each test was administered as a pencil-and-paper test under the individual guidance of the psychology students and the researchers. This process took approximately 20-30 minutes per child tested. As at least five children could be tested at a time by the five testers and the researcher, the entire group per school (experimental and control) could be tested during the course of one school day during class time. Testing took place in a nearby room, which was provided for the purpose by the schools. These rooms had a sufficient number of small tables and chairs to enable testing in an environment that was not crowded. The children were drawn from their classrooms in batches of five or six, depending on the number of testers available, and escorted to and from the testing venue.
Pencils were provided to mark the selected shape and patterns on the test paper. The children put a mark on the selected answer on the test booklet and the researcher and the psychology students recorded the children's answers selected on a separate answer sheet each time during the testing session (pre- and post-test). This 'double recording' was done to try to keep to a minimum any ambiguities that may have occurred in the children's responses on their test sheets. The testers answer sheets and the children's test booklets were inspected to check for errors and omissions. These data were recorded in a spreadsheet according to the three aspects of visuospatial perception on which the study focused, namely, VD, VM and VSM, and the variables provided by the biographical data obtained on the test booklets. The biographical data were filled in by the teacher and included variables such as an identifying number (to enable matched pairs, pre- and post-testing), gender, age, whether the children wore glasses or not, experimental or control group, pre- or post-test, and country. A codebook using numbers was recorded in the spreadsheet to explain the recorded results per code to enable statistical analysis.
After pre-testing, the two schools then followed a 4-month intervention period during which the experimental class teacher guided the children to play with the 6 Bricks. Open-ended observations were made during visits to the schools. Open-ended observations and field notes were taken on at least five occasions in the experimental group classes during the intervention period when the experimental teachers gave advance warning that they were going to implement the strategy at a specific time. After the post-testing exercise was completed by both the experimental and comparison groups of children, semi-structured interviews were held with the experimental group teachers. The interventions in South Africa and Kenya could not be done simultaneously, and therefore they overlapped to a degree to allow travel arrangements. The South African group started and ended the intervention earlier than the Kenyan group, but the testing and interventions in both countries were completed between the months of May and October in 2016.
Data analysis
The quantitative data from the VPAT testing was subjected to statistical analysis to generate descriptive statistics such as sums (totals), counts, averages (means) and standard deviations. Even though the sample was small (n = 77), the data were distributed sufficiently to use parametric statistics. As the data generated were matched pairs, and because t-tests are least subjected to the effects of small data sets (Carlberg 2011), this test was chosen to investigate whether there were any statistically significant differences between group scores and between changes in mean scores in the groups of children tested. As the samples were relatively small, a 90% level of confidence (p ≤ 0.1) was selected as the indicator of significant difference between groups. This level of confidence is considered to be very low in statistical terms but has been used by some social scientists in the past depending on the nature of their study and was considered to be appropriate for this small scale, master's degree level, study (Carlberg 2011). Where higher levels of confidence were attained, these were considered to be bonus findings.
Ethical considerations
Prior to data collection, the schools in South Africa and Kenya were visited to discuss the aims, research design and methodology of the study with the school principals and Grade R teachers. The teachers volunteered to take part in the study and were assured that their responses would only be used for the purposes of this research. The teachers who participated in the intervention and the semi-structured interviews signed written consent forms, as did the parents of the Grade R learners from the two schools. The participants' anonymity was kept throughout the study.
Ethics approval of this particular study was provided by the Faculty of Education Research, Technology and Innovation Ethics Committee and the Human Ethics Committee at the Nelson Mandela University as an addendum to an umbrella study conducted under ethics number H14-EDU-ERE-014.
Results
Quantitative data were obtained from the VPAT results of 77 pre-school children from two Grade R classes in a school in the Republic of South Africa (RSA) (n = 38) and two classes of pre-school learners (n = 39) from a school considered to be acceptably equivalent in Kenya. One class in each school served as an experimental group and the other as a comparison group. In each case only matched pairs of pre-post data were used. In other words, only the data generated by children who completed both the pre- and post-tests were used. The number of matched pair children in each class in South Africa and Kenya is presented in Table 1.
As the data were normally distributed and generated as matched pairs, and because t tests are least subject to the effects of small data sets even if the data are not distributed normally (Carlberg 2011), this test was chosen to investigate whether the apparent differences suggested by the descriptive statistics were statistically significant. This choice was supported further by the fact that the standard deviations (σ) of each group were not dissimilar (Table 2).
A comparison of the pre- and post-test mean scores revealed that there were statistically significant differences between the South African and Kenyan scores with the South African groups achieving, statistically, significantly better in both cases. Application of a t test to the data revealed that the pre-test mean scores of the children in the Kenyan schools were lower at a statistically significant difference at the 99% level of confidence. However, the level of confidence at which this statement can be made dropped from the 99% level of confidence (p ≤ 0.01) in terms of the pre-test data to the 95% level of confidence (p ≤ 0.05) for the post-test data (Table 3).
All of the groups (experimental and comparison groups in both schools) mean scores improved from pre- to post-testing with both the South African groups attaining higher scores on their VPAT pre-test scores than the Kenyan groups post-test scores. A closer look at the change in mean score's reveals that the greatest changes in mean scores took place in the experimental groups both in South Africa and Kenya, namely, changes of 3.78 and 6.68, respectively (Figure 2). It is, however, interesting to note that the change in mean score in the Kenyan comparison group was almost as large as the change in mean score in the South African experimental group (Figure 2) and, as noted earlier, the level of confidence dropped from the 99% level of confidence (p ≤ 0.01) in terms of the differences in the pre-test data to the 95% level of confidence (p ≤ 0.05) for the post-test data (Table 3).
The gains in mean scores in terms of visuospatial perception in the comparison groups are not unexpected as at this age there is normally growth in terms of this ability (Tsai, Wilson & Wu 2008). The question is whether there is any real difference between the changes in the pre- and post-test mean scores (δx) and between the experimental and control groups in Kenya and South Africa. This question can be answered using inferential statistics that include t tests for statistical significance and Cohen's d as an indicator of practical significance (Table 4).
As noted earlier, the samples were relatively small and therefore a 90% level of confidence (p ≤ 0.1) was selected as the indicator of significant difference between groups. While, as noted above, this level of confidence is generally considered to be low in statistical terms (Carlberg 2011), it has been used by social scientists depending on the nature of their research, and was considered to be appropriate for this study. Using this indicator of confidence, the inferential statistics reveal that there is a difference between the change in mean scores of the Kenyan experimental and control groups, while in the South African school, although the change appeared large (see Figure 2), there is no statistically significant difference between the changes in mean score in the experimental and control groups (Table 4).
Classroom observations revealed that the teachers were able to implement the 6 Brick strategy as required and that the children participated actively and with enthusiasm. The teacher record sheet revealed that both experimental class teachers had completed most of the activities expected of them. The semi-structured interviews revealed that the teachers had enjoyed facilitating the activities and that their learners had participated actively. The teachers noted that the children had enjoyed the intervention and that they believed that the activities had improved their visuospatial abilities (this observation is highly subjective, but supported the quantitative findings). The qualitative data also supported the quantitative findings that the children who had previously had little to no manipulatives and guided playtime at school responded most positively to the intervention.
Discussion
The quantitative data generated in this study suggest that use of the 6 Bricks Duplo Block strategy does accelerate the development of pre-literate learners' VD, VM and VSM abilities. These findings are in accordance with Piaget's theory of child development, which involves changes in cognitive process and abilities. Such changes are not attained passively, but through actively playing a role in learning about the world around them (Piaget 1953). During Piaget's preoperational stage children aged 2-7 years old begin to think symbolically and learn to use words and pictures to represent objects. During this stage they begin to use symbols, which are dependent on visuospatial perception. The children who took part in this study were in Piaget's preoperational stage of development (ages 2-7), a stage where play is closely linked to cognitive and intellectual achievement (Piaget 1962; Whitebread & O'Sullivan 2012).
The claim, that the use of block play in the manner that it was carried out in this study accelerates the development of pre-literate learners' VD, VM and VSM abilities, is sustained by the accompanying qualitative data which revealed that the teachers were able to implement the strategy successfully, the children exhibited a high level of engagement and enjoyed the activities, and that the teacher's perceptions that their learners' visuospatial abilities improved after engaging in the intervention. This link is warranted within theoretical notions of the development of visuospatial skills, and backed by findings of similar work with young literate children (Brey 2017). It is also backed by Piaget's conception that the external construction of physical artefacts is a powerful means to achieve an internal construction of understanding through the effect of play.
Both the quantitative and qualitative data generated suggest that the strategy was most effective in classes where the teachers had previously provided their children with little to no guided play and had little access to play materials. As noted earlier, the Kenyan school data indicated a greater improvement compared to the data generated in the South African school, namely, there was a higher mean score increase in the Kenyan classes than in the South African ones. Comparing the two schools during the open-ended classroom observation, it was clear that the availability of play resources was inadequate in the Kenyan school. As such, it can be inferred that the provision of sets of 6 Bricks in their classes was a factor in terms of an improvement in visuospatial perception after the intervention. This statement resonates with Kellman and Arterbery's (2006) belief that play is accompanied by the development of routine visual functions, which enables learners to carry out their daily life activities, hence the proposition that the daily routine of a child should be one in which the child is surrounded by a multitude of visual stimuli, preferably those that presented dynamically and result in active engagement, as was the case with the guided block play approach used in this study.
As teachers and adults are often required to help define the boundaries of their children's play, it is important that they know the developmental stage that the children are at if they are to transform random play into activities at an early age to help the development of cognitive abilities (Edwards 2000; Mielonen & Paterson 2009; Piaget 1962; Vygotsky 1978). In terms of pre-literate and newly literate young children, this is the preoperational stage where they begin to engage in symbolic play and learn to manipulate symbols. At this stage children are able to retrace their thinking through reversibility, which enables them to develop the ability to begin thinking abstractly (Mooney 2000). To think abstractly, children need to have developed the appropriate level of visuospatial ability as opposed to mere sensory association (Kellman & Arterberry 2006).
The claim that guided play using the block play approach used in this study accelerates the development of three basic visuospatial abilities in pre-literate children is important as the development of these visuospatial skills are integral in the acquisition of literacy and numeracy skills (Clutten 2009). As such, the findings of this study, though limited in scope and range, should make a contribution to the understanding of the means to, and necessity of, advancing visuospatial skills in preparation for the development of literacy and numeracy in young children. It also provides evidence that these skills can be measured in pre-literate children using a test that was developed and validated for African conditions, namely, the VPAT.
Acknowledgements
The authors also acknowledge the assistance given by Amina Brey in terms of assistance in the field at schools and her unofficial supervision support.
Competing interests
The authors declare that they have no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced them in writing this article.
Authors' contributions
The contents of this article are the findings of S.J.'s MEd. P.W. conceptualised the study, was the academic supervisor and assisted in writing the article.
Funding information
S.J. was supported financially and academically as a German Academic Exchange Service (DAAD) scholarship holder and member of the East and South African German Centre of Excellence in Educational Research and Research Management (CERMESA).
Data availability statement
The authors have numerical data that are new and were analysed and they are happy to share the data if asked.
Disclaimer
The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the authors.
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Correspondence:
Paul Webb
paul.webb@mandela.ac.za
Received: 16 Mar. 2018
Accepted: 15 Apr. 2019
Published: 28 Aug. 2019
ORIGINAL RESEARCH
Accountability of school stakeholders in ensuring orphaned children's school attendance
Teresa A. Ogina; Norman M. Ramare
Department of Education Management and Policy Studies, University of Pretoria, Pretoria, South Africa
ABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: In recent years, there appears to have been more interest than ever in the education of orphaned children, especially in terms of their school attendance. Although some studies have reported on the efforts of caregivers, teachers, government, Non-Governmental Organisations and others in providing the educational needs of orphaned learners, little is known about accountability in terms of their school attendance.
AIM: The aim of this study was to explore the perspectives of school stakeholders on managing the school attendance of orphaned learners.
SETTING: This research study was conducted in three primary schools with large numbers of orphaned children and high rates of absenteeism in a district in the Limpopo province, South Africa
METHODS: A qualitative approach was adopted, using semi-structured interviews to collect data from nine participants who were identified through purposive sampling. The participants were class teachers, life orientation teachers and teachers responsible for orphaned learners.
RESULTS: The findings reflect that there is a lack of material resources and emotional support, physical and sexual abuse, little moral responsibility, few family values and inadequate use of resources provided by government and Non-governmental organizations to support the education of orphaned children.
CONCLUSION: In this article, the researchers argue that the provision of material resources and emotional needs alone do not fully address the problem of the school absenteeism of orphaned learners and suggest a combined accountability of, and consequential measures for, school stakeholders in ensuring the school attendance of orphaned children.
Keywords: teacher; community; partnership; managing; absenteeism; orphaned learners; guardians; caregivers; primary schools; vulnerable.
Introduction
Recent research indicates that there has been a global increase in the number of orphaned children because of parental AIDS-related deaths as well as other causes such as other diseases, war, natural disaster, violence and accidents, among others (Darago 2016; UNICEF 2017). The death of a parent(s) creates a crisis in the well-being of children, in their education and in their future lives (Mwoma & Pillay 2016). When children are orphaned, they may no longer have psychosocial support, such as security, love, care, guidance and the stability of loving parents - especially if there are no adult caregivers. The role of caregivers is to promote the health and development of the orphan as well as increase the child's ability to be resilient to poverty and deprivation (WHO 2004). From an educational perspective, a parental death may have a negative impact such as non-school attendance and poor learner performance because of the lack of educational support (Van Rooyen, Frood & Ricks 2012). Without the help and support of a parent figure, orphaned children are likely to miss the opportunity of attending school and they may develop juvenile delinquent tendencies (UNICEF 2009).
Research has established that orphans are more often absent from school than non-orphans (Operario et al. 2008). Campbell et al. (2016) believe that when orphaned children do not attend school, they miss out on food parcels and clothing material donated by the Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) to the learners at school. The learners also miss opportunities to socialise with other children and the support from welfare organisations. According to the South African Schools Act, learners from Grade 1 to Grade 9 are obliged to attend school up to the age of 16 (Republic of South Africa 1996). Normally, parents or caregivers are held accountable for learners' school attendance - as stated in the act (Department of Education, 2010). However, in the case of orphaned children, especially from child-headed households, there are no parent figures to ensure that the children attend school. Non-school attendance of orphaned children at primary level in South African schools means that they fail to exercise their right to basic education, which is entrenched in the constitution. Although the Constitution of South Africa specifies the right of all learners to basic education (Republic of South Africa 2003), the act is silent on the issue of accountability related to the education of orphaned children. There are no stipulations on who should be held accountable for ensuring that the orphaned children attend school.
In this article, the researchers argue that despite children's constitutional rights to basic education, there is a gap regarding who should be held accountable for the school attendance of orphaned children and, more particularly, those without adult caregivers. This article explored the perceptions of teachers regarding the accountability of school attendance of orphaned learners. The questions asked were the following: What are the reasons for the non-school attendance of orphaned children?, What are the challenges experienced when orphaned children are absent from school? and Who should be held accountable for the school attendance of orphaned children?
In this article, the relevant available literature on the school attendance of orphaned children is discussed as well as the different roles played by teachers, schools and the community. The context of the study and the research methodology used are described and the research findings from the qualitative data generated from interviews with the teachers are also discussed. The article concludes with an indication of several implications derived from the findings of this study and it is recommended that schools, communities, government and other stakeholders should collaborate and be accountable to ensure that orphaned children attend school.
Orphans and schooling
In sub-Saharan Africa, there is a tendency for orphans and other vulnerable children to leave school prematurely (Mwoma & Pillay 2016). School dropout causes a myriad of problems as children who do not attend school miss the opportunities to learn a variety of skills as well as to obtain knowledge that may help them prepare for the labour market. In many African countries such as Ethiopia (Abebe & Aase 2007), Kenya (Ombuya, Onyango & Omolo 2012), Nigeria (Bamgoboye et al. 2017), Zimbabwe (Campbell et al. 2016) and South Africa (Pillay 2012), the factor that causes school dropout and absenteeism in orphaned learners is economic hardship, which at times makes the learners victims of child labour and forces them into prostitution. Such behaviour is out of the necessity to earn a living in the absence of adult caregivers to provide for their economic needs (Ganga & Maphalala 2013; Smiley et al. 2014; Tagurum et al. 2015). Shann et al. (2013) found that poor nutrition and the threat to the physical safety of orphans and vulnerable children are other reasons for school absenteeism. A study conducted in Tanzania maintains that orphans in primary schools often fail to attend school because they lack basic school-required necessities (Bennell 2010). Similarly, in North-Central Nigeria, Tagurum et al. (2015) identified the lack of school-required necessities, such as school fees and school uniforms as causes of school absenteeism and dropout among orphans and vulnerable children. Smiley et al. (2014) also reported that in Lesotho, the lack of material resources economically disadvantages orphans because they are unable to buy the educational materials needed at school. There are other studies that have reported the absence of adequate social and emotional support as a factor that contributes to orphaned children dropping out of school and developing anti-social behaviour (Ganga & Maphalala 2013; Mwoma & Pillay 2015; Smiley et al. 2014). In some child-headed families, orphaned children absent themselves from school to take care of their siblings at home and do household chores because there is no adult caregiver to perform these roles (Moletsane 2013; Pillay 2012).
Other reasons for the high absenteeism rate of orphans and other vulnerable children include fatigue from begging on the streets to support the family and inadequate provision of school transport (Bamgboye et al. 2017; Majanga, Mukonyi & Vundi 2015). The lack of motivation and poor social relationships between the orphans and the teachers because of stigmatisation are other reasons for the non-attendance of orphaned learners (Wood 2011). Even though the South African Government has adopted strategies that support the education of orphaned learners in terms of no-fee schools, school feeding schemes and the provision of textbooks - among other educational needs, the absence of adult caregivers to provide emotional and material support as well as encouragement and guidance in the education of orphaned children remains a challenge (Mwoma & Pillay 2016). Similarly, the findings of the Bamgboye et al. (2017) survey of the school attendance of orphans and other vulnerable children in Lagos State in Nigeria suggest that although the enrolment rate of orphans and vulnerable children was high because of the country's free school policy, the rate of regular school attendance was low because of other barriers such as the lack of learning resources, learner motivation, food insecurity and learner involvement in household chores. This article acknowledges that there are barriers to schooling but it focuses on school stakeholder accountability for the school attendance of orphaned children.
Teachers as caregivers
Internationally, teachers have a legal duty of care for learners who are entrusted to their care for both curricular and extra-curricular purposes (Joubert & Prinsloo 2009). This is according to the educators act in loco parentis on the grounds of original and delegated authority, which emanates from their profession. However, their duty to care does not replace that of parents who remain the primary educators of their children (Joubert & Prinsloo 2009:145). The duty to care means that teachers assume the responsibility for the safety and well-being of learners for as long as they are in their care (Joubert & Prinsloo 2009). The authors of this current paper are of the opinion that the responsibility of parents to guide and educate their children is an ideal and a distant reality for orphaned children with no adult guardians. For such learners, the teachers' duty to care may go beyond what is legally expected of them, which is teaching and learning. In the absence of parents, teachers may assume some of the roles that are normally played by parents. Teachers are expected to develop and practice caring relationships with orphaned learners (Smedley & Pepperell 2010). Therefore, schools need to prepare teachers for their pastoral roles; they should be in a position to identify orphaned learners and provide care and support that they are able to offer within the learning environment because of the lack of knowledge and skills required for managing the psychosocial needs of the learners. In a study by Campbell et al. (2016) on the caregiving ability of teachers in rural Zimbabwe, it was found that teachers perceive their roles mainly as teaching, learning and managing school discipline. The teachers in the study (Campbell et al. 2016) did not consider the role of providing care as part of their responsibilities. A possible reason for this is that caregiving is not part of their pedagogical training, and therefore teachers may not have the knowledge, skills and time to manage the needs of vulnerable children. The implication of such perceptions is that the non-academic needs of the learners could go unnoticed and unfulfilled especially in the non-existence of policy guidelines. The absence of policy on caring and the heavy teaching workloads bear limits on the ability of teachers to be caregivers (Campbell et al. 2016). The envisaged policy could focus on care given to learners in the foundation phase as well as orphaned learners with no adult caregivers. Furthermore, apart from knowledge, skills and policy (National Policy Act, 1996), not all teachers have a positive attitude or values that enable them to respond adequately to the emotional, material and educational needs of vulnerable children (Wood & Goba 2011). This could be because of the different abilities and capabilities of the teachers. Some teachers may be more empathetic than others. Despite the identified challenges, Motsa and Morojele (2016) maintain that teachers may be better able to provide care and support for orphaned children if they have the caregiving skills required in managing the teaching and learning of vulnerable children. Unfortunately, some teacher training courses and programmes do not adequately prepare teachers for the realities of teaching in communities with high numbers of orphans and vulnerable children and where there is a need to provide care, support and protection for such learners (Wood & Goba 2011). A counter-argument is that not all contextual issues of the school environment can be addressed through teacher preparation programmes. Teachers can adapt to the school environment in which they work and develop certain skills of managing the school situation. Research shows that the school can be a reassuring environment for orphaned children in the absence of caregivers or a safety net for escaping from abusive home situations (Motsa & Morojele 2016).
There are studies that show that the school environment can contribute to, and be a reason for, school absenteeism among orphaned children. Mohlakwana (2013) and Ombuya et al. (2012) suggest that some orphaned learners do not attend school because they fear being punished for being late for school, for failing tests and for their inability to do homework because of responsibilities at home. Because of their situation at home and what is expected of them at school, some orphaned learners are not able to cope and, as a result, they play truant. Xiaoming et al. (2009) are of the opinion that in China, the academic performance of orphaned children is compromised and low because of anxiety, depression and a lack of time for learning. Such situations contribute to the non-school attendance of orphaned children. Orphaned learners who perform poorly in school also tend to give up on their education (Ombuya et al. 2012). To avoid a high school dropout rate of orphaned children, schools need to manage their school attendance register and make follow-ups on learners who do not attend school to address the causes of absenteeism (Xiaoming et al. 2009). Despite the need to monitor the school attendance of orphaned learners and other vulnerable children, Campbell et al. (2016) found that although some schools had a learner attendance policy, teachers did not monitor the school attendance of children affected by HIV and AIDS. The cited studies suggest that there is a gap in monitoring the school attendance of vulnerable children, despite the advantages of attending school such as recovering from psychological experiences, social interactions and creating a routine in the lives of the learners (USAID 2008). Although there is no doubt about the importance of education for all children, the responsibility of caring for the education of orphaned children cannot be solely the responsibility of teachers. Campbell et al. (2016) state that providing care for orphans and other vulnerable children seems to be an extra burden for teachers and they recommend that school-based caregiving should be enhanced by motivating teachers to take up caring responsibilities, by appointing social workers and other support staff and by having a support system in the school communities. For the authors of this article, the focus is on such care from the perspective of accountability for the school attendance of such children.
Community response to orphaned children
Community refers to all people living in a specific geographical area who consider themselves as belonging to that place and who relate to one another in some respect (Department of Social Services 2013). In this study, the community refers to the people living in the same area where orphaned learners live and go to school. The community is considered apart from the school stakeholder group. Traditionally, caring for orphans was a shared responsibility that involved an extended family and the community. Earlier studies, undertaken by Abebe and Aase in Ethiopia (2007) and by Foster in Zambia (2002), found that the number of orphaned children was increasing steadily and was over-stretching extended family systems, which have been known to care for orphaned children. A trend of changing patterns of caregiving for orphans within the extended family safety net has also been observed (Ardington & Leibbrandt 2010). In a more recent study conducted by Tanga (2013) in Lesotho, it was found that although the traditional extended family support structures still exist, the quality of care was generally poor because of economic constraints, changes in lifestyle and shared values as well as a lack of commitment and enthusiasm from the extended families in playing the role of caregivers. Labour migration, urbanisation and westernisation are other factors that have negatively influenced and weaken the caring role of the extended family for orphans (Tanga 2013).
Apart from socio-economic factors that weaken extended family caring networks, a study conducted in Nigeria by Kazeem and Jensen (2017) suggests that the relationship between orphans and their caregivers in terms of biological or kingship ties determines the extent to which they are likely to attend school. In the study, orphans with closer family and kinship ties to caregivers were found to be more likely to attend school than those not related to the caregivers. In such circumstances, orphaned children in the care of extended families may experience similar problems as orphans from child-headed families with no adult caregiver to account for their school attendance. In Uganda, Dalen (2009) established that child-headed households are shunned by their communities which were traditionally a safety net. The children are often verbally abused and neglected, forced to undertake exploitive work which makes them drop out of school to care for themselves and their siblings (Public Health, 2018). The number of such families is increasing, especially when the grandparents who are traditional caregivers for the orphans die (Bonthuys 2010). In such cases, the orphaned children who care for their siblings in child-headed families miss their schooling, as they need to find ways of providing food for the family and are required to perform household duties (Bonthuys 2010).
Managing the absenteeism of orphaned learners from child-headed families is a challenge because there is no adult figure to accept responsibility for ensuring that they attend school regularly (Mohlakwana 2013). Mwoma and Pillay (2015) identified the need for schools to involve communities and the business enterprises in providing care and support for orphans and vulnerable children. Wood and Goba (2011) also highlight the importance of the collaboration of stakeholders, including the school, parents, the community and external agencies in supporting orphaned and vulnerable children. However, research shows that the systems that once supported orphaned children are weakening because of socio-economic problems, and therefore, in this article, we argued that there is a need for a partnership and support system that includes accountability measures to ensure that orphaned learners attend school regularly. The policy on learner attendance is silent about who should be held accountable for the school attendance of orphaned learners who have no responsible adult caregivers to support the learners to attend school by providing for their needs. Teachers are not given direction on how or who to approach in cases where orphaned children have no adult care (Pillay 2012). From the reviewed literature, there seems to be a gap concerning accountability of regular school attendance of orphaned children.
Context of the study
The three schools where the research was conducted are in the Mopani District, one of five districts, in the rural area of the Limpopo province. The district includes five municipalities and has a population of 1 138 063 (Census 2011) and falls under the socio-economic Quintile 2. Each municipality has its own municipal manager and executive mayor and each has its own budget for supporting education by building schools and renovating buildings. The district consists of 24 circuits that include Pedi-, Tsonga- and Venda-speaking people. The district has one district senior manager, two chiefs or traditional leaders and two leaders who support local education in the form of Indunas (the ones who are seen before meeting the chiefs). A substantial number of community members are unemployed; most adults in the area are farm workers, while others are migrant labourers from neighbouring countries, such as Mozambique, Zimbabwe and Malawi (The Local Government Handbook South Africa 2017). In the community where the research was undertaken, there are four primary schools and four secondary schools. The schools in the Mopani District are mostly Quintile 1 schools, which are no-fee paying schools because of the poverty levels and the inability of community members to pay school fees. Learner performance in the schools in this district is generally average.
Accountability theory
This article is anchored on the accountability theoretical framework. Accountability theory is concerned with the conditions that require one to be answerable for the assigned or expected task and responsibility (Schlenker 1986). The accountability theory holds organisations and communities answerable for their actions through systems implicitly and explicitly put in place to define goals to be achieved, rules to be followed, acceptable levels of achievement needed to guide behaviour as well as the consequences that can be generated as both process and results of certain actions (Myong, Seongseop & Wansoo 2012). When applying accountability theory to what teachers do in school to ensure that the needs of the learners are fulfilled so that they can attend school regularly, there is the need to take into consideration that teacher training or preparation courses do not fully equip teachers with knowledge and skills required in fulfilling the needs of the learners. The credibility to accountability theory is a condition of being answerable not only to oneself but also to the audiences interested in certain events and the prescribed ways in which things should be performed (Myong et al. 2012). It means that teachers can only be partially accountable for learner school attendance and that is why in this study, we asked the teachers about how they perceived accountability of other stakeholders against set prescriptions of what should occur or should have occurred, in this case the learners' right to education. Schlenker and Weigold (1989) assert that a person's accountability is measured by how closely his or her behaviour matches the prescription as observed by the audience. This study analysed the experiences of the participants on learner absenteeism by exploring the non-existence policy guidelines on who should be held responsible or accountable and answerable for ensuring that learners attend school. The set prescription being the learners' right to education as stated in the South African School Act and the audience, who are all stakeholders in the education system.
Research methodology
The research approach in this study was qualitative. The researchers' intention was to explore the experiences of the participants to gain an insight into how they perceive school stakeholders' involvement in managing the school attendance of orphaned learners. The researchers believed that through interviews, as one of the data collection methods in qualitative research, the teachers who participated in the study would be able to describe the challenges they experienced when learners were absent from school as well as how the community and other stakeholders were assisting in managing those challenges. A qualitative research approach was deemed suitable because of its interactive nature and the opportunities of generating in-depth data (Creswell 2013). The approach enabled the researchers to speak directly with the participants and probe their views during the interviews. The research participants had the opportunity to express their experiences from their own perspectives and in their own words. Through a qualitative approach, the researchers draw the meanings and interpretations of the experiences of the participants on the school attendance of orphans.
Purposive sampling is one of the methods used in qualitative research to select participants who have the potential to provide rich data and in-depth descriptions (Cohen, Manion & Morrison 2011). In this study, purposive sampling was used to select the participants. The researchers in this study targeted the participants who are in a position to give in-depth information about learners' school attendance. The researchers contacted the circuit manager and requested access to three schools with the highest number of orphaned learners and the highest rates of learner absenteeism. The principals assisted the researchers in identifying relevant teachers, such as those responsible for orphaned learners, life orientation teachers who were involved in caring for orphaned learners and class teachers were included because they are responsible for keeping attendance registers. A total of nine teachers were selected from the three schools - three teachers per school.
The researchers used semi-structured individual interviews to collect data from the different participants to generate an in-depth knowledge of their perceptions of managing orphaned learner school attendance. All interview sessions were scheduled to be held at the schools after school hours to ensure that they did not disrupt the participants' school routine. The interviews were conducted immediately after school hours in order not to inconvenience or delay teachers who use public transport at a particular time to go home. The interviews were conducted in English and participants gave the researchers their consent to record the interviews. The interview duration was between 30 minutes and 45 minutes. Each interview was coded with a number for each school and the participants were given code names as indicated in (Table 1) below.
The interviews were transcribed verbatim; the researchers listened to the tapes repeatedly to ensure that their understanding of the participant responses was recorded as accurately as possible. Thick descriptions with direct quotations were obtained from the interview and used to capture the essence of each theme (Crowe, Maree & Porter 2015).
Data analysis procedures followed an inductive process in which the interview transcripts were coded and categorised. As the data collection method was only interviews, the researcher triangulated multiple perspectives of the responses from the participants in terms of common and dissimilar findings. The patterns of relationship within and between the categories were identified through data triangulation and used to generate themes (Nieuwenhuis 2011).
Ethical procedures
The participants were told that no incentives would be used to avoid bias and promote voluntary participation. They were also assured that they would be given the opportunity to comment on the interview transcripts in the form of member checking to exclude the data, which they did not want to be used in the research and to make additions to the data already collected. Other strategies used to enhance the credibility of the study were the provision of thick descriptions for readers to decide on the relevance of the research findings to their own context. The researchers also engaged peers in discussion of the study at different stages, namely: the raw data stage and when reporting research findings and making tentative interpretations to obtain their insights and reduce personal bias in the research process. The benefit for the participants was contained in the draft copies of the main findings that they were given and in the recommendations that were made from the study. The participants would be able to use the information to improve their management of the absenteeism of orphaned learners and reflect on their responses to the interview questions.
Ethical considerations
Before conducting the study, permission to access the schools was obtained from the Department of Education. An application letter was sent to the head of the relevant department giving details of the topic to be researched. Upon receiving the permission letter from the province, an application letter and research instrument in the form of an interview guide were submitted to the ethics committee of the university (clearance number: EM 14/03/01); permission to conduct the research was granted and an application letter was written to the circuit for permission to collect data from the selected schools. Notices were then sent to the three identified schools to inform the principals about the research to be conducted in their schools. The researchers sought permission from the respective principals to conduct research in their schools. The researchers were aware that everything performed in life could be harmful, so they took steps to ensure that participants would not be harmed physically or emotionally. In this study, precautions were also taken to avoid exposing the participants to psychological harm. At the beginning of the data collection process, the participants were informed of the purpose and the potential impact of the study (Creswell 2013). The participants were made aware of the fact that their participation in the study was voluntary and they could withdraw from the study at any time if wished to do so (De Vos et al. 2011).
Findings and discussion
The findings of this study are aligned with the research questions and are presented in themes. The themes are illustrated by direct quotations from the participants followed by discussion that includes the literature on the focus of the study. The following questions were asked: What are the perceptions of teachers regarding the reasons for school absenteeism of orphaned children?, What are the challenges experienced when orphaned learners are absent from school? and, Who is responsible for ensuring that orphaned learners attend school?
Perceptions of the causes of school absenteeism of orphaned children
The teachers in this study identified physiological needs such as food, clothing and a lack of family and social support as causes of the irregular school attendance of orphaned children. The lack of family support seems to have a negative influence on the fulfilment of the physiological needs. The interview data show that teachers perceive poverty, financial hardship and a lack of resources such as food, books and school uniform as causes of absenteeism. One teacher said:
'You know that … er, growing up without parents is very difficult. You find that sometimes the money is not there to cater for you and then maybe you find that parents left those learners without money. So we find that these learners face financial hardship. They lack funds to buy basic things like food, school uniform etc.' (Teacher G, female, 1 year experience)
The above quotation suggests the lack of support from parents in providing for the educational needs of the learners as well as negligence in the role parents play to ensure that learners attend school. This finding is partially consistent with those in the literature, which emphasises poverty and economic hardship as the main reasons for the non-school attendance and school dropout of orphaned children (Kazeem & Jensen 2017; Smiley et al. 2014; Tagurum et al. 2015). The researchers in this study are of the opinion that although the issue of poverty is real in some situations, there is a likelihood of inadequate care. The teachers who participated in this study spoke about orphaned children who are neglected by their guardians, including grandparents, who misuse orphan grants by buying alcohol or gambling it away instead of using the money to provide for the basic needs of the children. Without the fulfilment of needs such as food and a school uniform, learners are not able to attend school regularly. This finding is supported by the following quotation:
'From home, their guardians take the money; the little money that they get 'ba thiya dikarata ka tšona' meaning that they are playing gambling cards using the money. They use the grant money for gambling instead of buying food and clothes for the children. Other care givers use the money to buy beer and ends up drinking excessively.' (Teacher F, female, 1 year experience)
The researchers in this study argue that caregiving is an important aspect of childrearing and is crucial in the education of the children. The above quotation shows a gap in the care and support that the learners receive from home. The findings reveal that the participants have the perception that caregivers do not seem to prioritise education of the learners under their care. Such laxity could possibly be because of a lack of accountability of the caregivers in ensuring school attendance of the learners. Such implied accountability could create a sense of responsibility of the caregivers in ensuring school attendance of the learners. While there are recommendations in the literature for implementing strategies to alleviate poverty and provide resources so that orphaned children can attend school (Mwoma & Pillay 2016), the findings of the current study suggest that the efforts to close the gap created by economic deprivation through child support grants are likely to be less effective where there is a lack of responsibility and accountability concerning the use of such resources by the caregivers to benefit orphaned children. According to Tanga (2013), caregivers misuse public funds or grants allocated for orphaned children, which has a negative impact on their education. In this study, the participants responses suggest negligence on the part of caregivers, deduced from how they gamble the grant money instead of using it for education. It is the assumption of the researchers of this study that there may be a culture of negligence and a lack of compassion for the welfare and education of orphaned children. Although the gambling behaviour of some caregivers may be the result of desperation from living in an impoverished socio-economic state and an attempt to generate money from gambling. Furthermore, using grant money for gambling instead of using it for education dilutes the governments' efforts in promoting the right to basic education of orphaned children. The lack of follow-up on how grant money is used implies a gap in the accountability of the caregivers and the government through social workers on the use of such resources. The teachers seem aware of this practice but it was not clear from this study if they report such incidences to social workers or not. Reporting such cases could be a way in which teachers may help the learners' in such situations.
The current study also found that insufficient support from the extended family is a factor that discourages learners from attending school. Most of the teachers participating in this study spoke about relatives, guardians and next-of-kin of the orphans not taking up the responsibility of ensuring that orphaned children attend school. The teachers mentioned that in some schools, physical abuse and excessive domestic chores were further reasons for school absenteeism. Teacher C said:
'Sometimes you find that orphaned learners are mostly abused. They are affected at home because, er, we find that people, er …, living with them they instruct them to make unnecessary work because they have to do some jobs at home. And then, er, we find that early in the morning they wake up, er, they are tired and then they cannot come to school because of such abuse. Also the demand of the family cause even though they may not have the guardians at home, you find that there are lot of works to do.' (Teacher C, male, 5 years' experience)
It seems that some caregivers or guardians lack the awareness of the demands of schooling on the learners' time as well as physical abilities. Excessive household chores are time-consuming and caused fatigue that may result in learners opting not to attend school. The lack of consideration for the well-being of the learners in terms of school attendance shows ignorance and devalues the importance of education. When orphaned children fail to attend school regularly because of physical abuse and carrying out excessive domestic chores - as revealed in this study and in the literature (Bamgboye et al. 2017; Majanga et al. 2015), a possible explanation could be the inability of caregivers to draw a line between orphans contributing to the welfare of the family and a lack of consideration and concern for the future of the orphaned children. As it seems that there are no procedures that require caregivers to account for their support for orphaned children in terms of their well-being and education, there is a need to re-visit the current policies and establish relationships between different government departments, such as basic education, social development, health and others, in terms of practical measures for ensuring accountability of learners' school attendance.
Apart from abuse in terms of household chores, the participants in this study indicated that many orphans are sexually abused, especially the girls who are raped by community members because of their vulnerability in the absence of an adult caregiver. What was surprising is that some orphaned children experience sexual abuse by family members and this prevents them from attending school. The following two quotations contain evidence of this:
'Mmm, the challenges that we experience is that they are raped sometimes by the people in the community. The people in the community may realise that there are no parents at or maybe guardians have gone to work. If the orphans are girls, they get raped and they miss classes. Then, they perform poorly in school. Ok, in such cases we always call the social worker because we do not have the words that may comfort them. We even call the nurses. We call them just to talk to the learners so that they can realise that they are still loved.' (Teacher D, female, 25 years experience)
'The common kind of abuse we sometimes find is with the girl child. The kind of abuse that they experience is sexual abuse. Some of them are abusing drugs but the most serious one is sexual abuse. Which really takes away the virginity of these kids and as a result their future becomes bleak, it is like doomed because they do not come to school and concentration on schoolwork. Previously, a learner was doing Grade 6. She was twelve years old. A grant father also abused her sexually and she gave birth to a baby while she was still doing Grade 6. You can see how serious these type of abuse [are] more especially sexual abuse in our community.' (Teacher F, female, 1 year experience)
The researchers in this study view sexual abuse of learners as narrated in the above quotation as social and legal issues that have grievance implications for education. This finding suggests the lack of measures for implementing the consequences of sexual abuse and other anti-social behaviour in the community. The community seems not accountable for the psychosocial and physical health of the learners, which impacts on their school attendance. This study shows that sexual abuse also occurs in the community and within the family and is not limited to orphanages and child welfare institutions that have been reported in literature (Bode & Goldman 2012; Euser et al. 2013; O'Dea 2008). From this finding, we state that sexual abuse is immoral, unacceptable and unlawful behaviour, which has negative influence on school attendance. Sexually abused learners may suffer from physical as well as psychological trauma which could affect their school attendance. Murray et al. (2014) also state that sexual abuse is a devastating experience and may cause long lasting emotional, psychological and physical harm to the victim. Sexual abuse may not only affect the schooling of orphaned children but it also changes the relationships between the orphan child and the caregivers. The role of the caregiver may change from being a provider and protector to being a physical, psychological and emotional abuser. Instead of being supportive, the relationships between orphaned children and abusers become hostile and threatening because of a lack of trust, fear, emotional trauma and bodily harm. The quotations of the participants in this study indicate their awareness of sexual abuse in the school community, what seems missing is that although the social workers come to school to check the school attendance of orphaned children, it is not clear if teachers share their awareness of sexual abuse in the community with the social workers. As researchers, we are asking if the teachers could possibly be held accountable for reporting such cases to social services or not? Is there a clear system and procedures in place that deal with such social issues that could have an impact on the school attendance of all children? It is possible that some community members may also be aware of learner abuse but because of a lack of Ubuntu, they are not taking the necessary action to help the learners.
Accountability theory states that there should be a system in place, goals and acceptable levels of achievements to guide behaviour. We as researchers in this study believe that there should be a system of care and measures in the community that protect children from sexual abuse to increase their chances of attending school. Such measures need to safeguard orphaned and vulnerable children from ill-treatment, violation and protection of their rights to dignity as well as their right to education. The measures or policy or guidelines should clearly stipulate who should be accountable for the assigned or expected task and responsibilities. In another study by Motsa and Morojele (2016), it was reported that orphaned children escape abusive situations at home when they attend school and that the orphans who do not attend school, because of abuse at home, miss this reassuring environment. This finding re-emphasises the value of attending school as well as the barriers to school attendance. In such cases, there is a need for accountability measures, which are based on stronger family values and cultural systems to protect orphans and other children from sexual abuse as well as to promote their right to education.
Challenges experienced when orphaned learners are absent from school
In this study, the teachers mentioned that some guardians and grandparents do not live with the orphans, while others do not cooperate when requested by the teachers to come to the school to discuss the absenteeism of the orphaned learners. According to the teachers, the guardians only come to school if the name of a social worker is mentioned. This finding suggests that the guardians probably attend meetings in order to continue receiving the grants without using the money to benefit the orphans. Two participants disclosed the following information:
'I have experienced that most of the guardians don't stay with the learners during the night. Some of them are alcoholics by nature and so they don't care about their children. They only come to school when you say that the social worker will be in school.' (Teacher B, female, 4 years' experience)
'Number one, you find that we lack the directives in terms of liaising with the guardians or the persons concerned. We find that the persons responsible for providing care as a guardian is not around at all. So when you want to talk with the guardian of the learner the contact is not there.' (Teacher E, male, 1 year experience)
A lack of knowledge concerning guardians who are responsible for obtaining grants or foster-grants on behalf of orphaned children is a challenging issue, especially when learning support resources are needed. According to two teachers:
'Someone accepts to take funds; when it comes to the education of the child we find that the person is not there and to ensure that the child comes to school. What I am saying is that the social workers first must liaised with the guardians and intervene at school level on behalf of these orphans to ensure that we reduce absenteeism of orphans.' (Teacher E, male, 1 year experience)
'The first support that we need is from the family. And the second one we need to share the problems of the learners. We need support in providing the learners with basic needs such as food, such as clothing and so on so that they can attend school.' (Teacher A, male, 4 years' experience)
This finding implies that the responsibility of ensuring that learners attend school should be a joint effort between the teachers and the caregivers or guardians. Such responsibility calls for a mutual relationship between the two parties that focuses on supporting the learner to attend school. Such a relationship of support seems lacking as reported by some teachers. These findings also indicate to some extent that there is a degree of negligence in the care that is expected from the guardians, including grandparents of orphaned children. Mwoma and Pillay (2016) state that parents and guardians of orphans and other vulnerable children need to be aware of the necessity of the children attending school regularly and of helping them with their homework. From this current study, it seems that there is a tendency of 'pseudo-care' or false pretence appearance for social services to access child support grants. The misuse of the social grants could be partially because of caregiver negligence and the lack of accountability in the effective use of grants for the welfare of the orphaned children. The reason for such behaviour could be because of the lack of follow-up by government officials or appointed community members on the welfare of the learners after the guardians receive the social grants. It is for this reason that we propose a need for accountability measures for teachers, caregivers, the community as well as different government departments in ensuring that orphaned learners attend school.
Who is accountable for ensuring that orphaned learners attend school?
On the question of who is responsible for ensuring that orphaned children attend school, this study found that teachers expect the Department of Education, as one of the stakeholders, to support them in providing the necessary resources to improve school attendance. The participants expressed the expectation that the Department of Education should provide structures in terms of guidelines and resources that could be used to support the education of orphaned children. They recommended the following:
'… the department should provide us with the resources that we require as a school to deal with these orphaned learners. We need the documents may be the guidance the guidelines of how to deal with these orphaned learners. This is of outmost important. (Teacher I/M/19)
Yaa, if maybe we can have a particular place where we can report these matters of orphaned learners maybe the government will assist in some other ways so that these learners can be the same as other learners.' (Teacher H, male, 21 years' experience)
The above two quotations suggest a need for policy on managing the education of orphaned children. It is a possibility that there is uncertainty on how to address the school attendance of orphaned children caused by the gap created by the death of the parents. The lack of such guidelines could limit accountability concerning the school attendance of orphaned children. Apart from guidelines from the Department of Education, the teachers asserted that support was also needed from social workers to assist orphaned children to obtain social grants with which to buy basic needs so that they are able to attend school. The teachers also mentioned the need for the Department of Social Development to liaise with the Department of Education regarding the registration of guardians who receive social grants on behalf of the orphaned children. Teachers E and Teacher I confirmed this by adding:
'I think the direct support is that I wish and hope that the social development department can liaise with the education department in terms of the parenthood. In guardianship that is registered with the social department for helping the learners with child grant.' (Teacher E, male, 1 year experience)
'We need assistant from the social worker to grant this learner opportunity to get social grant to buy school basic things, which I have, already mentioned.' (Teacher I, male, 19 years' experience)
Teachers disclosed that in their schools, they get support from social services and this reduces the challenges of managing the school attendance of orphaned children. One teacher said:
'So when they come to school they ask those learners, they take them into a separate classroom, then they interviewed the learners about the relationship with the foster parents. So the interview is confidential place where we find that the learner is free to say everything that troubles him or her.' (Teacher F, female, 1 year experience)
Social workers appear to visit schools regularly to check on the attendance of orphaned learners. Some of the teachers spoke about sharing the problems experienced by orphaned learners with their foster parents and when they requested the caregivers to encourage the learners to attend school. One teacher said:
'We have got a register for all learners from all grades who are orphaned learners, such that every time like when people like NGO who normally come to visit our school frequently to check for these learners and even the Department of Social Work. They are always come to check these learners because they are paying them social grant and foster grant. They check that are they really come to school.' (Teacher D, female, 25 years' experience)
It seems that collaboration between the school and the Department of Education and Department of Social Services is needed to enable orphaned children to attend school. The integrated efforts between the different departments as well as the collaboration between schools, parents, members of the community and external agencies in supporting orphaned and vulnerable children have also been reported in other studies (Mwoma & Pillay 2016; Wood & Goba 2011). Despite the acknowledgement of the expectation of the role and contribution of each stakeholder in the education of orphaned children, the researchers of this article argue that there should also be measures of accountability. The accountability of the resources and services provided by these departments is important in ensuring that orphaned children receive the full benefit of government initiatives in supporting their education.
Another important finding was that the teachers who participated in this study were of the opinion that there is a need for support from the community in ensuring the safety of the learners by helping to monitor learners who roam around the community during school hours. The teachers also engaged neighbours to monitor attendance of orphaned children of guardians who work far from school:
'There are guardians who are working away from home. So we just go and talk to the neighbour to encourage the learner to come to school. We also make a record at school about the learner's attendance so that the learner who is not having the foster parents or guardian in the vicinity comes to school. We just monitor frequently monitor them in the morning. So that they must know that we kept an eye on them.' (Teacher B, female, 4 years' experience)
'We are also working with other voluntary organisation in the community, such as Thusalusaka (World Vision) and the Department of Social Work. So let us make these orphans feel at home as if they have parents. Let us share their experiences, let us solve their problems. Let us always be near them and give them the necessary support.' (Teacher H, male, 25 years' experience)
The findings of this study show that teachers expect the community to prioritise and value the education of the children. In addition, they need to have a sense of children as belonging to the community to encourage collective responsibility in ensuring that all children attend school. The researchers in this study argue that this finding conceptualises community members not as bystanders but as active members in the education and welfare of the children in the community.
The teachers in this study use community-based structures to manage the absenteeism of orphaned learners. Some of the schools and the community members in this study seem to work together with NGOs to buy and provide for the basic needs of the orphans, such as uniforms and school bags, to help solve their non-attendance problems. Teachers expected NGOs to continue with the support they offer to orphaned learners, for example, buying them bicycles that they can use which may be an incentive to ensure that they attend school. Social workers are also expected to assist orphans with obtaining documents such as birth certificates so that they can access social grants. Two teachers are quoted below in support of these findings.
'… with our school we are having, er, World Vision, er, called Thusalusaka. It helps our learners with the uniforms. They come to school and make us identify the learners with problems or orphaned learners who don't have, er, basic needs. Like maybe if they don't have uniform as I mentioned they buy for them. And if they don't have school bags they do buy for them and then if there is need maybe these orphaned learner want go to secondary school they also go there and make the learners to identify them again, maybe help them with the uniform in other grades.' (Teacher A, male, 4 years' experience)
'For the learners who are living far from school, the NGOs try to buy bicycles for them to ride to school so that they do not have to walk long distances. This motivates them to attend school. We must also engage community structures like the Home Based Care people. The caring people local, we engage them to help these learners by caring for them even after the school, we have drop in centres where in we engage them to make sure that they are helped with doing homework so that they may be able to have the love of coming to school the next day. Then we must also adopt orphaned learners who may encourage them to attend school.' (Teacher C, male, 5 years' experience)
This finding implies the need to reach out for external support which the researchers in this study argue is not the ultimate solution if there is no accountability in ensuring that the resources support the learners' welfare and school attendance. The participants mentioned working with a volunteer organisation in the community and social workers. This collective and collaborative responsibility needs structured accountability measures to ensure that the orphaned children attend school.
Conclusion
This study has explored the perceptions of teachers on how school stakeholders respond to the school attendance of orphaned children. The findings show that there is an absence of accountability measures in the provision of the basic needs and psychosocial care of the learners that contributes to their ability to attend school. The teachers conceptualise the community as active members in the education and welfare of orphaned children and not as bystanders. The participants also recognised orphaned children as belonging to the community and expect collaborative responsibility in ensuring that the children attend school. The findings of the study indicate inadequate moral responsibility, family values and care as well as the need for accountability of resources on the part of the community, government and NGOs in supporting the education of orphans and other vulnerable children.
There is strong evidence in the relevant literature concerning the lack of physical and material resources as being reasons for the irregular school attendance of orphaned children. This study identifies poor social and emotional care as other reasons for school absenteeism. In this article, it is argued that policy and the provision of resources alone cannot address the problem of school absenteeism of orphaned learners but that there should be a combined and clearly stated accountability of school stakeholders, including caregivers, communities, the government and NGOs - among others. It is further suggested that without explicit accountability in terms of introducing relevant measures and the subsequent consequences of insufficient support from caregivers, learner absenteeism may remain problematic despite the availability of material and psychosocial support. Therefore, it is imperative that the silence in policy and in practice regarding who should be held accountable for the school attendance of orphaned learners and other vulnerable children should be addressed.
This article draws attention to the need for collaborative efforts from the different stakeholders in education to ensure that orphaned children receive quality education. For such efforts to be effective, accountability measures should be put in place and there has to be a stronger sense of responsibility among the different stakeholders. Stakeholder accountability in terms of the socio-economic, safety and emotional needs of the learners is likely to contribute to a more enabling environment that encourages the school attendance of orphaned and other vulnerable children. There is a need for accountability strategies that are grounded in strong family values and cultural systems to ensure a better future for orphaned children through education. The misuse of social grants and the false pretences of caregivers in order to access social grants imply a culture of a lack of trust, negligence and deteriorating family care. There is an absence of accountability for the effective use of grants for the welfare and education of orphaned children.
Acknowledgements
The research for this article was done by the authors. We are grateful to all the participants who shared their experiences with us. We are also thankful for the valuable comments from the reviewers which helped in improving the quality of this paper.
Competing interests
The authors declare that they have no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced them in writing this article.
Authors' contributions
T.A.O. made substantial contributions in the conceptualisation of the study. She supervised the implementation of the study and assisted in the data collection and analysis as well as the writing up and critical revision of the manuscript. N.M.R. made a substantial contribution to the literature search, data collection and drafting of the manuscript.
Funding information
No external funds were received to conduct this study. The researchers used their own personal resources for this study.
Data availability statement
Data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study.
Disclaimer
The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the authors.
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Correspondence:
Teresa Ogina
taogina@up.ac.za
Received: 05 June 2018
Accepted: 15 Apr. 2019
Published: 28 Aug. 2019
ORIGINAL RESEARCH
The development of scientific reasoning of preschool children: Micro-analysis of mind-material-body integration
Retha van Niekerk
Department of Education, North-West University, Potchefstroom, South Africa
ABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: This article argues that the emergence of scientific reasoning in the preschool years could be augmented by caregivers and preschool teachers through nurturing 'Habits of Mind' (HOM) and 'Habits of Body' (HOB) of young children. This type of mind-material-body integration is proposed from an epistemological position that comprises a Hybrid (morphinuum) of theories about early learning and human development.
AIM: The aim of this article is to present an exemplar of the capacity of one preschooler to show emergence and integration of two HOM, namely conjecturing and reasoning with invariance, in tandem with the Habit of Body (HOB), namely hand-eye coordination that can lay the foundation for scientific reasoning in the early years.
SETTING: The study referred to in this article is an exemplar (case study) taken from a larger, 18-month educational design research intervention, the 'Little African Scientists Project'. That study investigated the emergent scientific HOM and HOB through a multimodal material approach to pedagogy at preschool level (Grade RR to R).
METHODS: A three-layered digital video analysis was utilised to interpret the data pertaining to a specific interaction of one child, who was manipulating magnets during one of the many free-play activities that formed part of the larger project.
RESULTS: Several specific HOM and HOB were evident in the one child who was engaged in an activity in which he was moving magnets. Two HOM that emerged were those of making and testing conjectures and reasoning with invariance, while the HOB that emerged was a close alignment of hand movement and eye coordination.
CONCLUSION: This type of close observation and micro-analysis could be utilised for studies of more children in similar settings.
Keywords: Emergence; Conjecturing; Habits of Mind (HOM); Habits of Body (HOB); Image; Invariant.
Introduction
Mind-material-body integration
This study was designed to inquire into the development of scientific reasoning of preschoolers from the theoretical perspective of integrating 'Habits of Mind' (HOM) and 'Habits of Body' (HOB) through specific material interactions in a preschool classroom setting.
This notion of integration of body and mind dates back to antiquity and bridges cultures and time. Tahiri (2016) mentions that the Arabic-Islamic scholar Ibn Sīnā (born in 980 CE/370 AH), known in the west as Avicenna, stated that:
Conceptualising the intelligibles is acquired only through the intermediary of sensory perception in one way, namely that sensory perception takes the perceptible forms and presents them to the imaginative faculty, and so those forms become subjects of our speculative intellect's activity, and thus there are numerous forms there taken from the perceptible humans. (p. 49)
The idea of morphing mind and body, as a more accurate reflection of the sense-making mode of humans, has also been adopted by many mathematics and science educators. Radford (2009) points to the highly specialised interaction between language, and auditory, tactile and kinaesthetic sensory 'channels'. Nemirovsky and Ferrara (2009) are of the opinion that all language utterances are accompanied by a range of multimodal expressions including facial expression, gesture, tone of voice, sound production, eye motion, body poise, gaze and so forth. De Villiers (2003) points to the fact that in the domain of mathematics, it is well known that experimentation, which includes physical measurement and handling of materials, forms the cornerstone of many mathematical discoveries. This experimentation is in many cases done merely on the basis of intuition and conjecturing. In other words, the ability to make a conjecture about a phenomenon and then proceed to prove or disprove it is a basic HOM that is found in the toolbox of most mathematicians, as well as many scientists in general. Closely linked to experimentation and/or conjecturing is the HOM called invariant reasoning, which is the awareness that a scientist needs to have about the relationship between what stays the same and what changes during experimentation.
Schmandt-Besserat and Erard (2008) point to the possible relationship that existed between material and cognition related to how number emerged out of clay in Neolithic times. This resonates with counting phases and corresponds with the material embodiment of different types of counters, as expressed by young learners, in their initial development of counting in the process of number concept development. Ihde and Malafouris (2018) express the opinion that human-technology relations are not representational relations but embodiment relations. It is further their contention that the medium per se takes on an active role of mediation that is not static and linear but contributes to the idea of plasticity of the brain in learning. So, the mediator is not necessarily only another human being, but also the material medium as such.
In his groundbreaking work, 'How things shape the mind', Malafouris (2013:3) begins by asking the question 'Where does the mind stop and the rest of the world begin?'. This very question is the one that frames the event represented in this research. This mind-material-body integration approach that is used as a lens to describe this research therefore takes cognisance of the complexity of teaching and learning in the 21st century and utilises a theoretical approach that would best be described as being a hybrid of theories. Such theories would include an approach of 'morphing', whereby a number of theories, such as discursive psychology (Roth 2008), multimodality (Kress 2010), mediation or media (Ruckriem 2010), materiality (Grassby 2005), activity and expansiveness (Sannino & Engeström 2017), systems (Bronfenbrenner 1979), semiotics (Arzarello 2006), HOM (Cuoco, Goldenberg & Mark 1996), design (Goswami 2015; Selander 2008), neuropsychological (Johnson & De Haan 2015; Panksepp 2011) and material engagement theory (Malafouris 2010), are combined in what is called a dynamic, contracting and expanding educational morphinuum of theories.
Physics and young children
Foundational work was done by Piaget (1977), regarding the interaction between young learners and their physical environment. He proposed four criteria that need to be met when very young learners engage in physics activities which involve movements, namely, that children should be able to (1) produce by themselves the actions that lead to the movements, (2) bring about the change in the actions by themselves, (3) perceive the change to be immediate and (4) experience the change in movement visually. Piaget (1954) also stated that, therefore, children should not be exposed to work with magnets because the nature of the force is invisible. In other words, the force involved in magnetism is not produced by the learners themselves, which is in direct violation with one of the previously mentioned criteria.
Despite this caution by Piaget, quite a large volume of work has been carried out in recent years by researchers who investigated young children and their explorations with magnets (Ashbrook 2005; Barrow 2000; Christidou et al. 2009; Constantinou et al. 2013; Kalogiannakis, et al. 2017; Van Hook & Huziak-Clark 2007). From the literature regarding the interaction of preschoolers with magnets, two main types of inquiries emerged, namely (1) which types of forces are exhibited, referring to attraction and/or repulsion, and (2) what types of materials react to these attraction and/or repulsion forces (Kalogiannakis et al. 2017). What is absent from the majority of the research investigations involving preschool children is another very important aspect of magnetic force, namely the very idea of the magnitude of the force itself. This, initially, seems to be a far-fetched idea when thinking about the capacity of preschoolers, seeing that in the majority of cases, they do not yet fully comprehend whole numbers. This article, to the contrary, reports on just such a voluntary exploration of a preschooler investigating the nature of the magnetic force, per se, between two magnets.
An important feature of a preschooler's development, alongside that of language, is the triadic developmental aspect of movement-action-activity, as originally coined by Rubinshtein (1946). This triad of movement-action-activity implies that very young children need to develop perceptual skills that are learnt through their interaction with objects in their everyday exploitations, which includes motor systems and biomechanical as well as other kinds of reactions formed during early life. The diversities of perceptual skills concerning interactions of the body with the external environment can be grouped under the umbrella term 'proprioception', which was introduced in 1906 by Charles Scott Sherrington (Kaya, Yertutanol & Calik 2018:3). Proprioception is multifaceted and does not only provide us with knowledge of the position and spatial orientation of our limbs but also gives information concerning their movement and the ways in which we are able to determine the force we exert as we interact with objects and, conversely, the force that objects exert on us (Blundell 2008).
The work of Zaporozhets and compatriots
Zaporozhets (2002) argued that the contribution that Vygotsky's theory of the systemic structure of human perception has made is still relevant. Extensive studies (Arievitch & Haenen 2005; Leontiev 2005; Zaporozhets 1965, 2002d; Zinchenko, Pruzhinin & Shchedrina 2011) by Soviet researchers that can be related to the work of Vygotsky have shown that the effector components of perceptual activities that deal with the interrelated associations of the hands and eyes are crucial components of this movement-action-activity triad in the early years of development.
Of specific interest to this research is the work done by Alexander Zaporozhets (1965) and his compatriots related to the domain of the development of sensory processes of the preschool child. Their extensive focus on the role of the hand and the eye in relation to object manipulation gives us entrance into the very nature of this mind-material-body relationship exhibited by very young children. Zaporozhets and Lukov (2003:30-46), under the supervision of A.N. Leontiev, conducted experiments in the context of floating and sinking, while investigating scientific reasoning capacities in children between the ages of 3 and 7 years. Although these experiments were done in a specific context (floating and sinking), the findings are of relevance as generalisations that can be extrapolated to other contexts. These generalised extrapolations are relevant in the sense that they deal with the very important aspect of the type of reasoning and the aspects that affect it, which are characteristics of children at preschool age, irrespective of the specific content they are involved in. These tendencies include:
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the way in which an object reacts, as presented in consecutive tasks, affects the reasoning of the learner
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the actions of the learner himself or herself on the object determine the way in which the learner makes judgements about the properties of the object
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the nature of the objects themselves, as reflected in everyday activities, that is experienced independent of the actual investigation, affects reasoning about cause and effect
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the nature of the activities that the learner engages in changes as the learner gains more experience with objects in richer and more complex contexts, which ultimately affects his or her reasoning
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a reasoning style, particularly associated with this age phase, linked to hand-eye coordination
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the sequence in which preschoolers experience phenomena (task sequence), either naturally through their own explorations or through teacher-mediated tasks, affects their reasoning about scientific phenomena.
From the above-mentioned tendencies, two distinct types of judgements form the defining criteria for making decisions about the properties of how objects react, namely forecasting judgement and affirmative judgement (Zaporozhets & Lukov 2002:36, 37). In other words, the way in which a child reasons about objects and their reactions is influenced by the nature of the relationship the child builds as he or she interacts with the objects both physically and mentally. In general, forecasting judgements are made based on the interaction with previous objects and the reasoning related to them. This implies that memory and the ability to recall previous events all play a role, while affirmative judgements are made based on the facts in front of the child. From the work of Zaporozhets and Lukov (2002:37), it can be concluded that there is a constant interplay between these two types of judgements, and as the child gains more experience with a situation, the two types of judgements come closer to each other as not being opposites in their final analysis of a problem.
All these developments in the preschool years require the mastery of cultural tools (Veraksa 2011:79) that are different for different age groups and even for learners of the same age groups but coming from diverse cultural backgrounds. So, the challenge is up to the researchers who engage with preschoolers to, firstly, be aware of these differences and, secondly, to identify the tools relevant to the development of perceptual actions for a specific group they are investigating.
Research design and methods
Setting
I participated in an institutionally funded and ethically cleared 18-month research project. The research was conducted in a farm school in the North West province of South Africa, with learners starting in Grade RR (two years before formal schooling) in June 2014 and completing Grade R in November 2015. Thirty-six learners participated, from their Grade RR year through to their Grade R year. Their starting ages were between 48 and 54 months. All the learners spoke Sesotho as their first language and they were taught in both English and Sesotho during their school day. During their Grade RR year, their teacher was an English first language speaker assisted by a support teacher, who was a Sesotho first language teacher. During their Grade R year, the children were taught by a teacher who had Sesotho as her first language, but with a very good command of English. The medium of instruction during both these years was a combination of English and Sesotho.
The primary aim of the study was to identify, through an educational design research approach (Plomp & Nieveen 2013), a teaching-learning trajectory (Van den Heuvel-Panhuizen 2003) for teaching sciences in the reception year at preschool level. An important secondary aim was to focus on how English featured in their learning (Kress 2005, 2013) and how the language was used by the children specifically as representations of scientific HOM.
Although this article reflects on the activities of only one child, the contribution that it makes adds to the idea expressed by Cobb, Confrey, diSessa, Lehrer and Schauble (2003) regarding educational design research. They are of the opinion that there exists a very close relationship between the development of theory and the improvement of instructional design in order to bring about understanding of new forms of learning. This implies that all forms of learning (formal, informal, incidental, etc.) are utilised and considered, in a retrospective way, to add to theory building and vice versa. This said, it is important to caution that one of the important limitations to this study is the fact that the researcher does not understand the home language of the learners and, in this specific activity (event), did not intervene and ask any questions in order to clarify certain actions of the learner.
The exemplar that is discussed in this article is an activity (event) that one learner (approximately 5 years and 10 months old) engaged in during a free-play session 6 months into the project. In this activity, the entire group of 36 learners were playing in smaller groups, using manipulatives that had been used during the past 6 months. No indication was given to the learners as to how to use any of the manipulatives. Some of the manipulatives were small wooden blocks, paper clips and plastic containers. At this stage, the only exposure that the learners had had with this specific tool (magnets) was a short game, introduced by the researcher in a previous contact session, of investigating how one can push and pull these magnets across a table in a 'racing game fashion'.
The following section is a description of the unfolding of the event utilising a digital video analysis approach and represents but one way of interpreting this event.
Method of data capturing and analysis
The method of data capturing and analysis that was used in the research can be described as a digital video analysis that consists of three layers of analysis, namely a common sense interpretation, a situated practice interpretation and a thematic interpretation (Fleer 2013:28-31). Although all three data analysis levels are discussed separately in this article, they occur concurrently in practice to enable the researcher to contribute to the iterative nature of the educational design research protocol. It therefore implies that the reader should take notice of the emergent interpretations within and across the three different representation levels.
Common sense interpretation
The recorded video, taken by the researcher, was digitally analysed against the overall background of what transpired during the entire free-play activity - in this case, the activities of all the children interacting together in an open space, as a free-play activity was considered. The series of figures (Figure 1 and Figure 2) are an example of such a trajectory.
Figure 1 and Figure 2 show a voluntary participation of different learners in a relaxed and dynamic way. Most of the learners are not staying with one object for too long but they explore the different objects in their own time. Although many of the learners are working in close proximity, there is little verbal communication.
Situated practice interpretation
The digital analysis of raw data involves describing min or sec by min or sec analysis of what is transpiring when the magnets are being manipulated by the one learner. The sequence (Figure 1 to Figure 9) represents the progression of the approximate 8 min and 35 s of voluntary, consciously regulated movement (Zaporozhets 2002:67), that the learner engaged in. The series of events is subdivided into four phases, namely (1) investigating the push or pull (force) phenomena, (2) investigating the relationship between the push force while the size or weight (magnitude) of one of the magnets is changed, (3) investigating the relationship between the push force while the size or weight (magnitude) of both magnets is changed and (4) investigating the nature of only the push force as a function of the child's own actions (embodiment).
Phase 1: Conjecturing about the push or pull (force) phenomenon
Figure 3 shows how the learner is in the process of investigating the attraction and/or repulsion forces between the two differently coloured sides of the two magnets. The learner has established that like colours repulse and unlike colours attract. He selects the blue-on-blue pushing force to investigate the next activity. The entire activity focuses on the nature of the attraction and/or repulsion force as a function related to magnets' own coloured visual appearances, namely red and blue sides.
This sequence is the only time in the entire investigation that the learner also incorporates an action to check if the attraction forces are still in place. For the rest of the sequence (time), he does not again show the need to check if the attraction forces are still prevalent. He continues the rest of the investigations, utilising only the repulsion force. In this activity, it seems that there is a conjecturing about the nature of the forces, which is then checked empirically.
Phase 2: Investigating the relationship between the push force while only the size or weight (magnitude) of one of the magnets is changed
Phase 2a: Introducing two blocks: In Figure 4, it can be seen that the learner continues using the blue-on-blue repulsion force, while he is loading the receiving magnet with two blocks, before he checks the repulsion force. In Figure 4d he also checks to see if the red-on-red repulsion force is still able to move the loaded (with two blocks) receiving magnet. Here he changes the rest of the investigation by using the red-on-red pushing force.
This entire sequence focuses on two things, namely introducing the first variable, while verifying the ability to move the receiving magnet, even though there is a change in magnitude. He is also making sure that the initial discovery, namely that like sides repulse one another, has not changed.
Phase 2b: Introducing blocks three and four: Figure 5 shows a sequence of six figures that reflects how the learner continues to use the red-on-red pushing force, while loading a third and a fourth block on the receiving magnet (Figure 5a-c). Unfortunately, this configuration of four blocks is not a stable construction. He is still not testing the pushing force of the loaded four-block structure, but he is changing the orientation of the four blocks to make a more stable construction, so that they do not collapse, as is shown in Figure 5c. Once he is satisfied that the new configuration of four blocks is stable, he spends some time pushing the receiving magnet, making sure it can be pushed without collapsing (Figure 5e and f).
The prominent feature of this phase is the fact that there is a deliberate intent to make the receiving magnet's magnitude as big as possible, before checking to see if it can still be moved. This is an empirical verification step in the process of optimising the magnitude of the receiving magnet.
Phase 2c: Introducing blocks five to seven: Figure 6 shows the learner continuing the investigation of the pushing force on the receiving magnet. After he is satisfied that the four-block structure can be pushed, he adds a fifth block to the receiving magnet. He continues to add a sixth and a seventh block, without checking the pushing force (Figure 6a-c). In his attempt to load the seventh block, he struggles because the structure keeps collapsing. He is eventually distracted by another learner close by (Figure 6d and Figure 6e). This phase is characterised by the fact that he is now not testing the pushing force after adding just one or two more blocks.
This phase is a continuation of the previous phase, but now the learner seems to be looking at the maximum number of blocks that can be stacked onto the receiving magnet, before he tests the pushing force.
Phase 3: Investigating the relationship between the push force while the size or weight (magnitude) of both magnets is changed
Phase 3a: Introducing three blocks: Figure 7, in this phase, introduces a change in focus. After the initial distraction, while not being able to keep a structure of seven blocks on the receiving magnet stable, he checks the pushing force of red-on-red once again, as in Figure 4d of Phase 2a (Figure 7a). He initially starts to reload the controlling magnet with one block, but then changes his task by stacking the receiving magnet only, while immediately checking the pushing capacity with only one block on the receiving magnet (Figure 7b and c). He eventually proceeds to load two more blocks simultaneously on the receiving magnet, without checking the pushing force (Figure 7d and e).
Two features that emerge from this phase include, firstly, checking that the pushing force of the red-on-red magnets is still in place. Then, secondly, he initially attempts to load a block on the pushing magnet, but decides against that and proceeds to load the receiving magnet. The next step in Phase 3b extends the initial intent of loading the controlling magnet as well.
Phase 3b: Equalising the number of blocks on both magnets: Figure 8 depicts the completion of the sequence, which reflects a change in focus. This is a new investigation that involves a second change in the invariant reasoning HOM. He is not changing the magnitude of the receiving magnet anymore, but he is now changing the magnitude of the controlling magnet as well. He first adds one block onto the controlling magnet (Figure 8a); he then continues to load a second and a third block onto the controlling magnet, without checking the pushing force (Figure 8b-d). Once both magnets have the same number of blocks and the same configuration, he attempts to push the magnets (Figure 8e).
There is a clear indication here of an intentional change in the magnitude of both the magnets towards an equivalent status. This activity takes him some time, because he has to continuously stop to fix the structures on both magnets, because they are collapsing. He also gets distracted by some learners close by. Although he attempts to push these equally loaded magnets together, at no stage do the magnets touch each other in this pushing activity.
Phase 4: Investigating the nature of only the push force as a function of the learner's own actions
Figure 9 introduces an entirely new focus, away from the magnets as sole force production, towards the use of the whole body. He has discarded the idea of checking the pushing forces with both magnets being loaded with blocks and reverts to trying to push the magnets together, using his own two hands.
So, the initial receiving magnets in the previous phases that were not controlled by his hands are now controlled by both his hands (Figure 9). He spends a considerable amount of time trying to push the two magnets' red parts together by varying the position of his hands, but also utilising the stability of the floor (Figure 9a and d). He moves between the air (Figure 9b and c) and the floor in trying to stabilise the movement of the magnets. He eventually succeeds in pushing the two magnets together on the floor (Figure 9d). At this stage, the period was ended by the teacher. (He did not stop of his own accord.)
It could be that the learner does not manage to adapt the conditions of his own knowledge that are required for the conditions of the task in order to solve it, but proceeds to adapt the conditions of the task per se in order to solve it. This is sometimes a classical way in which many learners who do not yet have enough initial knowledge operate - they change the conditions of the problem to be solved.
Thematic interpretation
The third and final level of the digital video analysis goes beyond the separate video files and seeks to integrate the and practice that emerged in a non-linear fashion, while aiming to capture change. Three main themes form the focus in order to illuminate aspects of the research question stated on the outset, namely explicating the nature of the interrelated collaboration between mind, material and body, while utilising a multimodal instructional approach to scientific reasoning at preschool level.
Emergent scientific habits of mind
Conjecturing: The ability to make a 'thought experiment', also called a conjecture, is the starting foundation for any scientific experimentation (De Villiers 2003). It implies that the experimenter (learner) must have a question that interests him and it further implies that there should be scope for investigating the questioned phenomena.
It seems that the fact that the magnets were repulsing one another in such a way that it was not easy to push them together by hand was of great interest, not only to the learner but also to the group that he was part of. The fact that there was a range of materials (e.g. magnets, small blocks, paper clips and plastic containers) available to utilise in the exploration seemed to assist in the investigation. This learner is going through a process of empirical checking and changing conditions which is indicative of the process of conjecturing. The fact that he is not perturbed by sporadic failure because of blocks falling off the magnets, or other learners competing for his attention, is indicative of this. Although the learner never verbally explained the purpose with his experimentation, it was apparent at the end of the investigation (Phase 4) that the magnitude of the 'force' that keeps repulsing the magnets was a question that he wanted to answer.
Invariance of magnitude: Chaille and Britain (2003) sound a word of caution regarding the number of variables that is introduced into any experimentation with young learners. They are cautioning that the number of variables is dependent on the age and relative development of a child related to a specific content domain. The one main variable that this learner dealt with during his experimentation was the deliberate changing of the magnitude aspects of the magnets' repulsion 'force', in a non-random way. This is a reflection of an emergent idea of reasoning with invariants. The main invariant that is changed from the start is the size and/or weight of the magnets and its relation to overcoming the repulsion 'force'. He ends the activity (Phase 3b) by discarding the magnets' manipulated forces, as a causal variable, and utilises his own 'force' through different attempts at pushing the magnets together with his hands.
Material as mediator
The material nature of magnets lends itself to a range of possibilities when encountered in diverse contexts. This learner participated in a task designed through his own initiative. By implication, it means that the questions posed and ensuing investigation did not come from any direct mediating source in the form of a teacher or the researcher. There is a strong possibility that the previous experience that he had with the magnets, in a play context, led to this interest. The fact that the magnets moved in different ways based on the positions relative to one another also seemed to interest him. For example, the sideways pushing/pulling was different to the head-on pushing and pulling. The very movement of the magnets that occurred as the magnitude was changed clearly played some mediating role in his entire investigation. The use of the blocks as objects to change the weight (magnitude) of the magnets also adds to the idea that the availability of material and their affordance in this case of being able to be stacked contributed to the entire invariance exploration.
Emergent habits of body
The learner's use of his hands in this activity is deliberate and prominent. The hands are clearly supported by the eyes as well as the rest of the body in the overall determination of the magnitude and effect of the pushing forces on the magnets. The instances when his eyes and his hands are not working in tandem are characterised by staring into open space, while his hands are still holding the magnets. As the process continues, it is clear that there is a refinement in the way he uses his hands to manipulate the different orientations of the magnets.
Ethical considerations
All the research was covered by ethical clearance that was granted by North-West University (Ethical clearance number: NWU-00188-14-A2).
Conclusion and recommendations
If we would want all learners to be involved in authentic activities in the context of the sciences, one of the challenging aspects would be how to design and mediate a teaching and learning trajectory that allows for participation that is driven, to a large extent, by the enquiry of the learners themselves. That implies that the learners would need to be allowed to ask the questions. For authentic scientific investigations, it would imply that although initially the questioning should or could come from the teacher as mediator, it could gradually be supplanted and become the sole domain of the learner, assisted by the materials they are interacting with.
In other words, the role of the mediator or teacher should not necessarily be replaced but changed. It would imply that the teacher would now be challenged to come up with supporting the investigation and taking on the role of facilitator. One way in which this could have emerged, if there had been an opportunity for it in the mentioned exemplar reported in this article, would have been for the researcher to ask questions such as, 'how can you determine, or what is the size or magnitude of the push or pull (force magnitude) in another way, but not using wooden blocks?' 'How can you determine what is the influence of distance on this pushing force?' 'What is the direction in which the push or pull is biggest or smallest?' Unfortunately, the researcher did not intervene at all, as it was a free-play activity.
The conclusion can be made that in order to accommodate the diversity of skills and background of the preschool child in the 21st century, great care will have to be taken when decisions are made concerning the teaching and learning of science-related content. Instead of agonising about which content to teach and prematurely trying to contrive contexts, caregivers, teachers and researchers could benefit more by focusing on the development of specific HOM and HOB and their interrelationship to the available materials in a specific context. Once it is agreed that very young learners are capable of developing quite sophisticated HOM, such as conjecturing, reasoning with invariance and visualising, in conjunction with very important HOB, the onus will be on teachers to capitalise on any event that learners are exploring, whether it is in a playful or in a more structured, enquiry-based environment.
Ultimately, the challenge to anyone involved with teaching and learning of preschoolers regarding scientific reasoning and exploration would be to acquaint himself or herself with the range of HOM and HOB that are intuitively being expressed by learners in an emergent format within specific contexts, as they indulge in a variety of playful as well as teacher-directed (inquiry-based) activities, dependent on their specific age phase, cultural context and material surroundings. The implication of this is that the caregiver or teacher should be able to link the external manifestation of a specific HOM or HOB to an appropriate set of developmental milestones that are ultimately supported by relevant theories of teaching and learning.
This approach of utilising mind-material-body integration as lens through which to view teaching and learning the sciences in the 21st century deals with two important issues simultaneously. Firstly, it addresses the problematic question of uniformalisation, through a rigidly prescribed curriculum, of the content, didactics (teaching method) and contexts suitable for sciences teaching and learning at preschool level. Secondly, it moves the focus of all caregivers, teachers and researchers involved, to the very important aspect of making the situated child in context their focus when dealing with development of scientific reasoning. Consequently, it could eliminate the false prescriptions and impact of over-ambitious or under-ambitious viewpoints, perpetuated by people not familiar with the complexities of the unique teaching and learning environment in every school, while still ensuring equality and excellence in the development of science-related activities for preschoolers.
The very real challenge, therefore, will be to the caregivers and teachers, who should need to possess the necessary knowledge and skills to be able to identify and support this emergent mind-material-body phenomenon, while simultaneously considering the specific age and total cultural context of their learners. This implies that instead of making the content or the methodology (didactics) the driving principle in the design of a science curriculum for preschoolers, the mind-material-body idea becomes the guiding framework. This ultimately puts the responsibility back in the court of teacher and caregiver trainers, to make sure that this domain of knowledge is properly disseminated at both preservice and in-service education facilities.
Finally, a cautionary note to all researchers and educators at the forefront of all research as stated by Giesecke (2005) is that what we need in this post-typographical era is a revised understanding of communication, knowledge acquisition and information processing. This ultimately implies that theories of teaching and learning related to the sciences will have to be revisited and revised through processes of theory morphing and co-construction, aiming for the emergence of new theories applicable to teaching and learning the sciences during the preschool years, in the 21st century.
Acknowledgements
Competing interests
The author declares that they has no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced them in writing this article.
Author's contributions
R.v.N. was the sole contributor to this article.
Funding Information
This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors.
Data availability statement
Data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study.
Disclaimer
The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the author.
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Correspondence:
Retha van Niekerk
retha.vanniekerk@nwu.ac.za
Received: 15 Aug. 2017
Accepted: 21 Jan. 2019
Published: 27 Aug. 2019
ORIGINAL RESEARCH
Evaluating a grief programme offered in primary schools: An Appreciative Inquiry
Jacqueline Horn; Sumeshni Govender
Department of Educational Psychology and Special Education, University of Zululand, KwaDlangezwa, South Africa
ABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: Death and loss are inevitable, and life changes profoundly for those left behind. A General Household Survey by Statistics South Africa indicated that 94.2% of orphans aged 7-18 years were still attending school. With no parental and often familial support, learners often had to turn to their teachers for support. Vukuzakhe, a non-governmental organisation, saw the need for a grief programme in schools.
AIM: The aim of this study was to evaluate how the school-based grief programme is perceived by different stakeholders (grieving children, educators and programme facilitators.
SETTING: The grief programme is being implemented in four primary schools in Underberg and Himeville, rural KwaZulu-Natal, and this study will conduct an evaluation at all four sites.
METHODS: Appreciative Inquiry, based on a four-dimensional cycle, was used to evaluate a grief programme offered in selected primary schools in KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. Three stakeholder groups (grief support programme facilitators [n = 4], grieving children [n = 6] and educators [n = 2]) from four schools were asked three open-ended questions to ascertain the programme's value
RESULTS: Nine key themes were identified: healing, insight, relationships, growth, skills, support, enjoyment, collaboration and value of the programme. All stakeholders noted positive outcomes resulting from participation in the programme and held it in high regard.
CONCLUSION: Improvements for its future development were suggested and recommendations made for its further implementation at schools throughout South Africa.
Keywords: grief; bereavement; programme evaluation; Appreciative Inquiry; learner intervention.
Introduction
In First World countries like the United States, Britain and Australia, grief intervention programmes are offered by organisations such as churches or non-governmental organisations (NGOs) as well as schools. After sampling 423 American public schools, Wass, Miller and Thornton (1999) found very little death education (11%) and grief education (17%) programmes being offered despite the National Association of School Psychologists providing resources and support for teachers and administrators (NASP 2015). McCarthy (2007) reports that even in Western societies there is still an inadequate knowledge and understanding regarding grief in learners because it is pushed aside and often considered to only affect a small portion of the population; however, unfortunately, it has been established that a significant proportion of learners will lose a family member before turning 18. Hence, McCarthy (2007) urges institutions offering expert interventions to learners to mobilise themselves and attend to the needs of this vulnerable group of population. In 2014, O'Brien and McGuckin (2014) found that the majority of teachers (over 85%) in Ireland who participated in their study felt that a bereavement programme would benefit learners at schools and despite the resources there was very little implementation. In South African schools, organisations with indispensable expertise, need to be welcomed into schools to provide services which teachers either do not have time or the knowledge to implement.
In South African communities, family members take leave from work or school when they experience the loss of a close relative. The Department of Basic Education's Policy on Learner Attendance (RSA 2010: para. 7) recognises the role that the family plays on school attendance in terms of the responsibility of learners, especially if the learner is the head of the household. Slater and Bremmer (2003) and Kippa et al. (2010) refer to Maslow's basic needs (food and security), which lack tends to require more urgent attention than the emotional concerns of bereaved children. In rural environments, owing to the frequent lack of necessary levels of love, nurture and security, self-actualisation is often difficult to achieve.
Death and loss are familiar to many South African children and are complicated by poverty, HIV and AIDS and other social struggles. Loss is inevitable, and Levine and Kline (2007:221) explain that 'grief is a sense of loss and sorrow when someone or something we cherish is gone forever', after which life changes profoundly for those left behind. In rural KwaZulu-Natal (KZN) schools, the class size average was as high as 43 learners (Kwa Sani 2002), and more recently the KZN Department of Education in its Annual Performance Plan for 2011/2012 (2010) admitted that the learner-teacher ratio in KZN public schools is approximately 29:1. However, in certain schools wealthier parents pay higher school fees allowing for schools' governing bodies to hire additional teachers so that this may lower the learner-teacher ratio. Classrooms in poorer communities, therefore, tend to have learner-teacher ratios way above the national norm and teachers may not be possible to provide the individual emotional support that a child may require when negotiating the grieving process, and additional support is needed.
Ordinarily, children do not have the means to assimilate death into their present experience, and grieving adults around them are dealing with their own sense of loss. In these situations, children's emotional needs may not be given due consideration because adults are too busy or lack the skills to listen or explain the situation appropriately. Those involved with children, such as extended family, educational institutions or faith-based organisations, then need to take responsibility for educating learners about death, rather than assuming that someone else will (Kubler-Ross & Kessler 2005).
Supporting learners through a grieving period deserves national attention to mitigate future mental health problems. The Khululeka Project (www.khululeka.org/impact) has estimated that South Africa has 1 712 677 maternal orphans; there is insufficient information for government to support the reality of grief and loss. Many orphans live in rural areas where resources are scarce and premature death is commonplace. The largely rural province of KZN, for instance, was reported by Hall (2018) to have the highest proportion of vulnerable groups in South Africa, including 3.1% (129 000) double orphans, 3.2% (134 000) maternal orphans and 11% (456 000) paternal orphans. The Khululeka Project (www.khululeka.org/impact) has also pointed out that there is a higher than average likelihood of health, social and educational complications, among grieving learners. These figures highlight the need for a network of support for grieving learners.
Study of the literature
Childhood has various daily stresses, such as friendships, academic pressures and peer pressure, but 'it is considered as a specific learning barrier for a child to lose a parent' (Makhonza 2006:19). The grieving child reports the additional burden of finding life hard to cope with, feeling alone even when in company, feeling different to their peers, having trouble communicating their feelings, being harassed at school, experiencing guilt and deep despondency, and often feeling responsible for the surviving parent (Payne & Rolls 2007).
According to Buglass (2010) and Yawa (2010), grief, mourning and bereavement are terms that are frequently used interchangeably, but grief is commonly understood as the inner experience of a person who has lost, to death, someone whom they loved. Bereavement is thus used to define a response when someone dies, and it may 'manifest itself through grief (intrapersonal experience) and mourning (external experience) (the) cultural displays of grief' (Yawa 2010:15).
Losing a parent has far-reaching consequences, but these may have to be deferred if there are more urgent stressors such as lack of finance. Lawhon (2004) warns that if grief reactions are suppressed, they surface when children face added pressures. Howard et al. (2006) point out that the psychosocial factors of death and children's adaptation have not been researched adequately in Africa, except for small studies conducted in Eastern Zimbabwe, Uganda and Tanzania, which found that orphans generally fell short, compared with their non-orphaned peers, in areas of finance, physical needs and psychosocial aspects of life and agreed that for orphans to recover they require psychosocial support, interventions for dealing with the grieving process and commemorative activities, and assistance in cases where parents were ill before they died because children derive benefit from preparation for loss (Cluver et al. 2012).
Shumba and Moyo (2014) caution that the death of a parent can lead to depression, which may impact a learner's social interactions, leaving him or her with further problems about which schools need to be aware. It is not uncommon for bereaved learners to struggle with varied psychosomatic symptoms and thoughts of suicide (Matteson 2008; Shumba & Moyo 2014). At the Orphan Vulnerable Learners and Youth Conference (OVYC), Woollett (2013) expressed concern about orphans' vulnerability. Their frequent lack of healthy role models to teach them appropriate social skills can lead to anti-social behaviour patterns (De Witt & Lessing 2010). Furthermore, grieving learners often regress in their development, feel fearful, display unstable emotions, change their social behaviour, experience sleep disturbances, blame themselves and feel guilty (Hilliard 2001).
Close by in Eastern Zimbabwe there are available support programmes, and a research study was pursued supplying learners who were grieving with pressing physical requirements such as nutrition, housing and education, rather than giving attention to the orphans' psychosocial needs (Howard et al. 2006). According to Shang (2007), there are numerous needs regarding the care of learners who have lost their parents, which still need to be addressed (psychosocial support and prevention of neglect).
If a learner receives the required support, future emotional health impediments could be reduced (Dent 2005). Following this principle, a non-governmental organisation (NGO), Vukuzakhe, in a rural area in KZN, has been attempting to meet the needs of bereaved learners by providing a supportive strategy to assist in the mourning process. Although the perceived benefits of Vukuzakhe have been highlighted by Flederman (2008), the programme has not been independently evaluated.
White Paper 6: Building an Inclusive Education and Training System (DoE 2001) undertakes to ensure a co-ordinated approach involving different role players in education, affording all South African provinces a homogeneous inclusive education system within educational institutions. Ladbrook (2009) and Ebersohn and Eloff (2006) noted that the different role players invite collaboration with outside consultants, who arrange intervention and training programmes, identify orphans and provide them with programmes while simultaneously providing teachers with adequate training, support and information regarding referral processes for these learners.
Holborn and Eddy (2011) report that South Africa has an unstable family structure, and its history of apartheid, poverty and human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) and acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (AIDS) has had an immense impact on the general welfare of its population. This has placed a strain on children and extended family members, and many of the country's NGOs have initiated programmes to support orphans (Holborn & Eddy 2011) who are fending for themselves. A General Household Survey by Statistics South Africa (2012) indicated that 63.6% of the learners received social grants and 94.2% of orphans aged 7-18 years were still attending school, so it is evident that a grief programme in schools is warranted.
In rural KZN schools, teachers were trying to 'manage' the emotional fallout of grieving learners who were struggling to cope with the loss of a parent(s). There was a dire need for this study, and the service provided by the NGO and Van Duuren (2002:7) found that when 'we consult children on what brings hope during times of bereavement and loss, their voices may in turn offer support to their adult caregivers and other people in the community'. With approximately 2 million HIV and AIDS orphans in South Africa (Chereni & Mahati n.d.), it became clear that there was a growing population of young people who were grieving without any form of emotional support that may lead to long-term psychological problems.
Although research confirms the rising number of orphans worldwide, there is still insufficient information regarding the efficacy of interventions provided to these learners (Chatterji et al. 2010). Riley (2012) established that research is available regarding children's responses to death, but there is a scarcity regarding the effectiveness of grief support intervention and that group intervention strategies proved less daunting compared with individual counselling because they reduced feelings of despair and fretfulness and improved self-esteem and peer relationships. The literature (Garzouzie 2011) suggests that grief intervention for adolescents is most effective when provided within a school setting where learners feel secure and can express their interpretations of their situation while acquiring coping skills. In South Africa, with its limited resources, group therapy with a trained facilitator will provide greater access to grief counselling than a child might otherwise have within their community, adult support and a sense of belonging (immediately and possibly in the future) to group that understands. Within a group setting, facilitators can identify grievers who are experiencing extreme emotional anguish and refer for individual counselling.
O'Brien et al. (2011) acknowledge the valuable role that schools in Australia are playing in identifying, managing and supporting learners who are grieving, and these may be useful support structures such as counsellors and psychologists who can be called on for learners to be debriefed and encourage the expression of feelings in multiple ways, depending on the child's preferences. Such options are important for learners in South Africa.
Traditional talk therapy is vital, but Riley (2012) highlights the need for grief programmes to offer learners social support, at their specific developmental level, and utilise creative intervention strategies (such as play, drama or crafts) to generate an effective platform from which to discuss their loss and the associated emotions. Wong (2013) states that the efficacy of creative strategies is evident in the way grieving learners open up to their counsellor, freely share their feelings and work through their loss. Hilliard (2001) discovered that grief-stricken learners in a music therapy group not only had fewer grief symptoms, but their behavioural concerns also diminished. Barnes and Metel (2011) and Greenberg (2003) encourage the implementation of group counselling because learners are social beings and enjoy interacting with their peers. Being part of a group builds learner's self-esteem, they gain valuable learning experiences and recognise each other as role models gradually supporting members in the group. In essence, this is Vukuzakhe's goal.
Bushe (2011 citing Gergen 1978, 2009) mentions that Appreciative Inquiry (AI) is grounded in constructionist theory, which is a perspective that views human life as existing as it does, as a result of social and interpersonal influences (Owen 1995 citing Gergen 1985). Social constructionism also takes into account the influence of genetic inheritance, but places more emphasis on the influence of society on one's individual life and life within the community.
The aim of this study was to evaluate how this community-based grief programme, which is implemented in schools, is perceived by three different sets of stakeholders: grieving learners, teachers and programme facilitators. A qualitative evaluation was conducted, utilising Appreciative Inquiry, (AI) to answer the following questions:
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What were the stakeholders' views, insights and attitudes regarding the grief programme?
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What were the perceived benefits of the programme for the stakeholders?
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What additions need to be made to the programme for it to be more effective?
Research methods and design
Study design
The method used for this research study, to evaluate the effectiveness of a grief programme that was implemented in primary schools (n = 4) in KZN, is AI. Appreciative Inquiry uses positive questions to facilitate encouraging transformation for stakeholders within an organisation (Cooperrider, Whitney & Stavros 2008) as it assumes that in each structure there is something that is functioning correctly (Lewis & Emil 2010) regardless of problems it may be experiencing. Using AI will provide participants, invested in either management, implementation or attending the programme, an opportunity to benefit from the evaluation process. Nel and Pretorius (2012) emphasise that AI supposes that all people (individual or groups) have talents, competencies and skills, which when harnessed bring about exciting possibilities so that they value their worth and feel enthused. Besides being culturally appropriate and ethical, it is also a fitting method to use with learners because it includes their contribution in a participatory manner (Ward 2011).
Maritz (2010) explains that the four-dimension transformational (4-D) model or cycle, developed at Case Western Reserve University by Cooperrider et al. (2008), reveals that AI allows members within an organisation to engage in dialogue about its competencies and assets, imagining its potentials and then considering future visions (Dunlap 2008). 'Appreciating' entails applying the 4-D cycle to determine, assess and focus on the positive elements that make an organisation worthy. The first step in the cyclical process is Discovery 'What gives life?' (The best of what is - Appreciating); the second step is to Dream 'What might be?' (Imagine what the world is calling for - Envisioning); the third step in the cycle is the Design 'How can it be?' (Determining the ideal - Co-constructing) and the fourth and final step refers to Destiny 'What will be?' (How to empower, learn and adjust/improvise - Sustaining).
The programme that was evaluated was designed and developed by an NGO. The NGO trains facilitators to visit schools and work with learners whose family member or friend had recently died. The programme is group work-based and focuses on play and other interactive therapeutic activities that encourage learners to support each other through their emotionally difficult time. The facilitator liaises with a teacher in the school who assists with the identification of group participants and the grief group meets once a week, for 2 hours. The facilitator has a set of previously planned activities and the teacher sits in to provide support if necessary. The grief programme was implemented in primary schools in the Underberg and Himeville areas.
Setting
Non-probability, purposeful sampling was used. All four schools where the programme was implemented were involved in the study. The schools are based in rural KZN and learners have little or no access to resources unless these are made available at school.
Study population and sampling strategy
A total of 36 participants were selected to participate in the study: grief support programme facilitators (n = 4), who were trained to implement the programme, six learners from each of the four schools (n = 24) and two teachers from each school (n = 8). The six learners had recently experienced the loss of a parent and were currently grieving the loss. The teachers involved in the study had identified and referred the learners to the grief counselling programme.
Data collection
A questionnaire (Govender 2004) was distributed to each participant, asking three open-ended semi-structured questions, each highlighting the positive aspects of the programme, rather than focusing on deficits, to draw out positive social constructs. The researcher questioned participants using the solution-focused AI approach, and attempted to gain an in-depth understanding of the stakeholder's views and attitudes relating to the programme. Using three questions, the researcher collected data regarding the core context of the programme, so that the themes generated revealed the inner body of the programme. One of the reasons for selecting the questionnaire (Govender 2004) was that the three questions were worded to foster understanding of all three levels of participants.
Following the AI 4-D transformational development cycle, the following questions were used in the questionnaire (Govender 2004).
Question 1: 'Describe your experience of the programme'. This question relates to the discovery phase and encourages respondents to appreciate the best within the programme.
Question 2: 'What do you appreciate about the programme?' This question relates to the dream phase and encourages respondents to visualise promising prospects and reveal valuable aspects of the programme.
Question 3: 'How can the programme be improved?' This question concerns future dreams, and their completion, and the possibility to act on improvements.
Data analysis
The data were thematically analysed, as suggested by Sullivan, Gibson and Riley (2012). All questionnaires were read cautiously and recurring themes identified (Demmer 2010), so data were analysed utilising the qualitative steps mentioned by Terre Blanche and Durrheim (2004): familiarisation and immersion, inducing themes, coding the data, elaboration, interpretation and checking. Elaboration, in thematic analysis, polishes the emerging themes and reveals the essence of the common responses discussed (Terre Blanche & Durrheim 2004).
Ethical considerations
As outlined by De Vos et al. (2005), careful consideration should be given to the following areas of a research project: informed consent, confidentiality, right to withdraw, assessing risk of harm, deception, debriefing and honesty and integrity. Ethical clearance was sought from and granted by the Ethics Committee of the University of Zululand (Ethical Clearance number: UZREC 171110-030-RA Level 02). Before commencing the research, written permission was requested to use the questionnaire and consent was sought from various stakeholders to conduct the research (Department of Education's research department, the administrator of the NGO, Vukuzakhe of the grief programme, the liaison of the trainer Dlalanathi, facilitators of the programme and the parent or guardian of the learner as well as learner assent. Because of the sensitive emotional nature of this study, an intern psychologist was available to provide participants with psychological support should participation cause emotional distress. A local counselling psychologist also volunteered her services pro bono if the intern was not able to support participants adequately.
Results
Significant themes
Healing
The participants felt that the programme allowed learners to process their loss and adjust to life without the deceased. Healing brought with it a change (socially, emotionally and academically). Facilitators were often overwhelmed at the extent of the emotional hurt and healing experienced by the learners, as well as the impact of their work on the programme for healing:
'This time gives the children space to work through their grief.' (Participant F1, male, 36 years old)
'… they share everything with me.' (Participant F2, female, 40 years old)
'The programme helped them a lot because they feel healed now.' (Participant F3, female 32 years old)
The learners frequently expressed their intense confusion and pain, prior to attending the programme.
'When I was not participating in the programme I was not happy.' (Participant L4, female, age 10, Grade 5)
'Nowhere and no person makes as me as happy and some days I did not even go to school …' (Participant L1, male, age 12, Grade 6)
The learners' emotional healing process required personal commitment, communicating in a group and the knowledge that they could trust others. Allowing for a sense of mastery to develop aids the emotional healing (Sagberg & Roen 2011) process.
'It makes me feel better.' (Participant L5, male, age 11, Grade 5)
'We feel sad because it makes us remember and some days thinking not to come back because it makes me too sad in my heart.' (Participant L1, male, age 12, Grade 6)
'Some weeks remembering mommy is like knives pushing deep.' (Participant L6, female, age 11, Grade 5)
Insight
Participants agreed that healing occurred when learners gained insight into their situation. Prior to the programme learners were not given information regarding death, dying and the grieving process, and this led to feelings of abandonment, insecurity, guilt and hopelessness. Once learners were provided with information they felt free to commence with healing. Teachers involved in the programme understand the needs of their learners and how different types of interventions have helped them. Facilitators noticed that learners felt more comfortable to share their experience and emotions around death, dying and grief once they had more information on the topic. Being trained improved the facilitators' understanding of the children's grieving world, their intuition improved and they were able to better gauge children's needs. Facilitators also recognised that establishing rapport with learners is essential for a therapeutic relationship. Learners gained understanding of their loss and felt free to share their pain and trust others. The insight provided created an understanding of the internal motivations and struggles learners experience while trying to normalise grief and allowing learners to feel supported. Most learners reported relief on realising that other learners suffered loss too.
'… And understand more about my feelings and the situation I was facing.' (Participant L1, male, age 12, Grade 6)
But being a part of the group I understand, I understand lot about death and other people who are in same situation as me.' (Participant L2, female, age 10, Grade 5)
'…I have lost but have to let him go, it wasn't very easy to do that, because I loved him very much and I didn't understand why he has to go and leave me, … ' (Participant L3, female, age 12, Grade 6)
'…now I know that it was not my fault to lose my parents …' (Participant L2, female, age 12, Grade 5)
'…and I know it helps to cry so let it out.' (Participant L4, female, age 11, Grade 5)
'The group gave me hope and more understanding when someone dies it is not the end of world.' (Participant L4, female, age 11, Grade 5)
'I'm very happy about so many things about myself things that I did not know about …' (Participant L4, female, age 12, Grade 5)
'To be in this group has been special because I found out so much about myself.' (Participant L5, male, age 11, Grade 5)
'I understand that even if my dad is not with me I still have all the good memories about him.' (Participant L3, female, age 11, Grade 5)
'… I feel that for the first time others understand me and understand I sometimes still miss my parents.' (Participant L2, female, age 10, Grade 5)
'I think it helps me understand death.' (Participant L1, male, age 12, Grade 6)
Relationships
Every good relationship contributes something meaningful to an individual's life, but all the expectations and aspirations one may have for this connection are annihilated when a person dies (Stevenson & Cox 2008 cited in Wlasenko 2009). The loss of a close relationship is what brought these learners to the grief group. Learners struggled to make sense of the loss, but when supported during the process of healing, relationships of trust were developed. Experiencing intense emotional pain in one's personal life can often cause disruptions within social situations. Learners often withdraw and initially work against those who are trying to offer them support. The majority of the teachers agreed that, prior to attending the programme, grieving learners struggled with relationships as they tried to cope with their loss. These behaviours created tension and were disruptive to the teaching and learning environment was time-consuming. After participation, teachers noticed the process fostered healthy relationships, emotions stabilised, and learners participated in activities and socialised with peers. Inappropriate social behaviour declined, and participation in the group programme improved relationships on several levels. Prior to attending the programme, learners admitted that they struggled with relationships:
'Sometimes I do not like playing with other children because my heart is in pain.' (Participant L1, male, age 12, Grade 6))
'In school there have been no friend for me and when I was attending the programme I had more friends.' (Participant L4, female, age 11, Grade 6)
After group therapy, learners were able to form bonds, which extended into the school. Learners also noticed that they were initially resistant to interacting with learners within the group, but with intervention trust and attachment was possible.
Growth
Emotional growth is closely linked to healing and facilitators either observed this in the learners or within themselves. Teachers indicated that before attending the programme, learners seemed stuck in their current stage of emotional development and this impacted negatively classroom behaviour.
'They did not enjoy being at school or even doing school work. They made sure they disrupt every lesson, seeking attention from teachers.' (Participant T1, female, Grade 6)
'Every lesson ended with these children crying or trying to get all of my attention. This doesn't happen since they attended the grief and bereavement group programme.' (Participant T2, female, Grade 5)
Barnard, Morland and Nagy (1999), who conducted a grief programme in Liverpool, United Kingdom, noted that there was an increase in self-esteem and coping skills when learners, while working alongside a facilitator, are part of a grief support group. Teachers also developed in their knowledge of the grief process:
'I see improvement in the children …' (Participant T1, female, Grade 6)
'Most of the children are not moody or withdrawn anymore.' (Participant T2, female, Grade 7)
'The programme on its own builds the self-esteem of children.' (Participant T2, female, Grade 6)
'It builds the confidence of each learner.' (Participant T2, female, Grade 5)
'It seems the learners academic work improved.' (Participant T1, female, Grade 5)
Learners express grief differently to adults because they do not always have the vocabulary to express themselves (Traeger 2011).
'I don't know how my life would be because before I had so much anger and confusion …' (Participant L4, female, age 11, Grade 5)
'If this programme was not at my school then my heart would still be crying, I would be sad(s) and maybe then my friend will weep saying I am always angry.' (Participant L5, male, age 12, Grade 6)
As learners spent more time in the programme, it was also noticed that their concentration improved within the classroom and their academic work was of a better quality. Learners were able to find a feeling of 'normality' (Barnard et al. 1999) and self-confidence.
Skill acquisition
Participants agreed that the facilitators' skills and abilities were exemplary and their training gave them confidence and coping ability. The training was valuable; teachers and learners found the facilitators' personal empathic qualities most impressive. There was agreement among teachers that the facilitators managed the programme professionally:
'Our facilitator has proved that she will take action immediately if a problem arises.' (Participant T1, female, Grade 5)
'I greatly appreciate the services and efficiency of our facilitator.' (Participant T2, male, Grade 7)
Teachers also agreed that learners developed coping mechanisms, which empowered them for daily encounters. 'Learners got tools to deal with emotional trauma'. The learners may have been unaware of the training facilitators underwent before implementing a programme, but they were aware of the facilitators' expertise when dealing with them:
'The group and my facilitator listened to my story with sensitivity and the care …' (Participant L2, female, age 12, Grade 5)
'The leader gives all group members the chance to speak and to get us to understand that if we speak we will feel better.' (Participant L5, male, age 10, Grade 5)
'Facilitators listened and cared about me.' (Participant L1, male, age 13, Grade 7)
'… to have somebody you don't know, come and show you how much they care for you and respect you and listen to what you say, it was amazing …' (Participant L4, female, age 11, Grade 5 )
'… they are people who can be trusted and they have time for us …' (Participant L6, male, age 12, Grade 7)
'… and showed me what to do on sad days.' (Participant L1, male, age 10, Grade 5)
'… there were some people there in time of sadness expressing care.' (Participant L3, female, age 13, Grade 7)
'I thank the facilitator lots for coming here to spend time with me and listened to what I have to say and showing kindness.' (Participant L5, male, age 12, Grade 5)
Learners were grateful for the support received and appreciative of the time and effort invested in them by the facilitators.
To assist a grieving learner does not necessarily require the services of a mental health professional. An adult who has the resolve and training may be able to provide support to the learner, to access an opportunity to express their sorrow and be strengthened to live a life without the deceased (Denis 2005). The facilitators used the skills acquired during training to provide a safe, enabling environment in which learners may heal emotionally. When a person is sincere, compassionate and approachable to the emotional pain grief brings to a learner's life this can go a long way to transverse the lonely journey of grief (Hildebrand 2005).
Support
Support is an important theme as it provides for the needs of the school system, teachers and the learners. Teachers recognised that support is needed for teaching sensitive topics because they acknowledge that their training does not equip them to respond adequately (Wood & Goba 2011). However, Barnard et al. (1999) mention that teachers are also skilled and with basic training and awareness could be equipped to provide support to grieving learners. Learners remarked positively about the facilitators' positive attitudes when supporting them and agreed that support within the group was of importance:
'The more I listened to other people and they listened to me I realised they care and get their support and comfort and joy.' (Participant L1, female, age 11, Grade 6)
'The group gave me courage to face every situation.' (Participant L2, male, age 11, Grade 5)
'The Programme let me learn who can support me in life and how I can ask for help when I need it.' (Participant L5, female, age 11, Grade 5)
Support from the facilitator and others is closely linked to collaboration, which helps form a supportive network.
Enjoyment
Respondents agreed that activities were enjoyable. Creative techniques help learners to process grief in a developmentally appropriate manner. When dealing with bereaved learners in a therapeutic setting, they need to be treated primarily as children, rather than as people who are grieving (Barnard et al. 1999):
'… the programme is interactive and the learners enjoy the sessions and had fun.' (Participant T1, female, Grade 5)
'Learners enjoy going and this makes them participate freely and so they are benefitting.' (Participant T2, male, Grade 7)
The teachers felt that the programme addressed the developmental level of the children and agreed that learners needed no encouragement to attend.
Collaboration
Respondents agreed that working together had a positive impact on the needs of grieving learners. Collaboration within the school community improved interactions between staff and strengthened relationships (Dickerson & Helm-Stevens 2011). Teachers invited the collaboration because they felt that they had insufficient support from educational authorities. Ebersohn and Eloff (2006) recognise that South African teachers have to face a wide range of daily challenges when it comes to grieving learners, which all stakeholders need to address. The theme of support is closely linked to collaboration because teachers believe that this NGO is filling a much-needed gap. Communication between the teachers and the NGO created an opportunity for the learners to heal and highlighted that they were not isolated in their grief. Learner participants' suggested that grief-learning programmes be used to support other learners. Some requested that a network of support be provided to other schools, their friends and family. According to Rogers (2007) who edited a series of books on death, dying and bereavement, learners need assistance from all members of society, not only close relatives, while they negotiate grief. Vukuzakhe's programme is encouraging support for this journey, using a variety of stakeholders.
Value of the programme
Once insight was expanded, respondents began to appreciate the programme and value the worthwhile contribution made on all levels. Respondents agreed that this programme was meaningful. Facilitators felt their work was emotionally draining but worthwhile; they made a difference to others' lives, which was personally satisfying. Teachers recognised that the programme alleviated emotional distress and impacted positively within the classroom:
'The programme helps kids to open up.' (Participant T1, female, Grade 6)
'We are most grateful to have been able to offer the children of our school this service.' (Participant T2, male, Grade 7)
Learners recognised that the programme had many personal benefits and appreciated the opportunities provided by attending the sessions:
'This programme helped me very much.' (Participant L4, male, age 11, Grade 5)
'Appreciate help and support and Vukuzakhe brought this to my school so now all children and I do not feel so sad.' (Participant L1, male, age 13, Grade 7)
Corr (2016) mentions that while we may try to disregard our vulnerability as human beings, death and grief make us very aware of our mortality and susceptibility to sorrow and grief. However, this should not be translated as a weakness and learners should not be viewed as defenceless. Programmes on grief and bereavement highlight the strength and resilience inherent in children allowing them to cope under the most trying of circumstance.
Discussion
Participants' suggestions for improvements
The themes of healing, insight, relationships, growth, skill acquisition, support, enjoyment, collaboration and value of the programme were a preamble to the suggestions made by participants in the areas of improvements, so as to encourage extension of the programme. Ideally, AI as programme evaluation seeks to propel programmes into the future on a positive note.
Follow-up
Losing a parent is a difficult reality to process, but respondents recognised that losing the support of the group may be secondary trauma. Exit from the group needs to be gradual. After experiencing a programme where bonds of trust are established, a learner may experience a void; however, this may be managed with follow-up sessions as suggested by facilitators. Teachers mentioned the value of maintaining the caring relationship developed during the group sessions and that many behavioural, social and academic concerns dwindled when learners participated in the programme. Learners felt a complete restoration after participating in the programme and a few mentioned they would like a continued relationship with the facilitator, who played an integral role in their healing.
Communication and feedback
Teachers realised that through communication the adults involved in the programme can identify and discuss the regular needs or concerns of learners. This will support the grief resolution process and ensure that learners receive added support. Communication also includes broadening awareness of the programme. Facilitators appreciated the interaction with the school, especially teachers. Learners sometimes felt that there was a lack of support; nobody knew they had lost a parent and they waited for long periods before being included in the programme.
Training and extension opportunities
Teachers lacked confidence in their abilities to attend to grieving learners, but were willing to learn and meet with other schools to extend implementation of the programme. They also realised that the NGO will need funds to continue or expand the programme. The facilitators are generally satisfied with their training, but expressed the need for training of additional facilitators so that more learners are helped sooner. Learners wanted to see friends and siblings offered support. They bonded with the facilitator and requested additional healing experiences:
'Sport day with groups.' (Participant L1, male, age 13, Grade 7)
'Watch film about death.' (Participant L2, male, age 12, Grade 6)
'Going on a camp with the group and hiking.' (Participant L3, female, age 11, Grade 6)
Time allocation
Participants felt the need for either more frequent gatherings or longer time allocation. Facilitators and teachers both agreed that additional time is needed. Learners admit that they would appreciate additional time or an extension of the programme.
Continued support
Continued support in the form of groups coming together within or across schools and expert support for extreme cases will provide additional benefits. Facilitators recognised the value of group support and suggested:
'… combining groups will let them realise they are not alone.' (Participant F3, female 32 years)
Teachers valued the impact of the NGO, but felt that key role players needed to offer their expertise because schools face a myriad of challenges daily:
'Department of Social Development and South African Police must be involved.' (Participant T1, male, Grade 7)
'… glad if we get more psychological support in our schools.' (Participant T2, female, Grade 6)
Learners want to repeat the programme and would also like to meet with learners from other groups in surrounding schools.
Facilities
Schools only have sufficient classroom space for teaching and learning, so there will be no privacy and confidentiality when learners receive support during teaching and learning time. The teachers recognised a need for improvement in this area.
Additions to the programme
Teachers expressed that authority figures needed to provide more support for the learners' psychosocial needs. In terms of Maslow's Hierarchy of Needs, the basic needs (food and security) of grieving learners are often tended to, but the emotional concerns may be neglected resulted in further complications later (e.g., behavioural and academic issues). Learners, who participated in the study and who required individual therapeutic intervention, need to receive individual therapeutic support. Because the programme catered only for group work, learner with serious problems may have to be catered for with individual sessions. Some learners waited long periods of time prior to being invited onto the programme after the loss of a parent and felt as if the school did not immediately acknowledge their loss. A system, which expedites the acknowledgement of learners' bereavement and provides learner support, needs to be included into the grief programme.
Recommendations
The following recommendations could lead to greater efficacy in the implementation of the programme. A consultative process between Vukuzakhe and the Department of Education (DoE) will increase the level of collaboration between stakeholders. Establishing partnerships with the Departments of Education, Health or Social Development and mental health practitioners would be advantageous for the NGO, so facilitators can discuss assistance they may require with curriculum development and referral of individual learners for support to relevant mental health providers. There is much that needs to be gained from networking with various stakeholders because the programme is in the early stages of implementation. Collaboration between schools (speaking at a school assembly, attendance at principal meetings and advocacy) to create awareness about and discuss the goals and content of the programme is needed. To further support learners, the NGO could offer workshops for teachers and guardians and train additional facilitators so that the programme may be extended to more schools in the area or even in terms of duration.
Limitations
Some limitations include cultural rituals specific to the locality. These impact the manner in which death is understood and processed (Mdleleni-Bookholane, Schoeman & Van der Merwe 2004). The research did not discern the cultural context of grief and how it may impact the stakeholders' perceptions of an intervention programme. Also, language barriers were not factored into the study and that participants' level of English competency differed at each school. This may have impacted the responses received. A focus group interview may have allowed for more clarity. This is particularly true when one considers that learners do not always have the vocabulary to express emotions or even ideas efficiently in written format. This discussion opportunity would also deepen the level of responses gained. The findings are limited and not generalisable to other projects.
Conclusion
If South Africa is to manage its grief situation, schools need to offer a more comprehensive intervention for learners experiencing intense loss and grief. This study encouraged participants to communicate positive views regarding programme evaluation. A solution-focused approach gives this programme energy (Gervase 2012), has stimulated awareness, highlighted the value the programme holds for the participants, as well as the need for this type of intervention within South Africa. It is hoped that the research may lead to the necessary changes for the organisation, as well as consolidation of their present strengths and further support for grieving orphans. As suggested by Griese, Burns and Farro (2018), there is still much research that needs to be conducted in the field of childhood grief and programme evaluation.
Acknowledgements
The researchers would like to thank the University of Zululand for support during the study, the management and staff at Vukuzakhe for their assistance and the participants at the schools.
Competing interests
The authors have no financial or personal relationships that have influenced them during the research study or writing of the article.
Authors' contributions
J.H. collated the data, wrote the literature review and analysed the data. S.G. conceptualised the study, assisted with the data analysis and was the corresponding author, which required considerable administrative responsibilities.
Funding information
This research received a grant from the National Research Foundation.
Data availability statement
Data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study.
Disclaimer
The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the authors.
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Correspondence:
Sumeshni Govender
govenders@unizulu.ac.za
Received: 29 Nov. 2018
Accepted: 30 Mar. 2019
Published: 10 Sept. 2019
ORIGINAL RESEARCH
Children's self-regulation and coping strategies in a frustrated context in early education
Jouni VeijalainenI; Jyrki ReunamoI; Nina SajaniemiI, II; Eira SuhonenI
IDepartment of Education, Faculty of Educational Sciences, University of Helsinki, Helsinki, Finland
IIDepartment of Early Education, University of Eastern Finland, Helsinki, Finland
ABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: A large body of earlier research has focused on studying children's self-regulation (SR) skills and frustration with different methods. However, considerably less attention has been given to hearing children's own voice. The current study sought to demonstrate children's own comprehension and highlight it as a valuable and unique tendency to fill the scientific gap in the research area.
AIM: This research aimed to contribute the empirical understanding of how SR, as mental ability, supported children's coping strategies and comprehensions which they will possibly use in a hypothetical frustrated context in the Finnish early childhood education and care (ECEC) environment.
SETTING: Self-regulation and strategies in a frustrating context were studied with mixed methods in a sample (n = 383) of 48-87-month-old children in Finland. Self-regulation was assessed by their own teachers with an evaluation form. The coping strategies of frustration were studied by interview where the children's open-ended descriptions provided the strategies told by themselves.
METHODS: The study's was conducted by using mixed methods. Two independent instruments to measure SR and strategies for frustration were used. Self-regulation was assessed by teacher with an evaluation form. The coping strategies of frustration were studied via child interview.
RESULTS: Good SR skills were related to persistent coping strategies and not giving up in a simulated situation. Weak SR skills related more with uncertain or withdrawal coping strategies, like giving up, or abandoning the situation.
CONCLUSION: Self-regulation skills have an important role in guiding children with their use and narration of suitable coping strategies on overcoming the frustration effectively. The concrete strategies would allow teachers to work concretely with children in enhancing their SR skills and coping strategies further.
Keywords: self-regulation skills; frustration; conflict; coping strategies; early childhood; interview.
Introduction
The purpose of the study is to investigate children's concrete coping strategies of frustration described by children themselves and their relation to independent teacher-rated self-regulation (SR) skills in the Finnish early childhood education and care (ECEC) environment. Previous research has assessed children's SR and frustration with observational or evaluation-based methods (Degnan et al. 2008; Finlon et al. 2015; Graziano et al. 2007). Consequently, there is lack of empirical research on how children's SR skills are related to their own comprehensions of frustration and the coping strategies they will possibly use. The current study sought to bring out children's own voices, highlighting it as a valuable and unique tendency to fill the scientific gap in the research area. On that account, the children's strategies in confronting the frustrated situation were studied via interviews (Reunamo 2007). Children's open-ended answers presented their own point of view in a potential situation of frustration. By comparing the two datasets, we can study the relation between children's views of frustration and their teacher-rated SR skills. We hypothesise that teacher-rated SR skills are related to children's coping strategies described in the interview.
Earlier studies have advocated that children's early experiences of frustration may constrain the development of appropriate regulatory skills (Calkins 1994; Calkins et al. 2002; Stifter, Spinrad & Braungart-Rieker 1999). The tolerance of frustration and persistence during challenges are one of the key elements of successful development of SR in early childhood (Chang, Shaw & Cheong 2015; Eisenberg et al. 2001; Kochanska 1993). Early difficulties in regulatory skills and frustration tolerance alter the children to maladaptive behaviour in everyday social relations and later in studying, health and success in work (Degnan et al. 2008; Eisenberg et al. 2003; Hernández et al. 2018; Moffitt et al. 2011; NICHD Early Child Care Research Network 2003). Clear consensus on the definitions of coping with frustration and SR is needed in identifying the boundaries of what is and is not included within each of these constructs (Compas et al. 2017).
The concept of self-regulation
The concept of SR is a multifaceted and complex construct (Blair & Raver 2012; Montroy et al. 2016). Self-regulation operates across several levels of human function (e.g. motor, physiological, social-emotional, cognitive, behavioural and motivational), which represent the ability to voluntarily modulate and plan one's behaviour towards an adaptive end (Barkley 2011; Eisenberg, Smith & Spinrad 2011:276; Gross & Thompson 2007). Self-regulation refers to efforts on the part of the individual to manage, modulate, inhibit and enhance emotions (Cicchetti, Ganiban & Barnett 1991; Kopp 1989; Thompson 1994). In its entirety, SR depends on the coordination of many processes across levels of function, with children's ability to utilise, integrate and manage these multiple processes increasingly across developmental time (McClelland & Cameron 2012; McClelland et al. 2014)
The child's SR skills work as an ability to recognise and handle emotions. The work builds a foundation for both social and cognitive skills. Self-regulation skills are a resource in understanding the feelings and intentions of others. The earlier the child has support and the possibilities to improve SR, the better capacity the child has in facing and tolerating the later experiences of stress and frustration (Eisenberg et al. 2001:263-283). A child's failure to acquire adaptive SR skills leads to numerous difficulties in social competence and school adjustment (Eisenberg & Fabes 2006; Graziano et al. 2007). We define the concept of SR as a child's ability to adjust his/her own emotions, behaviour, cognitive functions and as a strength, whereby a child can regulate frustrated situations and his/her attention properly (Aro 2011:10; Ayduk et al. 2000).
The development of self-regulation
Self-regulation should be perceived both as a developmental and especially as a learned concept. Children's ability to regulate themselves is influenced by their age. Children under the age of 3 years have difficulties simultaneously utilising and coordinating multiple regulatory skills to create a behavioural reaction that also requires a verbal or motor achievement (Carlson, Moses & Breton 2002; Diamond 2002; Zelazo et al. 2003). Self-regulation is also learned via teachers' co-regulation (Suhonen et al. 2018). Teachers need to take children's age into account when they set their expectations about lengths of attention and following instructions in ECEC (Ivrendi 2011; Skibbe et al. 2011). Teachers should recognise children's individual characteristics in supporting children's development of SR skills (Suhonen et al. 2018). Self-regulation may also include other regulation, which means that children simultaneously act both as the subject of another person's regulatory behaviour and as actors regulating another person's behaviour (Bodrova & Leong 2007).
In this article, we focus on SR in relation to children's intentions to act in frustrating situations in ECEC. Effective SR in the case of frustration requires that the child seamlessly coordinates their attention, emotions, working memory and inhibitory control, along with motor or verbal functions to produce adaptive and flexible behaviour.
Children's frustration and its relation to self-regulation
In ECEC, children's tolerance of frustration, persistent view of challenges and compliance with caregiver demands are the main characteristics of successful SR (Eisenberg et al. 2001; Kochanska 1993). Self-regulation skills help the children to cope with peer groups and adults more adequately when they are frustrated, upset or embarrassed (Kolestelnik et al. 2009:45-47). Frustration reactivity can be considered from a temperamental perspective as unchanging, but it is also influenced by regulatory systems (Rothbart, Ahadi & Evans 2000; Rothbart & Bates 2006). The interaction between frustration and emotion regulation is based on a notion that frustration is the emotional excitation of individual, whereas the emotion regulation is the behavioural process that modifies that reactivity (Rothbart et al. 2000). For example, the use of strategies such as self-comforting, help seeking and distraction may assist the child in managing early frustration and fear responses. Approach behaviours and gaze aversion may assist in the modulation of joy and pleasure. These kinds of behavioural strategies begin to develop early in the first year of life and affect both the continued development of regulation and the subsequent social skills and behaviour (Calkins & Fox 2002).
Children's coping strategies in a frustrated and stressful context
Children's verbalised intentions represent a variety of strategies with which the children are already familiar when they feel anger or frustration. The strategies can be adaptive or maladaptive, depending on children's self-regulative abilities and their social environment (Crittenden 2006; Finlon et al. 2015). The children's coping strategies in stressful conditions involve mental and/or physical action and can take the form of denial, regression, withdrawal, impulsive acting out or suppression, as well as problem-solving, negotiation, conciliation or humour. The strategies vary according to the environmental stressors, and they depend on temperament, age and SR skills, and a variety of learned responses and social interaction (Curry & Russ 1985; Honig 2009).
The developing strategies in stress-related situations can include elements of help- or comfort-seeking, goal-directed strategies, distraction and physical forms of venting or tension-release in attempt to overcome problems (e.g. Diener & Manglesdorf 1999). Children begin to develop certain coping patterns with specific stressors through habituation and adaptation. Some coping strategies are more effective and more socially acceptable than others. For instance, an aggressive strategy as a coping reaction to rejection by peers is less acceptable than if the child uses a problem-solving approach (Essa 2012:492-493). The frustrated situations might be stressful for children (Lazarus & Folkman 1984) and therefore it is important for teachers to know and recognise what kind of strategies children use to cope with stress in educational settings.
Methods
This study is part of an orientation research project (blogs.helsinki.fi/orientate). Even though the project's data collection was carried out in Finland and in Taiwan, the choice was made to investigate only children from Finland. The reason for that is that the possible cultural differences would have changed the research setting. In that case, the study should have required a comparative study design. The data were collected in January-May 2015. The data are based on the teacher-rated skill evaluation conducted by children's own teachers and the child interview. The evaluation form included Likert-scale statements which were related to children's motor development, language skills, play, peer relations, attachment and emotions. The research questions are as follows:
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How do children describe their coping strategies in a frustrated situation in ECEC?
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How are children's descriptions of their coping strategies in a frustrated situation related to their teacher-rated SR skills?
Participants
The participants were 383 children from Finnish day-care centres and pre-schools. Altogether there were 36 different day-care units and pre-schools from four municipalities in southern Finland. There were 192 (50.1%) boys and 190 (49.6%) girls in the sample with one (0.3%) missing data on gender. The age range of the sample was 48-87 months, with the mean of M = 67.54 (standard deviation [SD] = 11.22).
The data collection and assessment of the self-regulation skills
The instrument of SR was originally developed in 1997 (cf. Reunamo 2007) and further enhanced in 2009 and 2014. The teachers were trained to use the instrument in February 2015. The children's SR skills data were collected by asking the teachers to evaluate the skills of the children in their own groups. The teachers were considered to have the most comprehensive knowledge of the children in their own groups (see Kamphaus & Frick 2010:143-144). The SR evaluation took place in March 2015. A Likert-scale from 1 to 5 was used. The form also included demographic information: age, gender, special needs, social skills, motor skills, adaptivity, attachment to ECEC personnel, peer relations, and language and metacognitive skills. In total, there were 20 items in the evaluation form, of which six statements focused on SR skills (see Table 1).
The reliability of the instrument was reported in Veijalainen, Reunamo and Alijoki (2017). The internal consistency of SR skills was found to be high with the Cronbach's alpha (α = 0.860) test. The evaluation form as an instrument has been shown to work well with other independent research measures (cf. Reunamo et al. 2013; Rintakorpi & Reunamo 2017). The child evaluation instrument can be retrieved from http://www.helsinki.fi/~reunamo/apu/ch_eval15.pdf.
The interview
The frustration tolerance and behavioural regulation have previously been studied with observation-based instruments (e.g. Curry & Russ 1985; Diener & Mangelsdorf 1999; Eisenberg et al. 2001). In this research, we focused on children's coping strategies in a frustrating context explained by children themselves. We can relate children's own voice, personal description of their strategies and personal experiences with the frustrating situation with the SR evaluations. Children's narrations regarding frustration are explored. The interview (Reunamo 2007) consisted of 17 different pictures and questions about what the children would likely do in certain kinds of conflict-related situations. The teachers were trained to interview children. The children's narration describes children's views of the conflicting and frustrated situation.
Children's different points of view are related to different experiential and developmental features (see Kortesluoma, Hentinen & Nikkonen 2003). Even though children's descriptions of strategies will not necessarily match their actual responses in a frustrating situation, the description may reveal interesting connections with children's views and teacher-rated SR. In this article, the focus is on children's description of the following imagined frustrating situation: 'Think of a situation that your work is ruined and you fail. What do you do then?' The interview outline (see, for example, Reunamo et al. 2012, 2016) can be retrieved from http://www.helsinki.fi/~reunamo/apu/interview_instrument_with_pictures.pdf.
Analysis
Children's SR skills and a hypothetical frustrated context were conducted by using mixed methods. The inter-rater reliability in coding the children's response in the hypothetical frustrating situation was used. Two researchers coded the responses independently and the agreement was tested with Cohen's kappa (0.858). The result was statistically significant (p < 0.001), and according to Landis and Koch (1977), the agreement was excellent. The data were analysed by using IBM SPSS (Statistical Package for the Social Sciences) statistics software. A summary variable of SR skills was created from the six items. To increase clarity, the summary variable was transformed into three different categories: weak, moderate and good (cf. Fabes et al. 1999), using cut-off scores for determining the percentages. In the sample, the weak SR skills category included 64 (16.7%) children. The moderate category, representing the majority of the sample, included 195 (50.9%) children, while the good category comprised 79 (20.6%) children.
A qualitative content analysis was used in the children's interview. The data were systematically coded using emergent design where analysis procedure evolves over the course of the research. This flexibly approach allows the research goals to change in response to new information and change the research design (Given 2008:245). Subsequently, the data were categorised step by step, arranging the material into content analytical units (Saldaña 2009). Children's descriptions were transcribed and classified in seven different categories in two stages. Firstly, seven initial categories were found. Secondly, a new classification was conducted by using the found categories. During classification, no information concerning children's SR scores was available, which means that the two instruments are independent. The seven types of coping strategies were (1) persistence, (2) adult contact, (3) withdrawal, (4) uncertainty, (5) unclear strategy, (6) description of sadness and (7) outburst. Persistence is defined as resources which keep the child oriented towards tenaciously accomplishing the work without giving up. Adult contact contains all the descriptions where children tend to ask for help from adults ECEC personnel. Withdrawal is the child's inability to tolerate failing and accomplish the work by giving up and abandoning it. Uncertainty contains all the descriptions where a child does not know what to do in a frustrated situation. The unclear strategy represents descriptions where children's responses were irrationally out of context or they did not understand the question properly. Description of sadness is defined as a child's disappointment or grief. An outburst represents child's aggressive behaviour. In the quantitative analysis, means, standard deviations and chi-square tests were used. To check the statistical significance of the results, the statistical differences were compared also with the Z-test for statistical significance between categories.
Ethics
The parents and guardians gave written permission for their children to participate in the research. The research permission form can be retrieved from http://blogs.helsinki.fi/orientate/research-permits/. The children's names, birthdays, social security numbers or any other identification data were not collected, and neither the personal information of the parents nor that of the teachers. Each child and child group received a number that was used in the analyses. The data collection was conducted as part of everyday activities. Children's physical integrity was not violated.
Ethical considerations
The children were not exposed to strong stimuli or their physical integrity was not violated. There was no register collection, and neither the personal information of parents nor that of the teachers. The interviews were conducted in a familiar day-care environment, without any sensory distractions. The children were told that they could stop the interview when they wanted.
Results
The descriptive statistics of the SR instrument are presented in Table 1. The means of the evaluations ranged from 2.59 to 3.77 and the standard deviations varied between 1.000 and 1.397. The item 'Easily becomes emotionally upset in frustrating situations' had the lowest mean, but the standard deviation for this item was the largest, indicating that the variable may have a slightly greater impact in the summary variable of SR.
The differences in children's SR skills categories (Table 2) were statistically significant χ2 (12, N = 337) = 39.981, p = 0.000, Cramer's V = 0.244. Children's persistence strategy was the most common one. It was defined as resources which keep the child oriented towards tenaciously accomplishing the work without giving up. The percentage increased considerably with children's increase in SR skills. The Z-test revealed statistically significant differences between weak SR skills and the two other categories. Children's typical persistence-related answers in a frustrated situation were for example:
I will make a new one.
I just keep going.
I will rub it and make a new one.
I will try to make it differently.
I would start all over.
Well, then you just have to try it all over again. You have to use an eraser.
Adult contact was the second most common strategy for children and it contains all the descriptions where children tend to ask for help from adult ECEC personnel. The percentage of the strategy decreased slightly in the weaker SR categories, but the relation was so weak that the relation was not statistically significant. The typical adult-related descriptions were:
I'll ask an adult to help me.
I will ask for help.
Well, then I will ask an adult if I could make another one.
I would tell the teacher that I made a little mistake.
I will tell you.
I'll tell the teacher about it and I would make another one then.
By withdrawal, we mean a child's inability to tolerate failing and accomplish the work by giving up and abandoning it. They replied that they would give up with the work and seek some other activity. The child can also seek a pleasant and more pleasing activity to engage him/her. The withdrawal strategy in a frustrated situation was distinctly the feature of the children with weak SR skills; the children with moderate or good SR had a statistically significant percentage of fewer withdrawal strategies. Only 5.1% of the children with good SR skills would use a withdrawal strategy. Typical withdrawal-related children's descriptions were:
I would take it away and I'll go somewhere else.
I'm going to bed.
I will do something else.
I would rather take a game.
I'll throw it into a waste basket.
I will take something else. I will do something else. I will take a friend along and if we don't succeed, we'll go playing.
In the uncertainty category, the child does not know what to do in a frustrated situation. As can be seen in Table 2, there was a statistically significant difference between children with good SR skills and other children. Children with good SR skills were not uncertain about their strategies at all. Typical uncertainty-related descriptions in a frustrated situation were:
I don't know.
I will do nothing.
I can't figure it out.
Nothing.
I really don't know.
I don't remember.
Unclear represents the descriptions in which children's strategies were problematic to categorise. An uncertain description signifies a form of ignorance or confusion. The unclear category represents descriptions where children's responses were irrationally out of context or they did not understand the question properly. In total, 6.1% of the children were classified into the unclear category. The percentage of unclear strategies diminished radically as children's SR skills increased. The percentage of unclear answers was statistically significant between children with weak SR skills and other children. The unclear category included, for example, the following descriptions:
I'm a friend of Hattifattener [cartoon figure].
The picture doesn't appear.
I'm not working yet.
Someone is interfering with me.
I don't have any friend then.
Yeah.
Sadness was rare for children (n = 7) and it was the second least uncommon strategy of the sample. In the sadness category, the child's emotional description includes disappointment or grief. The strategies describing sadness also diminished as children's SR skills increased. Despite this, the differences between sadness and SR skills were not statistically significant. Children's descriptions in the sadness category included:
I'm sad.
I'll start to cry and go home then.
I will cry. There's a teardrop.
I'm having a bad mood then.
I will cry there.
Alone, drawn. Crying.
The most uncommon strategy of the total sample in a frustrated situation was outburst. The outburst strategy has features in common with the sadness category, but outburst includes aggressive behaviour. The outburst strategy was non-existent with good SR skills; the sample size was too small (n = 3) for statistical differences. Children's outburst-related descriptions were:
If the drawing gets ruined, it needs to get angry.
I will start to yell.
I will smash it off.
Discussion
The main purpose of this study was to investigate the connections between children's teacher-rated SR skills and the coping strategies they chose to employ in a frustrating hypothetical context. Mainly, the analysis supported the earlier findings that the children with good SR skills had greater capacity to face and tolerate the frustrated and stressful event (Eisenberg et al. 2011:263-283). Moreover, the analysis confirmed (Eisenberg et al. 2001; Kochanska 1993) that especially children with good SR skills regularly described persistent strategies, which was not so common for children with moderate or weak SR skills. The children with good SR skills seemed to flexibly respond to the frustrating situation. They did not give up so often and they had a tenacious and clear strategy to complete their imagined work. In contrast, the children with moderate or weak SR skills had more withdrawal strategies than children with good SR skills. The descriptions of withdrawal strategies emphasised the feelings of disappointment and an attitude of quitting. It is possible that the lack of self-esteem and self-efficacy are the main reasons for those children who tend to withdraw and give up. Self-esteem is one of the central aspects of SR. In a process of SR, we constantly monitor and compare ourselves with some standard or a goal in the surrounding environment (Rhodewalt & Tragakis 2003).
Surprisingly, there were no statistical differences between SR skills and the 'contact an adult' strategy. Its share of the total sample was also unexpectedly low; we presumed that children would frequently request the assistance of the ECEC employees and that they would dare to ask for it. Likewise, it could have been expected that the children with weak SR skills would ask for the help of employees because weak SR skills tend to have a strong correlation for weak motor skills (Veijalainen et al. 2017). However, it could be possible that children's realistic outcome differs from their imagined ones.
The SR skills related to children's ability to envision the frustrating situation. The children with good SR skills did not have any uncertain descriptions; it is possible that those children had a better understanding of what to do in frustrated situations, or their language development was simply more advanced. Children's language skills are related to SR and it can jointly enhance their social interactions in ECEC (Aro 2003:244-245; Cantwell & Baker1992; Veijalainen et al. 2017). It is also possible that some children in the study were too nervous or shy to consider the situation properly. The unclear descriptions were more common with children exhibiting weak SR skills; the children with good SR skills did not exhibit any unclear strategy. This finding indicates that children with good SR skills can reflect and think more clearly when they are frustrated. Presumably the relation of SR and unclear descriptions are associated with problems in expressive language and language delays. However, the children with weak SR skills did have more unclear answers. It means that children with weak SR skills seemed to exhibit more irrational thinking and answers which were given out of context. It is also possible that children with weak SR skills tended to misinterpret the question more often and they answered whatever they felt like.
The sample sizes of the sadness and outburst categories were too small for statistical differences with SR skills. Nonetheless, the descriptions of sadness and outburst appeared more often for children with weak SR skills. It would have been interesting to explore more specifically how those categories are entwined with children's SR skills. For that reason, the researchers might highlight in the next study how children's emotions are linked with their SR skills. The new observation-based instrument with a larger sample size could possibly expose the relations of SR and the emotions of sadness and outbursts.
Conclusion
The current study is an exclusive and multidimensional research in ECEC. As far, as the researchers are aware, previous research has not studied young children's coping strategies as comprehensively via child interviews. Therefore, this study aims to fill the knowledge gap to improve the knowledge of regulatory processes and its relation to children's coping strategies for frustration. Frustration can be a very unpleasant feeling for everyone, but especially for young children. Children's ability to regulate themselves is influenced by their temperament and age, but it is also learned via teachers' co-regulation (Rothbart, Ellis & Posner 2011:442; Suhonen et al. 2018). The findings of this study suggest that teachers in ECEC should pay attention and offer sufficient support for children in situations of frustration. According to the results, it should be considered that some of the children do not have the comprehension of their own possibilities and options when they confront the frustration. Even though the simulated situations are not comparable with the actual responses, they reflect the children's ability in imagining and mentally processing it. The first stage is to mentally comprehend the possibilities and options before children will start using them. It is not enough to develop children's intelligence or knowledge if the children are not able to use them as tools of regulation.
Children's persistent coping strategies should be encouraged via engagement in play activities and enriched materials through providing adult support. The results have promising indications for pedagogy. Self-regulation is not something abstract and theoretical, and these concrete coping strategies would allow teachers to work concretely with children in enhancing their SR skills further. For example, teachers and children themselves can talk about their coping strategies and compare them with each other. In addition, children and teachers can work together using coping strategies in play, such as drama play, and any other activities, which they both understand.
Limitations
Interviewing as a method can be problematic with young children. The situation can be new and frightening for some children and it can increase their inability to produce ample and reliable narration. In some cases, there is also the risk that the child tries to produce an answer that he/she assumes the teacher wants to hear. Säljö (2001:116) describes this situation as 'communicative agreement'. However, the descriptions express the children's ability or inability for mental processing, narrating and interpreting the desirable and suitable strategy in the situations of frustration. In addition, it should be noted that the age range of the study was wide, and SR is partly influenced by age. The researchers in this study did not find statistically significant differences between children's age and their descriptions. Nevertheless, in future studies, children's SR and coping strategies for frustration need to be studied comprehensively with age as a control variable. In addition, additional interview questions need to be drawn up, which will hopefully give a broad view on teacher-rated SR skills and their relation to children's descriptions. Still, it should be noted that the instruments of SR and coping strategies of frustration were independent of each other. Therefore, the classifier of the coping strategies did not have any knowledge about the children's SR ratings. As a consequence, it is presumable that the statistically significant results may describe causal relations. The researchers are not, however, able to state the cause or direction of the results, only that a relationship exists.
Acknowledgements
This article is part of the orientation research project that is conducted by J.R. The authors wish to thank the Jenny and Antti Wihuri Foundation for financial support, which made this study possible.
Competing interests
The authors declare that they have no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced them in writing this article.
Authors' contributions
J.V. conducted the statistical analyses and qualitative content analysis. He also wrote the literature review, discussion, conclusion and limitations. J.R. was the project leader of the orientation project. He was responsible for the data collection and also wrote a part of the literature review, discussion and conclusion. Both N.S. and E.S. contributed to writing the literature review. They also helped to conceptualise and structure this article.
Funding information
This work was supported by the Jenny and Antti Wihuri Foundation under grant number 00160463.
Data availability statement
Data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study.
Disclaimer
The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the authors.
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Correspondence:
Jouni Veijalainen
jouni.veijalainen@helsinki.fi
Received: 23 Nov. 2018
Accepted: 21 May 2019
Published: 12 Sept. 2019
ORIGINAL RESEARCH
What mathematics knowledge for teaching is used by a Grade 2 teacher when teaching counting
Samukeliso ChikiwaI; Lise WestawayII; Mellony GravenI
ISouth African Numeracy Chair Project, Rhodes University, Grahamstown, South Africa
IIDepartment of Education, Rhodes University, Grahamstown, South Africa
ABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: The study on which this article is based investigated the Mathematics Knowledge for Teaching (MKfT) that a well experienced Grade 2 teacher utilized when teaching counting
AIM: In this paper we share excerpts from one of the lessons of this Grade 2 teacher, which we analyzed to illuminate the various domains of MKfT and their interconnectedness in the teaching of counting
SETTING: The research was conducted in a former Model C school in the Eastern Cape province of South Africa
METHOD: Using a case study methodology, 15 Grade 2 mathematics lessons were observed, video recorded and transcribed. Two formal interviews based on two selected video-recorded lessons were conducted to understand this teacher's practice. The data were analysed using Deborah Ball and colleagues' MKfT framework
RESULTS: The study found that Foundation Phase mathematics teaching requires the knowledge and tactful employment of all six knowledge domains as described in the work of Ball and colleagues. The Knowledge of Content and Teaching (KCT) domain, was found to be essential in teaching counting in Grade 2. The other five domains supported and informed the KCT domain
CONCLUSION: We suggest from the insights gained here that research examining the MKfT that competent teachers draw on in teaching Foundation Phase mathematics could assist in developing curricula for in-service and pre-service teacher education programs
Keywords: Mathematical Knowledge for Teaching; Counting; Number Sense; Mathematics Teaching; Pedagogical Content Knowledge; Teacher Knowledge.
Background
Poor performance in mathematics in South Africa is well documented and has been an area of concern for the past two decades (Bansilal, Brijlall & Mkhwananzi 2014; Fleisch 2008; Kazima, Pillay & Adler 2008; McAuliffe & Lubben 2013; Reddy 2006; Spaull 2013). Studies that attempt to explain why South African learners are not performing competently in mathematics propose that many mathematics teachers in South Africa lack both content and pedagogical knowledge to teach mathematics. As such, learners acquire learning deficits early on in their schooling career that impact learner performance in their later years of schooling (Fleisch 2008; Graven 2016; Taylor & Taylor 2013). Taylor (2011) suggests that interventions in mathematics education must first address these deficits to successfully raise learners' mathematical proficiency. Ball, Thames and Phelps (2008:395) propose that doing an analysis of teachers' practices and 'asking expert mathematicians and mathematics educators to identify the core mathematical ideas and skills that teachers should have' may be useful to ascertain what knowledge is required for the effective teaching of mathematics. This article is based on the first author's Master of Education research study that sought to understand the Mathematics Knowledge for Teaching (MKfT) as proposed by Ball et al. (2008) employed by a competent teacher of Foundation Phase (FP) mathematics to develop number sense through counting activities. The article aims to share the knowledge and skills this experienced Grade 2 teacher employed in her teaching. The MKfT framework was used as an analytical tool to two counting-related activities.
Reasons underpinning teachers' deficit in knowledge for teaching mathematics
Although poor learner performance in mathematics is often attributed to teachers' insufficient content knowledge and poor pedagogical practices, Carnoy et al. (2008) argue that the majority of these teachers have teaching qualifications. This suggests a discrepancy in the initial teacher education programmes. Teachers might not be adequately equipped to meet the demands of teaching during initial teacher education (Department of Basic Education [DBE] 2009). Research suggests a number of reasons behind teachers' poor MKfT (Adler 2005; Carnoy et al. 2008; DBE 2009).
Adler and Davis (2006) argue that teacher educators face challenges in embracing the content and pedagogical knowledge necessary for teaching mathematics under the legacy of apartheid. They argue that most students who enrol for initial teacher education programmes have limited mathematics content knowledge, resulting from being exposed to poor teaching by inadequately qualified teachers (Department of Education [DoE] 2004). The DoE (2004) argues that if these students become teachers, when they have not received adequate training that equips them with both content and pedagogical knowledge, they may continue to perpetuate poor teaching practices, leading to a revolving cycle of poor achievement. It is therefore necessary that teacher education programmes facilitate an end to this deficit cycle by incorporating programmes that would enhance the pre-service and in-service teachers' mathematical content and pedagogical practices. However, Adler (2005) points out three challenges that teacher educators face regarding educating competent mathematics teachers. Firstly, she claims there is not enough knowledge about what is needed to prepare teachers for mathematics teaching and therefore urges that research should be conducted into the MKfT to inform teacher education programmes. This study responds to this call. Secondly, she maintains that there is a lack of ongoing support that enables mathematics teachers to be effective after they leave the university. Thirdly, she points out that universities are challenged to provide a large number of adequately and appropriately trained mathematics teachers at a time when there are fewer people who are taking up advanced study of mathematics and very few people choosing teaching as a profession. However, despite all these challenges teacher education still needs to work towards ending the cycle of poor teaching and poor learner achievement.
Ball's conceptualisation of mathematics knowledge for teaching
The DBE's (2009) assertion that teacher education is to blame for teachers' lack of both content knowledge and pedagogy concurs with what Shulman (1987) proposed four decades ago. He suggested that there was an imbalance in teacher education programmes as they focused either on pedagogy or on content, but never the two at the same time. Shulman (1986, 1987) endeavoured to bridge this dichotomy by introducing a special domain of teacher knowledge, which he referred to as Pedagogical Content Knowledge (PCK). He defined this knowledge as 'the ways of representing and formulating the subject, making it comprehensible to others' (Shulman 1986:9).
In analysing the demands of mathematics teaching, there is a need to identify both the Subject Matter Knowledge (SMK) and PCK that are required in the work mathematics teachers do. This is possible through studying and identifying the knowledge and skills utilised in the regular day-to-day demands of teaching (Chikiwa 2017). Ball et al. (2008:395) propose that analysing the work of teachers, where one observes teachers carrying out the work of teaching, and 'asking expert mathematicians and mathematics educators to identify the core mathematical ideas and skills that teachers should have', may be useful to ascertain what knowledge is required for the effective teaching of mathematics. Building on Shulman's (1986) notion of PCK, Hill, Rowan and Ball (2005) conducted an interactive work session to investigate the content and pedagogical knowledge and skills that are needed in the teaching of mathematics. Focusing on teachers' mathematics teaching practices, they managed to identify six knowledge domains. Together these six domains are referred to as MKfT. This framework has become influential in mathematics education because of its practice-based nature. Like Shulman's (1987) PCK, MKfT seeks to formulate and represent mathematics, 'making it comprehensible to others' (Shulman 1986:9). This suggests that teachers need to have a regular tendency of solving mathematical problems accurately, have reasons why they solve them that way and have different ways of doing so. They also need to know various ways of teaching each of the mathematical concepts in ways that are understandable to learners. MKfT is described as mathematical knowledge skills and habits of mind entailed in the work of teaching (Hill et al. 2005; Kim 2013). Ball et al. (2008:395) concur that MKfT 'is concerned with the tasks involved in teaching and the mathematical demands of these tasks'.
Mathematics knowledge for teaching consists of six domains refined from Shulman's two knowledge categories, namely, SMK and PCK. These six knowledge domains are deemed to be essential in the teaching of mathematics. SMK comprises Common Content Knowledge (CCK), Horizontal Content Knowledge (HCK) and Specialised Content Knowledge (SCK), while PCK comprises Knowledge of Content and Students (KCS), Knowledge of Content and Teaching (KCT) and Knowledge of Content and Curriculum (KCC) (Ball et al. 2008). These are briefly explained in Table 1.
In this article, as stated earlier, we analyse the MKfT that an expert Grade 2 teacher employed to effectively develop children's number sense through counting activities. The article is building on an earlier paper that focused on how this expert teacher managed the challenges children have with the -ty and -teen numbers. This article, however, illuminates how the expert teacher managed the errors that children encounter when bridging the decuples, while counting forwards and counting backwards.
Developing number sense through counting on and counting back
While research has established that mathematics is poorly performed in South Africa allegedly because most teachers lack adequate content and pedagogy, it has also been noted that the trajectory of poor performance begins at FP because of poorly developed number sense (Graven 2016; Graven et al. 2013; Hoadley 2012; Schollar 2008). Graven (2016) argues that learners exit FP with inefficient arithmetic strategies and as a result fail to cope with the arithmetic demands of the higher grades. A study conducted in grades 3 and 4 by Graven and Heyd-Metzuyanim (2014) found that many learners have not yet developed the advanced skills expected at their grade levels for solving mathematical problems that are inculcated through development of number sense.
Number sense develops as mathematical knowledge in children. Graven et al. (2013) propose that number sense is more than just the ability to count, name, identify and write numbers. Rather, they argue that number sense includes having a sense of what numbers are, understanding their relationship to one another, being able to perform mental math calculations efficiently and effectively, and being able to use numbers in real-world situations. Reys, Lindquist and Smith (2007) concur that number sense refers to a person's general understanding of number and operations, along with the ability to use this understanding in flexible ways to make mathematical judgements and to develop useful strategies for solving complex problems. Number sense grows gradually over time by exploring numbers, visualising numbers in a variety of contexts and relating to numbers in different ways (Burns 2007). Counting is important because it mediates between intuitive knowledge about quantities and basic arithmetic. Marmasse, Bletsas and Marti (2000) claim that:
[C]ounting is an important exercise for children. It helps them explore the relationships between numbers. Reflecting on number ordinality and realizing that smaller numbers are included within bigger numbers helps them modify their problem-solving strategies. (p. 5)
Our research sought to understand what MKfT an expert teacher employed to develop number sense through counting.
In this article, counting refers to the process that intends to find the muchness of a set through following the 'how to count' principles as explained by Gelman and Gallistel (1978). That is, the one-one (one numeral assigned to one item of the set) principle, the stable order principle (the same order of numerals should be maintained in all counts) and the cardinal principle (the last number name said represents the number of items in a set). Counting assists in identifying 'the number of things in a set' (Sarnecka & Carey 2008:663). The processes of counting on and counting back thus assist in identifying 'how many'.
The process of learning to count and understand numbers and their sequence is not an easy one (Baroody & Wilkins 1999). Researchers suggest that during the early stages of learning to count, learners face challenges that are related to the structure of the number system (Fuson 1988; Gifford 2005; Reys et al. 2007). Specifically, in English, one has to count up to 20 before one can recognise a pattern in the counting word sequence. Gelman and Gallistel (1978) identified five principles that they claimed to be useful in helping young children in learning to count, which are now commonly known as the 'counting principles'. These include the stable order principle, one-to-one correspondence, cardinality principle, order irrelevance and the abstraction principle. As noted earlier, the first three of these principles are regarded by Clements and Sarama (2009) as the 'how to count' principles. In other words, they give guidance on how counting should be done. The latter two are identified as the 'what to count' principles.
As learners demonstrate their knowledge of counting, specifically with regard to cardinality across a variety of tasks and situations, they may encounter a number of challenges that indicate they are still developing an understanding of the counting process. Clements and Sarama (2014) suggest that there are several errors that appear common amongst learners as they develop their counting proficiency. These include omitting or repeating numbers, skipping an item and not including it in the counting sequence, assigning more than one number word to a single item or pointing to two or more items while saying one number word and giving the wrong number when asked how many there are in a set. Reys et al. (2007) propose that lack of understanding of place value contributes to the challenges learners encounter as they learn to count. They argue that place value is a foundational concept for understanding the number system and for developing procedures for multi-digit operations and therefore is basic for mathematics learning. Hiebert and Wearne (1992) claim that understanding place value is essential for building connections between the key ideas of place value, such as quantifying sets of objects by grouping by 10 and treating the groups as units. They further claim that sound understanding of place value is indicated by the extent to which learners can efficiently count large collections and confidently make, name, record, compare, order, sequence, count forwards and backwards in place value parts, and rename multi-digit numbers in terms of their parts. Thus, learners need to develop an in-depth understanding of place value to be able to understand the number system. Reys et al. (2007) propose that the lack of understanding of place value results in some counting errors. Table 2 shows some counting errors that Reys et al. (2007) affirm to be related to place value. Errors in bridging the decuples are part of such errors. This article focusses on what MKfT an expert teacher used to manage such counting errors, particularly in the context of counting on activities when counting on the number of dots on a dice to a given number.
A richer and more detailed analysis of how a competent Grade 2 teacher used counting as a means to develop learners' number sense by addressing all these challenges can be found in Chikiwa (2017). However, this article centres on challenges learners face when transitioning from one decade to another when counting forwards or backwards. This is referred to as 'bridging the decuples', such as 28, 29, 30, 31 or 41, 40, 39 and so on. The challenges associated with bridging the decuples and how the teacher helped her learners overcome them are deliberated in two parts. The first part focuses on bridging the tens while counting forwards and the second part focuses on bridging the tens while counting backwards. The knowledge and skills the teacher used are analysed using the MKfT framework.
Methodology
A qualitative case study approach was employed in this study. One conveniently selected expert teacher, whom we refer to as 'Gail' (pseudonym), was carefully chosen because of the expertise and her 38 years of experience in FP teaching. Her competence as a teacher of FP mathematics was confirmed by her being selected by the DoE to lead the local cluster of FP mathematics teachers, by her teacher union to run mathematics workshops in the province and for her involvement in teaching FP mathematics methodology courses to preservice and in-service teachers at a local university.
Fifteen counting lessons were observed over 4 weeks of February in Gail's classroom at a school in the Eastern Cape province after following ethical procedures for conducting research within the classroom and school where she teaches. The lessons, together with two semi-structured interviews, based on selected lessons, were video recorded, transcribed and analysed using the MKfT framework. We share our analysis of a few excerpts from her lesson, specifically the counting and counting-related components of her lessons.
Data presentation, analysis and discussion
It is 33 min into the mathematics lesson and 7 min into the counting activity that Gail conducted on the carpet with the Brown Group. The Brown Group was composed of eight learners she deemed to be less mathematically competent. Gail and the Brown Group learners were playing a dice game where the first player rolls a dice and identifies the number of dots in the dice (e.g. 4). The learner counts on from a given number (e.g. 32) he reaches the final count (i.e. 36). The next player rolls the dice and counts on from the answer to the previous player's count. The third player rolls the dice and counts on from the last players count. The excerpt in Figure 1 begins with the teacher assuming a cumulative count of 29. The game intends to help learners to master the counting sequence and to use counting on as a strategy for addition calculations. In this game, learners seemed to struggle with counting past the ninth digit of each decade. The excerpt in Figure 1 reflects one example of a learner who experienced a challenge in bridging the decuple.
Failing to bridge the decuples is common with young learners (Gifford 2005; Wright 2012). Prior to this lesson, Gail explained that the learners 'really battle to come out of one ten and get into the next one' (FI2, V1, T116). In the excerpt in Figure 1, Learner 3 struggled to count from 39, Learner 4 from 49 to 50, Learner 1 from 59 to 60 and Learner 7 from 79 to 80. Once Gail realised the learners were having difficulty bridging the decuple, she counted with them or encouraged them to use their fingers. Each time the learners reached the ninth term of each decade they would get stuck. Gail knew the learners were stumped as a long silence followed while the learner tried to figure out what number should follow. She probed by asking, 'What number comes next?' The learners managed to bridge the decuple once they had been given time to think about it. However, with the transition from 79 to 80 Gail had to tell the Learner 7 the answer. Gail showed her expertise when teaching counting to her Brown Group by instructing them to play the dice game, which would facilitate rehearsal of forward counting in ones. Gail knew the challenges her learners had with forward counting and provided them with an interesting setting for practising their counting as they add on from the terminal number of the previous learner to new terminal number.
Counting the roll of the dice from the previous learner's count, Learner 6 in Turn 43 struggles to count on 2 from 48. He counts to 49 but could not easily proceed to 50. He had to think seriously before he could figure out that 50 follows 49. Gail gave the learner adequate waiting time to think of the next number. This is crucial because during the process of counting, learners may need time to reorganise their thinking while going through a hurdle (Wright 2012). Wright (2012) also suggests that if learners seem not to remember the sequence, it is appropriate for the teacher to probe or give clues. Gifford (2005) and Wright (2012) acknowledge that the problem of failing to bridge the decuples is common with young learners. Gifford (2005) argues that it is appropriate for the teacher to tell the learners the next number in the counting sequence when they get stuck so that they do not completely lose their confidence. In the excerpt in Figure 1, Gail does not immediately tell the learners the numbers as Gifford suggests, rather she asks a question, points to their fingers, counts with them and extends the 'wait time', thus giving the learners time to think about the number that follows.
Gail's MKfT is evidenced in a number of ways in the excerpts related to bridging the decuple when counting forwards. She is able to anticipate what the learners experience as difficult when learning to count on and knows what they are likely to do (i.e. they keep quiet, have to think for an extended period or substitute an arbitrary number). This knowledge suggests that Gail knows about content and students and is able to combine the two in her teaching. In addition, she has specifically chosen a game to assist the learners in developing their ability to count on and bridge the decuples. Gail realises that the game is likely to capture her learners' attention and keep them focused on the purpose of the small group counting session. Her choice of the game also reflects her KCS. However, the use of the game to develop her learners' ability to count on and bridge the decuple also indicates that Gail values active learning and making learners develop a positive attitude towards mathematics by making learning mathematics fun. Furthermore, the dice provides an opportunity for children to point count if necessary and to support them in uttering one word for each dot on the dice. She claimed: 'Counting is not just a component of rote count, spit out of your mouth and it means absolutely nothing' (FI2, V2, T15). She explained that counting 'must be one to one; it must be an uttering the correct word on the correct number' (FI2, V2, T23).
The bridging concept while counting back
As discussed earlier, Reys et al. (2007) maintain that learners face challenges in bridging the decuples while counting forwards and backwards. The excerpt in Figure 2 highlights an example where Gail helped her learners to overcome the challenge of bridging the decuples while counting backwards. The excerpt in Figure 2 is taken from 15 min into the session, where Gail is counting with the whole class. The learners had been counting as a class in ones from 1 to 80, while Gail was pulling beads across the bead-string. She moved away from the bead-string, sat on her chair next to the carpet and asked the learners to count back in ones again. This time she did not use the bead-string. Rather she asked the learners to 'close Mr Ten's house'. Closing of Mr Ten's house is a strategy where numbers are grouped in terms of tens. Each 10 is regarded as a 'house'. Numbers from 10 to 19 form Mr Ten's house, from 20 to 29 they are part of Mr Twenty's house and so forth. Because the learners are counting backwards in this activity, each house starts with the ninth term in the decade (e.g. 59 for Mr Fifty's house and 49 for Mr Forty's house).
The counting session in the excerpt in Figure 2 began with Gail telling her learners to 'close Mr Eighty's house', demonstrating with her hands. She closed Mr Eighty's house. The learners were familiar with this routine as they began to put their hands in the air to make the 'roof' of a house. Together with the learners, Gail closed Mr Eighty's house again. Gail asked the learners which ten's house they would 'fall' into, in other words, which decade is just below 80. The learners responded that they would 'fall' into Mr Seventy's house. Copying Gail, the learners raised their hands above their heads as they started counting back from the top of Mr Seventy's house, that is, from 79. Together with their teacher they counted back, moving their hands down (mimicking the sides of the house) as they counted. The end of each decade was announced through a 'Close Mr Ten's house'. Once they said this, they knew they had reached a decuple and were crossing over to the next decade. Gail explained that the use of the expression and accompanying action assisted the learners in bridging the decuples.
The questions Gail asked her learners were used to guide them into being clear about the number before each decuple. She explained that she liked to do counting activities on the mat with the whole class, as there are some learners who are not confident counting backwards. She said that 'weak kids can learn from the stronger children' (FI2, V2, T39). Gail counted with the learners and then left them to count on their own. She reinforced their success in counting across each decuple with a verbal encouragement, a 'good', and kept on directing them with such questions as 'We are where?' to help them to keep focused.
Gail checked to see if individual learners were following and counting with the class. For example, she asked one of the learners, 'Athi, where are we going to go now?' When she noticed a learner was not focused on the task, she stopped the other learners and asked that learner to count on his own. This helped all the learners to be attentive and to participate in the counting activity. The learner who had to count on his own omitted a number as he counted down. Gail asked the learner to count with his fingers. To ensure that the learners knew what to do, she counted with him, pointing to her own fingers as they counted. The learners also stopped and started counting while pointing to their fingers. When they reached 20, they changed their action to close Mr Twenty's house. The learners were able to count smoothly down from 20 until they had closed Mr Ten's house.
Gail used this strategy to alleviate the challenges learners meet when counting backwards. As noted earlier, learners face greater challenges when counting backwards than when counting forwards, especially when bridging the decuple. Reys et al. (2007) attest that many learners find it difficult to count backwards, just as much as many adults find it difficult to recite the alphabet backwards. Use of such expressions as 'close Mr Seventy's house' seemingly has advantages of helping learners remember how these numbers are grouped into decades.
Gail guided the session through her questions. She asked her learners, 'After closing Mr Eighty's house, whose house do we fall into?' and 'Where do we fall?' This helped the learners to bridge the tens accurately, as the learners could imagine themselves having to go down from a multiple-storey building. Gail commented that 'closing the house' reminds them that:
[W]e are now finished with Mr. Seventy's house. Otherwise what they will do is they will go to 70 again or they will go to 80 instead of going to sixty-nine. (Gail, 24 June 2016, personal interview)
Gail is echoing Wright's (2016) sentiments that in counting back learners can either fall into the wrong decuple or omit the decuple. Wright (2016) suggests that learners can face a number of challenges as they count backward, such as (1) counting down to the wrong decuple (e.g. 43, 42, 41, 30, 39, 38) or (2) omitting the decuple (43, 42, 41, 39, 38).
Gail had knowledge of and anticipated learner errors. She thus taught in a way that helped to avoid them. She was observant of what learners do as they count. She was able to identify learners who were committed to what they were doing and those who had lost the track. At Turn 52, Gail signals the class to keep quiet and points at one learner who had not been attentive. The learner misses the count and counts 'twenty-five, twenty-three', omitting 24. Gail used this as a way to keep all her learners actively and attentively involved in their learning because she stated that no learner would like to be put on the spot like that.
Gail realised that the learner mentioned above had lost focus because they had been counting in the same way all the way from 80. She instructed the learners, 'Use your fingers' (L1, V1, T53), instead of staggering their hands down as they had been doing. Gail avoided being monotonous during her counting session as mentioned earlier,'[s]o instead of just counting and being boring you need to throw in these other things to keep them focused' (FI2, V2, T37). When learners counted backwards to 10, she stopped them, then further developed her counting session by connecting, counting backward, to taking away or subtraction. This is discussed further later in this chapter.
The excerpt in Figure 2 demonstrates Gail's employment of MKfT in her teaching. She is able to evaluate strategies that will work for different concepts she teaches. For example, she devised the 'close Mr Ten's house' strategy and notes that it can help learners to master not only crossing the decades but can be applied for crossing the hundreds and thousands as well. The same way it is used for the tens can apply to other levels of counting back. Her ability to evaluate procedures that work and are generalisable reflects her SCK, and putting these into practice requires her KCT. She employed her KCS to anticipate that her learners would find it quite challenging to count down across the decades and also that they would find it interesting and motivating to use the 'close Mr Ten's house' strategy.
Gail is able to sequence her lesson from the known to the unknown, from the simple to complex. Learners start by counting in ones, from 1 going up. All the learners were familiar with counting in ones, especially between 1 and 20 because they had been doing that since Grade 2. After counting forwards, she instructs them to count backwards. Gail demonstrates her KCC by keeping the counting within the range for Grade 2, counting numbers and facilitating both the forward counting and the backward counting. The DBE (2011) indicates that by the end of Grade 2 learners should be able to count forwards and backwards within the range of 200. Gail kept her range within 100, which is the minimum for Grade 1.
Gail also demonstrates her KCC through her knowledge of what resources learners can use for counting. She requested that her learners use their fingers in their counting. She stated that:
Well, our fingers are part of a resource. Yah, I mean your fingers can be ones, they can be twos, they can be fives, they can be one hundred, anything. (Gail, 24 June 2016, personal interview)
Gail encourages learners to use their fingers because fingers are 'part of them' (FI2, V2, T157). Her emphasis on using fingers is influenced by her understanding that:
[C]hildren need to learn; they need concrete objects in order to do maths. You can't just tell them something. Thus, the basis as well is you got to discover things using concrete apparatus. (wiggling her fingers) This is concrete. (Gail, 24 June 2016, personal interview)
She justified the use of fingers:
[M]mhmm, it's much better for them to use their own fingers than to get up and walk around to go use your number grid; they can, but you're going to have lots of children walking around, whereas fingers are on your hands the whole time. (Gail, 24 June 2016, personal interview)
This also reflects that Gail is concerned about order in the learning environment. Table 3 summarises the aspects of each domain that were prevalent during the development of the concept of bridging the decuples while counting back. These domains were measured through analysing Gail's words and actions against the indicators of each domain, as proposed by Hurrell (2013).
Ethical considerations
Gail voluntarily participated in this research. The name Gail is a pseudonym that was used to protect the teacher's identity.
Key findings and conclusion
In using the MKfT framework for analysing the data, the indicators provided by Ball et al. (2008) for each domain were not particularly useful in relation to the teaching of counting. This was especially notable when analysing Gail's SCK in relation to counting. Given this, we had to establish our own indicators by drawing on Ball et al.'s (2008) definitions of each of the domains.
In this study, we found that there is a strong interdependence between the MKfT domains. KCT, however, seemed to be the centre of MKfT. The study found KCT directly linked the teacher and the learner with the concept of counting. However, all the domains work together to enable the teacher to effectively present mathematical ideas in ways that learners will find meaningful. Gail's KCT, for example, is enriched by the experience Gail gains as she teaches. For example, for Gail to know that learners have challenges in bridging the decuples she would probably have experienced it a number of times during the counting lessons or learned it from someone or from a text. That knowledge would enable her to design teaching strategies and representations that would address the learners' problems. The learners would only benefit if Gail uses the strategies informed by her knowledge in her teaching. We thus suggest that the five domains (CCK, SCK, KCC, HCK and KCS) influence her KCT. Gail employs these five domains to carry out the work of teaching by presenting the content sequentially, making good use of the appropriately selected representations and examples, asking productive questions and so on. Thus, the other knowledge domains facilitated better teaching by informing the teacher what content to teach (KCC); how it related to the topics that have already been taught or are still to come (HCK); what misconceptions and errors are associated with the chosen content (KCS); and what principles underlay the teaching of the content (SCK). The teacher must then have an in-depth understanding of that content area so that he or she can accurately present it and evaluate the work she or he assigns to the learners (CCK). While not underestimating the value of the other domains in the work of teaching by foregrounding KCT, Figure 3 presents our understanding of how MKfT domains relate.
This analysis of Gail's teaching establishes the existence of these domains and illuminates their interrelationship. Throughout this research, Gail was not always conscious of her MKfT. Her counting sessions were seamless and, in many respects, her MKfT was automated. Like an experienced driver, Gail did not stop to think about what MKfT she was drawing on at any particular moment in time.
We believe that the value of this research lies in the contribution to teacher education programmes. Knowing what knowledge a competent teacher draws on in developing children's number sense through counting has the potential to influence the design of mathematics methodology courses for both preservice and in-service teachers. Knowing, for example, the possible counting errors that children make in relation to place value would assist teachers in designing activities to pre-empt such errors. This is exactly what Gail did in her class.
Acknowledgements
This article is extracted from the first author's (S.C.) master's thesis. The authors extend their sincere thanks to the research participant, the reviewers and all who supported the authors as they worked on this study.
Competing interests
The authors declare that they have no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced them in writing this article.
Authors' contributions
S.C. carried out the research, wrote the article under the guidance of both supervisors, worked on the reviewers' comments and submitted the finalised article. L.W. was the supervisor for the MEd thesis and M.G. was the co-supervisor. Both supervisors contributed to the article by advising S.C. and assisting with the edits.
Funding information
The research was funded by the National Research Foundation (NRF) under the Rhodes University South African Numeracy Chair.
Data availability statement
Data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study.
Disclaimer
The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the authors.
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Correspondence:
Samukeliso Chikiwa
samchikiwa@yahoo.com
Received: 01 Aug. 2017
Accepted: 18 Jan. 2019
Published: 03 Sept. 2019
ORIGINAL RESEARCH
Rational number understanding: The big picture, not the essence
Bruce Brown
Department Education, Rhodes University, Grahamstown, South Africa
ABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: The learning of rational numbers is a complex and difficult process that begins in the early grades. This teaching often focuses on the mastery of essential knowledge, including particular skills (e.g. using fractions to describe part-whole diagrams) and interpretations (e.g. sharing), which often results in an incomplete and inflexible understanding of these numbers.
AIM: This article proposes a holistic and relational perspective on rational number knowing and sense-making.
SETTING: This possibility emerged through research into the learning of rational number concepts by Foundation Phase and Grade 4 children.
METHODS: This research forms part of an ongoing, in-depth, exploratory research programme into the processes of learning rational numbers. Clinical interviews and classroom observations were the primary methods of data collection and an in-depth, constant comparative method of analysis was performed on the data.
RESULTS: Thinking relevant to rational numbers was identified within four different perspectives through which children make sense of their interactions with the world, namely, social, instrumental, personal and symbolic sense-making.
CONCLUSION: The learning of rational numbers may be usefully seen as arising from the interrelation of multiple aspects of knowing and doing that develop as children balance these different ways of sense-making.
Keywords: Fraction Learning; Rational Number Learning; Sense-Making; Conceptual Development; Relational Understanding.
Introduction
The complexity of rational numbers and the difficulty of learning this number system in school are widely acknowledged (Kilpatrick, Swafford & Swindell 2001). Research in this field has generated a great deal of results, spanning a wide range of issues. A number of organising principles for rational number learning have been proposed. These include viewing rational number learning as a process of conceptual change (Vanvakoussi & Vosniadou 2004); building on the idea of 'magnitude' as a concept that unifies the whole, rational and real number systems (Siegler, Thompson & Schneider 2011); the prime importance of relational understanding for rational numbers (Brown 2015; McMullen et al. 2015); and the rational number sub-constructs that constitute this conceptual field (Wright 2014). Each of the proposed principles provides insights into, and valuable recommendations for, some aspects of the learning process. However, because of the complexity of the desired learning, translating them into clear principles for organising the teaching and learning of this entire field has been proven to be difficult.
This article formulates and motivates a holistic, relational approach that views children's developing understanding of rational numbers as the capacity to engage flexibly with a complex system of relationships relevant to rational numbers, rather than the mastery of a particular, essential property or skill. This view balances four different perspectives on understanding, learning and using rational numbers. Viewing this process of relating between the child and his or her world from these different perspectives may provide a means for teachers to understand, introduce and maintain teaching and learning that allow flexible alignment with the complexity of rational number learning.
Literature review
Perspectives on relational sense-making
Four different perspectives on relational sense-making were found to provide useful insight into the complex process of rational number learning. These all hold that thinking enables action and that we construct our ways of thinking based on our interactions in the world - that is, our thinking and our relating with our world co-determine each other. Each of these perspectives has been developed in the context of sense-making in general, and the literature review will present this general development in more detail. The possibilities offered by relating these perspectives to children's developing rational number understanding will be explored in the remainder of this article.
Vygotsky (1978) states that, in a general sense, all higher mental functions have a social origin, namely, they first develop as social interactions before becoming appropriated and internalised as mental functions. In particular, children's development is fundamentally influenced by their mediated participation in goal-directed social activity. An important aspect of social interaction is the manner in which people are able to communicate their intentions and align with the intentions of others. In this way, we develop shared motives and goals, and we regulate our actions in order to satisfy these motives and achieve these goals (Leontev 1978; Veresov 2004). On internalisation, this contributes to a person's developing understanding of how the concepts and operations being learnt may be employed for the attainment of particular goals or motives (learning goal-directed causation). The term 'social sense-making' will be used to denote this element of sense-making in social interaction, which forms one perspective on relational sense-making taken in this article.
Knowing that a particular way of interacting may contribute to achieving a certain goal is all very well, but we also need to be able to effectively act in order to achieve these goals. Vygotsky (1978) considers 'instrumental actions' in which a child acts, generally through the means of mediating tools, in order to achieve a practical goal. Piaget (1968; Flavell 1996) also considers the learning of such actions, particularly in relation to the physical world. Instrumental actions are also fundamental for theories of embodied cognition (Bergen & Feldman 2008), which investigates how we act in ways that align with the constraints and affordances of the world, in order to achieve desired personal goals. In this interaction, multi-modal episodic models of our engagement are formed (Clark 1997), which enables the coordination of our embodied action. Such coordination allows the construction of appropriate relations (Richland, Stigler & Holyoak 2012) that extend and develop the conceptualisation of the child. These include an understanding of actions and their consequences and how they may form chains of cause and effect (consequential, rather than goal-directed causation). This perspective of instrumental interaction will also be considered in this article and will be termed 'instrumental sense-making'.
Vygotsky (1986) also stresses the importance of words and representational forms (symbols), the way we attach meaning to them and the manner in which we may use these forms as mediating signs to influence children's thinking and learning. In this way, symbolising mathematical tools and processes (Tall 2008) also contributes to structuring children's thinking and to the formation and application of formalised mathematical conceptions. This formal view, oriented to the use of symbols in and about interactions, is the third perspective considered in this work, and it will be termed 'symbolic sense-making'.
Finally, children's appropriation and internalisation of experience is not a passive process, but involves both interpretation and generation of personal significance for the experience (Vygotsky 1978). The experience and its meaning are incorporated into the child's growing episodic memory (Moscovitch et al. 2016) of participation in interaction with his or her world. In this way, the child generates and maintains his or her sense of identity as a person in time and as a person who participates in particular mathematical practice (Boaler 2002) that incorporates rational numbers in engagement with the world. This will be the final perspective considered in this article and is termed 'personal sense-making'.
Relational perspectives and research on rational number learning
Much of the research on rational number learning has approached this question from the perspective of symbolic sense-making. A number of scholars have identified discontinuities between the formal structures of rational and whole numbers (Gelman & Williams 1998; Ni & Zhou 2005), which give rise to difficulties in children's learning of rational numbers, many of which remain evident in adults' rational number thinking. One such difficulty, and its effects on magnitude comparisons of rational numbers, has been termed by Vanvakoussi and Vosnaidou (2004) as the 'whole number bias', namely, responses when comparing the magnitudes of two rational numbers are influenced by the particular symbolic representation of these numbers, either as fractions or as decimals. For this reason, many researchers (McMullen et al. 2015; Ni & Zhou 2005; Vanvakoussi & Vosniadou 2004) have formulated initial rational number learning as an experience of conceptual change. Difficulties in understanding rational numbers that relate to differences in formal properties are an important area of research for conceptual change theorists (Siegler et al. 2013). The work of Siegler et al. (2011) challenges the view that these differences are fundamental for rational number learning, proposing instead that children should be encouraged to see rational numbers and whole numbers as one unitary formal system, united by the property of magnitude that may be symbolically represented on the number line - that is, this property and the use of the ordered number line should be the basis for teaching rational numbers.
Research focusing on instrumental sense-making has been active for many years and generally investigates operational schemata fundamental for rational number understanding, which are generated through experience of instrumental operations. Some examples are unitising, iteration, stretching and shrinking, partitioning and allocation. This work (Olive & Steffe 2002; Steffe 2003; Tzur 2004) often involves in-depth analysis of learning interactions in order to describe the learning trajectories of particular learners.
Relating these instrumental operations to the formal symbolic world, Kieren (1976, 1988) and Behr et al. (1983) enumerated five conceptual structures (sub-constructs) relating to rational numbers, namely, part-whole, measurement, quotient, operator and ratio. These are included by Wright (2014) in his hypothetical learning trajectory that may be applicable to a wider range of learners. The work of McMullen, Hannula-Sormunen and Lehtinen (2014) also includes both symbolic and instrumental sense-making. They studied the possible influence of children's spontaneous use of proportional quantitative relations to solve particular practical (instrumental) problems on their later learning of rational numbers. They found that the capacity of Grade 1 children to spontaneously focus on these relations in their solution to these problems showed some alignment with a measure of the same children's conceptual knowledge of fractions assessed three years later. A different study by Cortina, Visnovska and Zuniga (2014) investigated a teaching experiment in which a relational view of a unit fraction was developed by setting children's practical tasks of cutting straws into a specified unit fraction of a given stick. The children involved in this experiment developed a good understanding of the inverse relationship between the measure of a rational quantity and the size of the unit fraction used for the measurement.
A number of studies (Lamon 2007; Mack 2000; Noelting 1980) focusing on rational number teaching (particularly the teaching of young children) have emphasised the need to relate this teaching to children's lived experience. To do this, they have taken the perspective of social and personal sense-making. As an example, Noelting (1980) explored the development of ratios and proportional reasoning in the context of mixing juice. Moreover, the use of contextual questions related to the rational number sub-constructs was recommended by Lamon (2007) as a means of relating rational numbers to children's social world. A number of social activities included in this article draw on this recommendation.
Research design and methods
This article reports on research carried out in ongoing, qualitative, exploratory research programme investigating processes in early rational number thinking and learning. The aim of this research programme is to investigate the manner in which children make sense of concepts fundamental for the development of rational number understanding, based on both their prior experience and their school experience of rational number learning. The research explores the way children interact with task elements and with the interviewer, as they engage in activities related to the early learning of rational numbers. It is concerned with the nature of these interactions and the manner in which the children related these interactions with their prior experience, their task-related goals and their mathematical thinking. This research identified a number of emergent themes that involved different ways of relating, as well as the possible ways they influenced and were influenced by the way the children made sense of concepts fundamental for learning rational numbers. The perspective proposed in this article was formulated as an organising framework for these themes.
The programme incorporates a number of small-scale, in-depth studies of particular issues, with the aim of developing deeper insights into this focal area and investigating possible implications for teaching. The results and perspective reported in this article were identified in three small-scale projects within this programme:
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clinical task-based interviews with four Grade R children (age 5), based on tasks related to the development of the rational comparison scheme;
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clinical task-based interviews with two Grade 3, Ruth and Jason (pseudonyms used to protect the anonymity of the children), investigating their engagement with everyday tasks related to rational number thinking; and
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participant observation of a number of fraction teaching lessons in two Grade 4 classes in a single school.
The data analysed in this project were generated by the researcher interacting with a child to explore and deepen his or her engagement with a specific task - again having the form of clinical, task-based interviews.
Interview data were audio-recorded and transcribed, and field notes of observations were maintained. Because only an audio recording was taken, the interviewer (identified as 'Int') included a verbal commentary, describing the actions of the child. This was indicated by the annotation 'describing' in the transcripts. In all projects, artefacts produced by children were collected and recorded for analysis. An in-depth constant comparative analysis was carried out to identify and formulate emerging themes that may provide insights into the manner in which the children made sense of the task and their responses. It is important to note that this research was not a teaching experiment and does not aim to develop a learning trajectory for rational numbers. Rather an insight was sought into the children's sense-making as they engaged in these micro-episodes relating to the early learning of rational numbers, in order to generate insights that might be incorporated into teaching to deepen and strengthen the way children make sense of their developing rational number concepts.
Four ways of assigning meaning and significance (making sense) were identified as recurrent themes in this research. The in-depth qualitative analysis of this research suggests that flexible rational number understanding may arise from the coordination and relating of these different ways of making sense. The following section will present and discuss some of the inter-relations of these perspectives that were identified in the research and the manner in which they related to the children's making sense of rational numbers.
Results: Making sense of rational numbers
Personal and social sense-making
Children engage readily in activities that are socially meaningful and personally significant to them. Such activities that embody ways of rational number thinking embed this thinking meaningfully into their social and personal world. In this way, rational number thinking takes a valid and useful place in children's social and personal worlds, and their ways of making sense in these worlds expand to include these mathematical concepts.
Ruth became engrossed in sharing playdough 'loaves of bread' between different model people she was given. She acted out her role of sharing bread between the models, talking to them as if they were real people in a real situation:
Ruth:
One … two … three … that one's a LITTLE bit too big … Uh … give it a little bit more … that's one … two … three … four. Four!
Int:
Okay? You happy with that?
Ruth:
Mhmmm! Oopsy!! Another piece for you … another piece for you … another piece for you …
In acting to satisfy the social motive of distributing the bread in a manner which is fair to all, she brought the mathematical operation of equal subdivision appropriately into play in this social situation. Through her wholehearted participation in this role, she included this interaction into her episodic experience, contributing to her ongoing identity construction. Although not talking directly to the models, Jason also imaginatively engaged with them when sharing, talking about them by name:
Jason:
I was … I was going to cut it in … in five pieces. One … two … three … I mean four pieces …
Int:
… four pieces …
Jason:
… because Damian's not here.
Being able to provide the same to each seemed to provide social and personal significance to the task. This was shown by the way he carefully re-cut the bread to achieve a more equitable sharing.
The importance of episodic memory for the recall of lived experience was notable in an activity related to baking loaves of bread. The children were shown two model baking tins (made of a matchbox and a halved matchbox), one of which had twice the capacity of the other. They were asked to divide some playdough between the two tins for baking. Ruth readily engaged with this task, describing what her mother did when baking. After relating the task to this meaningful social activity, she played it out in a personal engagement in this activity:
Ruth:
And she also bakes … bread sometimes.
Int:
I've never baked bread. And how does she do it?
Ruth:
She … takes … to make a cake she takes some flour and sugar and two eggs … and … She mixes them in a mixing bowl. And then she … takes a … batter and … she puts it in … a little tin like that … (showing tin) … and then she takes some plum or whatever kind of thing she's mixing … and she … um … cuts it an' then she … puts it in and then … she puts icing or whatever she wants to put in an' then she puts it in the oven. Then it's nice …
Jason also played himself into this task, even though his experience of baking seemed to have been much less, for he shared only that he had baked cupcakes with his mother.
Personal, social and instrumental sense-making
The social significance of sharing is clear, but without the property of being fair, sharing would lose much of this significance. Achieving fairness requires more than the social and personal interactions, it requires the capacity to act so that each person obtains an equal part. Here, the personal and social interactions need to be aligned with a practical, instrumental interaction regulated by the child to achieve a specific goal - that each person receives an equal amount.
In playing her sharing role, Ruth worked carefully to ensure that each person received a reasonably equal measure:
Ruth:
One … two … whooo! That one gets a big piece!
Int (describing):
… change the place you cut that …
Ruth:
One …
Int (describing):
… how did that look? … so you measure with your fingers …
Ruth:
… I think it's fine …
She was able to carry out this subdivision efficiently and so was able to devote most of her attention to playing out her social role. Jason understood the goal of equal sharing, but often needed substantial encouragement and a number of efforts before constructing an acceptable subdivision. When sharing three loaves between four children, he first cut two loaves into half, then:
Jason:
These two for them …
Int (describing):
… these two for them … ? That looks good.
Jason:
… it won't.
Int:
… keep going. Don't stop. So that one for those two … now you've got what!? You've got one loaf left over.
Jason:
There … I know! There … There I must cut this in four pieces.
In many instances, he immediately started cutting without considering the size of the pieces and so would end up with the wrong number of pieces or pieces of differing sizes. I would then give him new loaves to share and he would start again more carefully. When sharing between four, he also initially made four cuts, giving five shares and so started again. Near the end of this interaction, when given a replacement loaf, he seemed even to lose sight of the goal he was trying to achieve - asking the interviewer for a reminder or reassurance:
Int:
… four pieces. Which is good. Do you want to try with another loaf of bread (offering a replacement loaf to be cut)?
Jason:
Okay. … Must I … must I … make the … four pieces in … in the whole loaf?
His confusion appeared to arise because of his need to focus on the practical details of achieving the equal subdivisions required for fair sharing. This indicates the importance of balancing the instrumental and social aspects of the task - too great a focus on the practicalities of carrying out the instrumental action could lead to a child losing touch with the social activity that gave meaning to his personal involvement in the task.
Ruth efficiently divided up the dough into uneven amounts for baking in two matchbox 'tins' - one twice the size of the other. When the dough was presented as a long 'sausage', she cuts it carefully and quite accurately into two pieces in a 2:1 ratio. When 'balls' of dough were given:
Int:
So he says, 'Fine. One of the little balls is good for the little tin'. How many little balls do you think he's gonna need for the big tin?
Ruth:
I think … two!
Jason also effectively divided the 'sausage' of bread dough between the two baking tins. He did this by immediately cutting the dough into slices of equal thickness and then organising the slices into two collections - one twice the size of the other. It should be noted that he did not fill the tins to do this and that the area covered by each collection was larger than the cross-sectional area of the respective tins. As he formed the collections, he continually looked from his collections to the tins and back - seeming to perform a visual comparison. When complete, the areas covered by the collections had the same ratio as the cross-sectional areas of the tins, suggesting that he had visually performed a proportional comparison. Both children seemed to tacitly use proportional comparison to carry out the instrumental task, indicating that they could access an embodied proportional comparison scheme - a scheme that provides an important foundation for rational number understanding.
The research with Grade R children included a task that they found difficult, but were able to complete with the support of the researcher. The children were shown pictures of collections of tricycles, which they recognised as such, from their personal experience at home and play school. They were first asked to count the number of tricycles, wheels and handles in each picture and all responded appropriately. After this, they were asked: 'how many wheels for every two handles in the picture?' The children appeared to find this question rather confusing. Ruth asked repeatedly for clarity, emphasising 'two' and identifying two handles, but finding it difficult to change her focus to then counting wheels:
Int:
How many wheels are there for every two handles in the picture?
Ruth:
One, two (pointing). Two handles? (Looking at interviewer.)
Int:
Yes. So if you look at two handles… Do you see the two handles together?
Ruth:
Yes. (Pointing out two handles in one tricycle)
Int:
Then how many wheels are there for those two handles?
Ruth:
(Looks again at picture, then indicating two handles on one tricycle with two fingers together and looking at the interviewer.) Two!
Int:
Yes. Two handles. And wheels? Count the wheels?
Ruth:
Three.
To answer this question, Ruth appeared to use the instrumental relationship that two handles were required to make one tricycle. Focusing carefully on the tricycle whose handles she had indicated, she identified the wheels and responded 'Three'. After counting wheels and handles in the next picture, the interviewer asked how many handles for three wheels. Again, indicating a single tricycle with its three wheels, she responded that there were two handles. The next question was how many handles for six wheels:
Ruth:
(Leaning her chin on her hands and looking at the picture.) Six wheels.
Int:
Six wheels would give you how many handles?
Ruth:
(still looking) Two … (fading away and looking for response)
Int:
They would give you two? Show me six wheels?
Ruth:
(Uses her finger to count six wheels of two tricycles.)
Int:
Ok. So there are two 'whats' for those six wheels? (Child looks quietly with two fingers out pointing at the tricycles for which she had counted wheels.) (Interviewer prompts:) Two tricycles?
Ruth:
(Slowly) Two tricycles.
Int:
That's right. How many handles would go… with those six wheels?
Ruth:
(Looking at the picture) Handles. (Looking at the interviewer.) Two (quickly correcting) Four.…
Int:
And now if you had six handles, how many wheels would you get?
Ruth:
(Silent: Looking at the picture).
Int:
(After some silence) Find six handles in the picture.
Ruth:
(Looking carefully at the picture and counting with her fingers.) Nine.
It is clear that the children did not master proportional reasoning, but the data suggest a number of insights about the children's process of sense-making in relation to proportional reasoning in this task. Initially, the children appeared to find it difficult to make sense of the numerical relationship required. With some help and real effort, the children were then able to use the initial part quantity to identify a corresponding number of whole objects (tricycles) and thus complete the relationship by counting the number of the other desired part. Their focus on particular tricycles indicated that they noticed that the relationship between the handle count and the wheel count was because of the instrumental requirement of the number of handles and wheels to construct a tricycle. Once they had made sense of this instrumental relationship, they were able to use it to generate the mathematical relationship. Another reason for the difficulty may have been that this instrumental condition was not related to an appropriate social, or practical, activity, and thus the children were required to carry out instrumental sense-making with little support from either social or personal sense-making. Embedding this task into the social or practical context of building tricycles may have provided this support and thus made the task more accessible.
Lack of symbolic sense-making
We generate diagrams and symbols to represent these properties as well as mathematical operations on and relationships between them. Symbolic sense-making involves the use of these forms to represent, evoke and guide our thinking and interacting. But aligning instrumental and symbolic sense-making is by no means an easy task.
For instance, both Ruth and Jason were quite capable of using a tacit proportional comparison scheme to perform the instrumental task of allocating bread dough for baking. Yet, neither was able to represent these allocations symbolically. When asked to compare tin sizes or dough allocations, Ruth identified which was bigger or smaller and showed how the dough fit nicely into the tins. But she did not use numbers, doubling or halving to represent this 2:1 relationship. Similarly, Jason distributed the dough he had sliced in a manner proportional to the sizes of the tins. But when asked to compare these amounts, he merely identified which was bigger or smaller. When probed by the interviewer, he eventually quantified this comparison using the difference between his allocations - not a proportional comparison.
Prior to this research, both Jason and Ruth had been taught in class to write fractions to name part-whole diagrams. Thus, they had developed some capacity for symbolic sense-making in relation to rational numbers. Yet, even with prompting, they did not use such fractions to describe the relationship between their allocations. Also, they were both familiar with doubling and halving whole numbers, yet did not use these formal operations to describe the relationship. Here, we can see a separation between the children's symbolic sense-making of rational numbers and their personal and operational sense-making, which was unhelpful in this situation where rational comparison was appropriate.
These mathematical concepts allowed the precise representation of this proportional comparison, which could have made the task of proportional distribution much simpler. Even though these symbols may have yielded powerful insights, this symbolic sense-making was not used in this task because the children did not relate them to this instrumental task in the personal and social situation of baking.
Social, instrumental and symbolic sense-making
The development of symbolic representations of rational numbers and proportion is necessary for a child's mathematical learning. Initially, such an understanding need not involve the use of the complex fraction or ratio notation. In the Grade R tricycle task, children were able to make lists (and tables) of the aligned quantities of tricycles, handles and wheels. These showed the manner in which these quantities varied together in a way that mirrored the proportion of wheels, handles and complete units. Note that tables show this relationship in a way similar to ratio notation.
The Grade 4 research included participant observation of a class where children completed worksheets with questions such as that shown in Figure 1.
As expected, most of the children named the quantity shown in A as 6/9 and that shown in B as 5/7. But many wrote the comparison as: 6/9 > 5/7, giving as reasons either 'because 6 is greater than 5' or 'because 9 is greater than 7'. In this case, the procedure used to create the symbolic form seems to have contributed to the children's misunderstanding of the fraction notation, by emphasising the two counting numbers used to form the fraction symbol at the expense of the relationship between them. In these diagrams, the wholes are the same size, and thus, the magnitude of the identified fraction is given by the size of the shaded part. Hence, a simple instrumental judgement of size would be sufficient to compare the proportional relationships described by the fractions. The teaching objective of the second question was to raise the children's awareness that a fraction described a rational number through the relation of the two numbers and that making sense of the fraction using either component as a simple count without reference to the other would not be appropriate. The diagram provided a grounding focus that was both appropriate to the fraction and provided simple perceptual cue for the comparison. In this task, most children used the diagram only to generate the naming fraction and then used one of the resulting counts to generate the incorrect comparison. To help a child focus on the relationship shown in the diagram and reduce their focus on the counts, the researcher informed one child that fractions were a new type of number and that the worksheet gave a picture showing how big each of these numbers was. On hearing this, the child exclaimed that 5/7 was larger in the picture and immediately changed his comparison to correctly read 6/9 < 5/7. He then went through the remainder of the worksheet and changed all the comparisons to be in line with the diagrams. A similar interaction followed with most of the other children who had initially inverted the comparison. This indicates the importance of social mediation to help the child focus on the instrumental conditions appropriate for interpreting his or her fraction symbols - aligning social, instrumental and symbolic sense-making.
Ethical considerations
Ethical clearance was obtained from the Rhodes University Education Faculty Higher Degrees Committee (HDC) in July 2001 (S-FAC ED 2001.04.14 Document E). Data collected during the author's MEd research were used for analysis in this study.
Conclusion
Understanding as synthesis, not analysis
These investigations suggest that a number of different elements contribute to the manner in which children make sense of rational numbers and then draw on this sense-making to inform and regulate their interaction with the world. This sense-making and interaction may be viewed from four distinct, but complementary perspectives, which together constitute the child's growing experience and capacity. Taking this into account, a child's rational number understanding may be seen as not constituted by a single, essential property or capacity. Rather, this understanding forms a complex interrelated system of knowledge, capacities and dispositions. These synthesise the child's personal experience of social, instrumental and symbolic interactions that may be linked to the fundamental, relational nature of rational numbers. This complex system deepens, strengthens and builds coherence in the child's engagement in each of these worlds. Moreover, it is the structured unity of this system, not any one essential property, that allows it to be experienced, represented and communicated as a single domain of knowledge.
Implications for teaching
The most fundamental implication for teaching is the change in orientation towards the goals of rational number learning. A change from the mastery of part-whole counting to name quantities and of calculations involving fraction, decimal and percentage representations, possibly with a little problem solving thrown in for good measure. A change to mastery of the instrumental, social and symbolic means to interact with their world in personally meaningful ways that are enabled by rational number skills and concepts. Shortcomings of rational number learning may then be seen as less due to the lack of mastery of specific skills and more to narrowly compartmentalized experience that leads to the use of these skills in ways and in contexts in which they do not make sense.
The teacher's task will then involve moving between the global activity of balancing these different perspectives to ensure the child develops meaningful and mutually supportive relationships between these different perspectives and the local and technical activity of developing mastery of the knowledge and operational requirements appropriate to each perspective. Because current approaches are dominated by a symbolic focus, this will require teachers to improve their awareness of the social, instrumental and personal aspects of rational number knowledge and the manner in which they interrelate with each other and with the symbolic world. More important, it will involve learning to balance these aspects so that no perspective dominates at the expense of the others and that the child develops a coherent 'big picture' understanding of rational numbers, rather than the atomistic, unbalanced and partial understanding that currently is often the case.
Activity selection would then involve providing variation across the different perspectives and depth within each. Facilitation of these activities would encourage a deep and relational engagement both within and across the different perspectives. In addition to needing practice to develop the knowledge and skills needed for each perspective, children will need time and opportunities for discussion to enable a more holistic understanding to develop. Taking into account the current emphasis on the symbolic perspective, this will involve a reduced focus on the technical and symbolic aspects and an increase in the variation and interrelation of activities. This would build on the strengths of children, who show very real capabilities to solve social and instrumental problems that are meaningful to themselves, while the difficulties of this field of learning are generally presented by the technical and symbolic aspects of this understanding.
Acknowledgements
Competing interests
The author declares that they have no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced them in writing this article.
Authors' contributions
B.B. is the sole contributor to this article.
Funding information
This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in public, commercial or not for profit sectors.
Data availability statement
Data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study.
Disclaimer
The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the authors.
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Correspondence:
Bruce Brown
b.brown@ru.ac.za
Received: 28 July 2017
Accepted: 18 Jan. 2019
Published: 09 Sept. 2019
ORIGINAL RESEARCH
'They are visually impaired, not blind … teach them!': Grade R in-service teachers' knowledge of teaching pre-reading skills to visually impaired learners
Matiekase A. KaoI; Patience J. MzimelaII
ILesotho Ministry of Education and Training, Bartima Primary School, Maseru, Lesotho
IIEarly Childhood Education, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, South Africa
ABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: Teaching reading skills is the cornerstone of all learning; therefore, teachers' adherence to this mandate is important. However, it becomes complicated and challenging if the teacher has to teach pre-reading skills to Grade R learners with visual impairments. In light of this challenge, researchers have endeavoured to determine the Technological Pedagogical and Content Knowledge (TPACK) that teachers should possess for the effective teaching of reading in classrooms with visually impaired learners.
AIM: This article explores a small sample of in-service teachers' knowledge of using Braille to teach pre-reading skills to Grade R learners with visual impairments.
SETTING: The study was conducted in a School for the Blind in Maseru, Lesotho, where three Grade R in-service teachers teaching learners with visual impairments were purposively sampled
METHODS: This study is underpinned by Koehler and Mishra's theory of TPACK. An interpretivist, qualitative small-scale case study approach was employed, using semi-structured interviews and classroom observations. Document analysis was also used to corroborate findings.
RESULTS: Findings reveal that although some of the participants possess a high level of technological knowledge, they tend to teach Braille as a 'stand-alone' skill and fail to integrate it with the teaching of other pre-reading skills to Grade R learners.
CONCLUSION: In-service teachers showed limited knowledge of some of the essential skills for teaching pre-reading skills to Grade R learners who are visually impaired. The study calls for supportive in-service teacher education programmes that equip Grade R teachers of learners with visual impairments with the necessary skills to teach pre-reading skills.
Keywords: Braille; Grade R Learners; Pedagogical Knowledge; Pre-Reading Skills; Technological Knowledge; Visual Impairment.
Introduction
This article focusses on Grade R in-service teachers' knowledge of using Braille to teach pre-reading skills to visually impaired Grade R learners.
The curriculum policy of the Lesotho Ministry of Education and Training (MoET) is a joint venture involving the government, churches and the community. The Lesotho MoET introduced Grade R as a class that was attached to primary education in 2007. Consequently, the new curriculum policy was developed in 2008. The policy states that primary school in-service teachers should know basic literacy concepts, that is, they should possess content and Pedagogical Knowledge (PK) of teaching listening, speaking, reading and writing skills (Ministry of Education and Training 2008). Such statements are in accordance with the fact that reading skills are a crucial component of literacy (Hugo 2010). They should be taught in an educationally rich, favourable and learning-friendly learning space that comprises various learning corners (a reading corner, library corner or fantasy corner). This enables learners to interact with reading experiences at their own appropriate and convenient times, and where they can use clay or plasticine to form letters. According to Maurer (2007), learners who are visually impaired should be exposed to tactile symbols and tactile books as part of their preparation with regard to pre-reading skills.
Maphumulo (2010:20) states that reading is 'the making of meaning from print, with an emphasis on phonemic awareness, phonics, fluency and comprehension'. In concurrence with Maphumulo (2010), Bester, Meyer and Evans (2013:102) cite Read (2005) to affirm that 'reading is a process in which information from the text and the reader's background knowledge act together to produce meaning'. Bearing this in mind, the development of early reading skills is crucial to learners either when reading for pleasure or for knowledge development (Machado & Botnarescue 2011). The curriculum policy of the MoET further emphasises the significance of inclusive education (2008). In particular, it states that Teachers of Visually Impaired Learners (TVIs) should be knowledgeable about Braille codes that need to be taught to learners with visual impairments to enable them to read. In principle, they should be knowledgeable of how to teach reading skills to learners with visual impairments using teaching approaches, methods and resources that are in sync with the learners' age, phase and level of visual impairments.
Grade R learners with visual impairments are not exempted from developing their emergent literacy and pre-reading skills. On the contrary, the ability to read gives them an opportunity to become independent and develop their self-esteem on an ongoing basis. It is, thus, imperative for Grade R learners with visual impairments to learn to read using different available devices like Braille to attain independence and a sense of belonging in their respective societies.
Braille was invented by the Frenchman Louis Braille in the 19th century, and it was the first writing which bears his name (American Foundation for the Blind 2015). Louis Braille modified the 12-dot alphabet that had been created by Charles Barbier as a language by touch designed for military and secret purposes. Barbier's code was known as Ecriture Nocturne, or 'night writing'. Louis Braille modified these codes into six raised dot cells that form letters of the alphabet, whole words, punctuation marks and even numbers. Kimbrough (2005) affirms that it took decades for Braille to be established as the tactile system of reading and writing for people who are blind or who have low vision and who cannot benefit from ordinary printed materials. It was only in 1852, after Louis Braille's death, that countries recognised and officially declared Braille code a means of communication for people who are blind or have low vision (Kimbrough 2005). Many countries that were colonies of the British Empire used Standard English Braille (SEB), whereas the United States used different codes before it adopted English Braille American Edition. Because of numerous challenges, fluctuating environments and many rules and regulations of SEB, there was a paradigm shift from SEB to Unified English Braille (UEB).
The International Council on English Braille (ICEB) was launched in 1991. The ICEB was formed by nine member states, with the Republic of South Africa being one of them. This body mainly focussed on standards-setting for Braille in the English language, resulting in the development of UEB. Unified English Braille is a Braille code developed to combine several existing Braille codes, namely, a literary code, a science code, a mathematics code and a computer code, into one common code so that it can be used by all English-speaking countries throughout the world (Clear-Vision Children's Braille Library 2013). Unified English Braille enables computers to convert print into Braille and Braille into print, and is built into most Braille translation software programs, screen readers and note-takers to make it accessible and to reduce the costs of buying different software. It is also used to lessen the volume of paper required for reproducing books in Braille and to ease the reading process. According to Clear-Vision Children's Braille Library (2013):
Unified English Braille (UEB) took over twenty years to develop. It has now been adopted in all the major English speaking countries worldwide, including Australia, Canada, New Zealand, Nigeria, South Africa, the UK and the USA. (p. 2)
Consequently, it is expected that the main code for reading and writing material will be UEB throughout the English-speaking world by 2016.
There is very limited research-based knowledge in the African context regarding the teaching of reading skills to Grade R learners who are visually impaired. The purpose of this article is to explore some Grade R in-service teachers' understandings of using Braille to teach pre-reading skills to Grade R learners with visual impairments. Before moving to the study itself, we first unpack some of the concepts that underpin Grade R in-service teachers' knowledge, particularly in terms of using Braille to teach reading.
Unpacking the study's key concepts
Braille
The American Foundation for the Blind (2015) states that Braille is:
[A] system of raised dots that can be read with the fingers through touch by people who are blind or who have low vision and with eyes by people who are sighted. (p. 2)
Elaborating on the definition of Braille, the Royal National Institute for the Blind (1992:1) clarifies that 'Braille is a system of embossed signs which are formed by using combinations of six dots, arranged and numbered'. It is composed of cells of dots that nicely match with the fingertips as information receptors. Figure 1 shows an example of a Braille cell and the way in which the dots are numbered.
Massof (2009) explains the Braille cell as follows:
[B]raille six dots arranged in two columns each containing three dots and that is called a Braille cell. On the first column the dots are numbered one to three beginning at the top and four to six beginning at the top of the second column. Letters are formed by raising some dots that will represent the letters of the alphabet, for instance letter a is encoded by raising only dot 1, b is encoded by raising dot 1 and 2, a space is represented by an empty cell with no dots raised. (p. 1530)
In essence, Braille is not a language; rather, it is a code in which many other languages like English, Chinese, Spanish and African languages can be written (Howse 2006), so that visually impaired people can access them via tactile decoding. It fundamentally provides a means of literacy and communication to all people who are blind or have low vision.
Visual impairment
Visual impairment is an umbrella term for total blindness and low vision. It is a condition that, even with correction, adversely affects a child's educational performance (Burton et al. 2008). Visual impairment is divided into two categories, namely, (1) blindness and (2) low vision. In the context of this study, visual impairment refers to learners who are totally blind and are using Braille as their means of written or reading communication. Blindness and low vision can be defined as:
1.Blindness: '[…] visual acuity worse than 20/400 with the best possible correction, or a visual field of 10 degrees or less' (Mandal 2013:1). The author explains that blindness is having either no vision or, at the most, light perception (i.e. the ability to tell light from darkness), but no light projection (i.e. the ability to identify the direction from which the light comes).
2. Low vision: '[…] means vision between 20/70 and 20/400 with the best possible correction, or a visual field of 20 degrees or less' (Slavin 2009:28). The author further explains that low vision is a condition in which clarity of sight is reduced permanently to such a level that an individual is incapable of performing tiny daily living visual tasks (Slavin 2009).
Grade R
Grade R is the first grade offered in primary schools as part of formal learning. This is the reception grade, where learners are usually five-year-olds or will turn five years old by the end of June in that calendar year and are received in formal schooling (Department of Basic Education 2011). In Lesotho's context, Grade R is referred to as preschool. This stage falls under the Integrated Early Childhood Care and Development (IECCD) (MoET 2008). Similarly, in Lesotho, learners have to be five years old to qualify for the commencement of formal school readiness. However, Grade R learners with visual impairments are admitted to schools for the blind at the age of seven or eight years or above because of their special education needs.
The importance of learning to read using Braille in the lives of Grade R learners with visual impairments
Massof (2009) emphasises the vital importance of learning how to use Braille by learners with visual impairments. The author states that Braille opens the doors to education, employment opportunities and enables learners who are visually impaired to interact with language independently in their own appropriate time and space.
Tom (2010) further notes that Braille defines literacy for the visually impaired, and it has been accepted globally as the means of written communication for people who are blind. So anyone who can read and write Braille is deemed literate, whereas a visually impaired person who cannot read and write Braille is considered illiterate by the community of people who are sighted, even if a person can use assistive devices properly. He further states that Braille gives blind learners a sense of privacy, confidentiality and independence because they will be able to label their own belongings and read and write on their own without outside help. Moreover, Braille upholds the rights of the blind. Being able to read and write in Braille supports the right of the visually impaired to information; for example, they will have knowledge about current affairs because they can access printed texts that have been converted into Braille code. A learner who is visually impaired has to learn to read and write Braille manually before learning to use assistive technology or devices such as the Mountbatten Brailler. Braille is not only an effective means of communication, but it is a proven avenue for achieving and enhancing literacy for learners who are blind or have significantly low vision (Pierce 1996). As a result, various countries have advocated the inclusion of all learners in their respective school settings, regardless of their disabilities (Russell & Airasian 2012). In this regard, Department of Education (2001) South Africa's Education White Paper 6 indicates that all schools should accommodate and acknowledge all learners from diverse cultural backgrounds, including those with different disabilities and abilities.
Swenson (2005) elaborates that Braille has two ways of writing, namely, Grade 1 Braille (alphabetic or uncontracted Braille) and Grade 2 Braille (contracted Braille). In Grade 1 Braille, every letter of each word is expressed like in print and is mostly used by beginners, whereas in Grade 2 Braille cells are used individually or in combination with others to form a variety of contractions or whole words. For example, the word 'like' is represented by letter l in Grade 2 Braille.
Figure 2 is an illustration of the sentence 'Braille enables blind people to gain knowledge and information independently, which is everyone's right', as per Seymour-Ford (2002) illustration of Braille writings. It is written in both Grade 1 and Grade 2 Braille, respectively. In Grade 1 Braille, every letter is written as in print and this occupies many Braille cells, whereas in Grade 2 Braille there are abbreviations such as bl for blind and brl for Braille; word-signs such as K which represents the word knowledge and P for people; and group-signs such as ever in every, and en and ble for enables (Royal National Institute for the Blind 1992).
Kamei-Hannan and Sacks (2012) state that Braille learners learn to read and write using a tactile code instead of printed characters. Therefore, teachers have to be knowledgeable and creative to develop activities that will allow Grade R learners to manipulate and use their fingers more often to sharpen their finger sensitivity.
Figure 3 illustrates Braille letters of the alphabet where the thick, big dots show the raised dots for each letter of the alphabet.
Grade R teachers' roles and responsibilities of teaching pre-reading skills to learners who are visually impaired
As pointed out by Shapiro, Caroll and Solty (2013), teaching pre-reading skills to Grade R learners with visual impairments is slightly different from those of mainstream learners. In such contexts, pre-reading skills significantly involve activities that prepare learners for reading. As a result, it is important to understand that conversational skills form the basis of pre-reading skills development (Maurer 2007).
Paratore and McCormack (2007) state that TVIs play an important role, as such learners are regarded as learners with special educational needs. The authors suggest that one of the most important roles is to teach them to read and write Braille, as it is their means of becoming literate.
Teachers of visually impaired learners teach various skills such as daily living activities and the use of adapted materials and activities. Secondly, TVIs are responsible for managing and coordinating the services that the learners with visual impairments receive (Friend & Bursuck 2012). Wamba and Dunn (2009) argue that the services should include writing and implementing an Individualised Educational Plan (IEP). The authors further explain that IEPs are route maps on how the teaching and learning of a learner with a disability should take place. Such a plan includes modifications and adaptations of the activities and the curriculum. Another important factor is that TVIs have to work collaboratively with a multi-disciplinary team that comprises the school principal, school psychologist, counsellor, speech or language therapist, Braillist, Orientation and Mobility instructor and social worker. Moreover, TVIs are responsible for adapting and modifying the activities performed in the classroom to fit the needs of Grade R learners who are visually impaired. Tom (2010) and Lohmeier, Blankenship and Hatlen (2009) highlight that being visually impaired does not mean that a learner is incapable of doing daily and simple activities in the classroom. In South Africa, it is notable that learners with visual impairments have to be involved in all reading activities taking place in any Grade R classroom as per national curriculum policy, also known as CAPS (DBE 2011). This policy is similar to Lesotho MoET curriculum policy (2008:4), which highlights the importance of 'the life challenges and contexts in which the learner is expected to function'. However, full description, adaptation and modification of lessons should be provided to ease the learning and development of reading skills to such learners (Hardle 2007). According to the Handbook on Teaching Reading in the Early Years (DoE 2008), reading activities involve reading aloud, exposure to environmental print, group-guided reading, shared reading and independent reading. However, Massof (2009:1534) cautions that it is imperative that teachers of learners with visual impairments 'focus on the learner's ability rather than on his/her disability' while adapting and modifying the learning context.
Reception year pre-reading skills-related activities and concepts
The Progress in International Reading Literacy Study (PIRLS) 2016 report indicates that South Africa was found to be the lowest performing country out of 50 countries in the PIRLS 2016 study conducted worldwide (Howie et al. 2017). However, in its assessment, PIRLS focusses on able learners and excludes learners with learning disabilities. The PIRLS 2016 study could, thus, be perceived to be lacking inclusivity. There are, thus, no reliable assessments of visually impaired learners. Notably, the PIRLS questionnaires provide rich data relating to factors associated with reading achievement such as the school environment, home environment and classroom contextual factors (Howie et al. 2017). Because learning impaired children were excluded from the PIRLS assessments, this rich contextual information is not available in the case of visually impaired learners.
Hugo (2010) argues that every Grade R classroom needs to have a conducive and reading-ready context created to ensure that learners find reading interesting. However, the situation seems to differ when teaching of reading has to occur in a reception year classroom with learners with visual impairments. Maurer (2007) points out that most of the activities in the reception class need vision to be done effectively. For example, identifying colours requires vision. The author further explains that some activities do not need vision, such as naming letters of the alphabet; singing rhyming words; recognising letters; naming objects, people, places and geometric shapes; and describing oneself. However, learners who are totally blind do not have a clue of things such as colours because they need vision, but they can learn to visualise colours with common objects or events such as 'the sky is blue'. Therefore, learners who are visually impaired learn various colours just by listening to their sighted counterparts.
The ability to read has attracted the attention of various researchers globally, who have conducted studies on how it should be developed in diverse teaching and learning environments. Reading ability is regarded as the cornerstone of all learning; however, learning to read is complex and there is not yet consensus of a single cutting-edge approach as to how reading develops (Hugo 2010). In essence, it is important to understand that literacy skills and competencies need to be developed in the early years by means of active and meaningful activities and in an environment that is conducive for learning. In light of this, Emerson, Holbrook and D'Andrea (2009) indicate that Grade R learners who are visually impaired not only need to learn the grammatical rules and spelling of their language, but they have to overlay that knowledge with Braille codes and their rules. They also need to develop tactile skills so that they will be able to identify, classify and eventually read Braille dots and make meaning from touch (Massof 2009). Cooper and Nichols (2007) point out that the omission of a single Braille dot alters the whole meaning of the word. A similar situation is, of course, also experienced by young sighted learners where failure to accurately read sequences of letters can change the meaning of the word, for example, three versus tree. However, in Braille, the omission of dots can cause additional confusion of word meaning as learners are exclusively dependent on their tactile skills. Needless to say, all Grade R learners with visual impairments have to learn these tactile literacy skills to develop their emergent reading skills (Palmer & Bayley 2010).
Theoretical framework
This study is underpinned by Kohler and Mishra's theory of Technological, Pedagogical and Content Knowledge (TPACK) of 2009. Because of the nature of the study where the use of Braille and Braille tools was seen as effective strategies for imparting literacy to learners with visual impairments, TPACK was regarded as a suitable theory to frame my study. Koehler and Mishra' theory is built on Lee Shulman's construct of Pedagogical Content Knowledge (PCK).
Koehler and Mishra (2009) articulate that there are three main components of teachers' knowledge of technology integration in their theory of TPACK. These components are content, pedagogy and technology. Content knowledge is knowledge of the subject matter that has to be taught or learnt in a particular grade (Mishra & Koehler 2006; Shulman 1986). In this article, it was expected that the in-service teachers would have knowledge of important concepts, skills and facts of literacy as a fundamental subject in the foundation phase, particularly emergent literacy skills.
The second component of TPACK is PK. Pedagogical knowledge is a teacher's knowledge of teaching and learning methods, practices and processes that are used to construct knowledge (Ball, Thames & Phelps 2008; Mzimela 2012; Shulman 1986). In-service teachers need to be knowledgeable of the diverse learning styles of the learners in their classrooms, and they need to be able to design teaching strategies that will enhance their teaching. Knowing that learners are from diverse cultural and linguistic backgrounds will enable in-service teachers to employ various teaching strategies. Such strategies should be included in their planning (Koehler & Mishra 2009). Moreover, knowing learners' diverse learning styles enables teachers to plan differentiated lessons (i.e. instruction) that should consider individual learners' readiness, interests and profile.
The third component of this theory is the knowledge of technology. Technology knowledge is knowledge about 'standard technologies such as books, chalk and blackboard, and more advanced technologies such as the Internet and digital video' (Koehler & Mishra 2009:1027). Grade R in-service teachers have to be knowledgeable of the standard Braille technologies for learners who are visually impaired, such as the Braille stylus, slate, the Perkins Brailler and advanced technologies such as the Mountbatten Brailler, the Perkins Smart Brailler and other Braille note-taking devices. They should also overlay their knowledge of technology with knowledge of how to operate those technologies while teaching reading to visually impaired Grade R learners.
Koehler and Mishra (2009) further define TPACK as:
[T]he basis of effective teaching with technology, requiring an understanding of the representation of concepts using technologies; pedagogical techniques that use technologies in constructive ways to teach content; knowledge of what makes concepts easy or difficult to learn and how that technology can help redress some of the problems that learners face; and knowledge of learners' prior knowledge. (p. 66)
To use technology to support meaningful learning, teachers need additional knowledge of the content they are required to teach, the pedagogical methods that facilitate learners' learning and the specific ways in which technology can support those methods (Ertmer & Ottenbreit-Leftwich 2010:37). Teaching using technology requires teachers to expand their knowledge of pedagogical practices across multiple aspects such as planning, implementation and assessment processes.
Methodology
A case study methodological approach framed within the interpretivists' lens was used to conduct this empirical study. The ontology of interpretive researchers' belief is that there are sets of realities or truths about the world (Creswell 2013), which can best be interpreted by the occupants of that context. Therefore, a single school situated in Maseru, Lesotho, where three in-service teachers taught literacy to visually impaired Grade R learners, was purposively sampled for the purposes of eliciting credible data. More detailed biographical information of the research site sampled is given below.
The schooling context
To protect the school's identity, Bartimia Primary School as a pseudonym is used throughout the study. The school is administered by the Lesotho Ministry of Education and is regarded as a special school. It accommodates learners who are visually impaired from diverse cultural and linguistic backgrounds. All learners speak Sesotho as their mother tongue; however, they come from different areas with different dialects. The school also has a boarding facility to accommodate learners who are not from the immediate vicinity. Boarding learners who are visually impaired are generally from the four different geographical regions of the country. Bartimia Primary School is situated in the Cathedral area in Maseru. At the time of the study, there were approximately 80 boys and girls in the boarding facility from Grade R to Grade 7 and 65 learners who were non-boarders. Some of these learners had other disabilities besides visual impairments and so they were categorised as having multiple disabilities. Bartimia Primary School accommodates learners who have been visually impaired since birth as well as those who became visually impaired while they were attending mainstream schools.
The teachers' biographical information
For the purpose of anonymity, pseudonyms were used for the three Grade R in-service teachers who participated in this study.
Teacher Lefiso was in her early 30s and she had been teaching at Bartimia Primary School since 2008. She had received training in writing and reading Braille at Optima College in the Republic of South Africa. She had no teaching qualification. Each academic year, new Braille beginners would be assigned to her. She regarded these children as Grade R learners because they were new to the school environment. Their ages would range between 7 and 8 years, with some even slightly older.
Teacher Tlhohonolofatso was in her late 50s. She had been teaching at Bartimia Primary School for over 30 years, since 1986. She held a primary teaching qualification. In 1990, she was trained in Braille and Orientation and Mobility at Montfort College in Malawi. Although she had been teaching all the subjects in the primary education phase at Bartimia Primary School since 1986, the year in which the study was conducted was her first year of teaching Grade R learners.
Teacher Moleboheng was in her early 40s. She had primary teacher education and special education qualifications, and she specialised in visual impairment. She had previously taught at a government primary school at intermediate level until 2006. At the time of this study, she had had 4 years of Grade R teaching experience at Bartimia Primary School.
Data collection
Data were collected using multi-data generation tools that included semi-structured interviews, structured classroom observations and document analysis. A 2-month data generation process was undertaken during which all three participants were willing to share their teaching experiences. We engaged in direct face-to-face conversations with the three Grade R in-service teachers to understand how they interpret their real-life situation in using Braille to impart literacy to visually impaired Grade R learners. We also observed how they interacted with their visually impaired learners while using Braille to impart literacy. Cohen, Manion and Morrison (2011) advise researchers to use observation as a data generation method that assists in eliciting data in natural settings.
Generated data were organised according to themes using thematic data analysis. According to Petty, Thomson and Stew (2012), the application of thematic data analysis allows for the presentation of accurate data that are regulated by the study's research questions. The study's key research question concerned the knowledge that Grade R in-service teachers have for imparting literacy to Grade R visually impaired learners.
Ethical considerations
Application to conduct the research was submitted to the relevant bodies. The principal and the participants consented to partake in the study. A separate consent letter was sent to the parents as the teachers were to be observed in their classrooms teaching their learners. We assured anonymity through the use of pseudonyms for the research site and participants. Partaking in the study was voluntary and withdrawal from the study was permitted. Ethical clearance was obtained from the university's Research and Higher Degrees Office. The Ministry of Education in Lesotho also issues a gatekeeper's letter to conduct research in one of its schools.
Findings
The findings from our engagement with the participants and the classroom observations are presented below. We first describe the classrooms and their resources and thereafter report on the teachers' responses during the interviews and observations of their classroom literacy practices.
Resources in the visually impaired classrooms
Notably, across the Grade R classrooms that were observed, the availability of relevant teaching and learning resources was minimal, to say the least. The classrooms had no learning centres to allow learners' additional contact with literacy concepts during preschool routines such as an area for fantasy play, reading, writing and circle time. Learners seemed to interact with literacy concepts such as writing and letters of alphabet only when they were ordered to do so by their teachers during teaching and learning periods. Generally, classrooms lacked responsiveness to learners' cultural and literacy needs. It was apparent that learners interacted with literacy concepts such as letters of the alphabet and writing skills during classroom lessons, but there were no facilities for fantasy play, exploration or manipulation of objects. Clearly, the learners were not given opportunities to scribble, doodle or practise cutting and copying in their own time because there were no such learning centres and literacy materials to use. There were no real and/or improvised toys to play with so that they could become familiar with the names of various objects, which implied that time for fantasy play was limited, or even non-existent. It was also noticed that teachers know how to teach pre-reading skills using pegs, slates with pins, and slates and styluses. Although these tools are now regarded as old-fashioned ways of writing Braille, given the lack of resources, they were at least better than nothing. It was clear that teachers could not introduce learners to advanced Braille tools such as Perkins Braille machine, the Mountbatten Braille and computers with speech devices because of the scarcity and cost of such tools.
Overall, the observed classrooms were deemed not literacy-friendly and modern Braille technology was not available. It was clear that the teachers were not familiar with Cushman's (2013) view of an ideal classroom for learners with visual impairments, where objects in a classroom need to have textual and textural labels to ease movement and location for learners.
Grade R teachers' pedagogical content knowledge of teaching reading skills using Braille
Oral communication
Oral communication, involving speaking and listening skills, forms the basis of fundamental spoken language skills that learners acquire first and precedes all other literacy skills (Lenyai 2013). As a result, no reading skills learning and development can occur if learners lack oral communication skills. As suggested by Kostelnik, Soderman and Whiren (2011), Grade R teachers, thus, need to provide lively language activities that will bring the content and the curriculum to the centre of learning in ways that nurture oral language proficiency.
The interview sessions revealed that the three respondents had limited content knowledge of teaching oral communication skills because they mainly focussed on teaching Braille codes with their rules and regulations. We also observed that in their classroom teaching, the emphasis was mostly on reading and writing Braille codes, without any attention given to meaning and reading for comprehension. For example, there was very little development of language and vocabulary through storybook reading and the enjoyment of shared stories. The oral communication skills they engaged in basically revolved around how to read and write letters of the alphabet in Braille. Attention was not even given to teaching phonics and showing the relationship between Braille dots and the sounds they represented while teaching the Braille alphabet. It was clear from the face-to-face interviews that the respondents lacked knowledge of the pedagogy to be used when teaching reading to Grade R learners with visual impairments.
Teacher Lefiso said:
Oooh…. I think Grade R learners who are visually impaired should be taught alphabet knowledge and oral language. The examples of alphabet knowledge are letters of the alphabet and their meaning, for example A=a, B=bu… Z=zi. (Interview, 16 August, 2016)
Teacher Tlhohonolofatso was not very confident about the way she teaches reading skills. She said:
Grade R learners who are visually impaired are taught the same reading skills that are taught to the learners who are sighted. I hope you know them as you are a primary teacher. Isn't it so? (Interview, 17 August, 2016)
Teacher Molebong said:
Mhm … reading skills that are to be taught to Grade R learners who are visually impaired are picture reading, book knowledge and appreciation and alphabet knowledge. I teach them alphabets though sometimes it is very difficult. (Interview, 18 August, 2016)
During their teaching and learning engagements, all three teachers seemed to mainly focus on asking learners to identify the dots that represent the letters of the alphabet. Moreover, they seemed to teach Braille as a 'stand-alone' subject without integrating it with other knowledge bases or activities. Most of their activities involved oral questions and answers, and only a few learners were allowed to practise writing Braille codes. Although the curriculum expects these learners to be able to read words and sentences in real text, the learners were instead asked to say the dots of the letters of the alphabet orally and then punch them out. Disconcertingly, the teachers never checked whether what the learners had punched was a correct dot or not.
When asked whether the teachers thought that teaching learners with visual impairments differed from teaching learners who are sighted, the respondents agreed that there was a huge difference between teaching learners with visual impairments compared with learners who are sighted. However, despite this agreement, the classroom observations indicated that their learners' special needs were not always being met. These findings suggest that it is important for teachers teaching learners with visual impairments to understand these learners' diverse needs and how to teach according to their strengths and weaknesses.
Book knowledge, appreciation and print awareness
Print knowledge is described as an ability to understand that print carries meaning and reading is done from left to right, and from top to bottom (Johnston, McDonnell & Hawken 2008). Doyle and Bramwell (2006) also refer to storybook knowledge and appreciation as an ability to convey a story, foresee the outcome of the read story and role-play the characters that appear in the story. Print and storybook knowledge is often acquired at home before children come to school. Book knowledge is one of the most complex abilities related to literacy, yet most reception year learners from poor and marginalised contexts usually only have their first encounter with books in school. For visually impaired children, exposure to storybooks in the home, if it at all happens, is usually via the oral medium because there are very few preschool storybooks for children in Braille, so they do not know how spoken language is represented in the tactile form.
Teacher Tlhohonolofatso said:
Because my learners are visually impaired, they rely on the information I give them about the book. I tell them about the book; its cover and pictures inside it. Our school does not afford to buy different books written in Braille. (Interview, 17 August, 2016)
However, her other two colleagues were not confident in explaining their knowledge for imparting literacy to their visually impaired Grade R learners.
Teacher Molebong said:
I usually read stories to my learners, they appreciate books much better that way. (Interview, 18 August, 2016)
Teacher Lefiso said:
It is really very complex to teach book knowledge and appreciation. I give my learners books and tell them how to page through and that books are read from top to bottom. The biggest challenge is that we have very few books and the ones we have are very heavy for young learners. (Interview, 16 August, 2016)
This finding suggests that teachers are not deeply knowledgeable of how to use different strategies and/or instruments that could be used to assist learners who experience visual barriers in learning. It was clear that they lack PCK for teaching book knowledge and appreciation. Johnston et al. (2008) stress that in order for all Grade R learners to learn literacy concepts such as phonological awareness, print awareness, letter recognition and early reading skills, they need to be engaged in active and meaningful activities, experiences and opportunities which will allow them to explore, discover, manipulate, practice and even role-play.
Alphabet knowledge
Johnston et al. (2008) define alphabet knowledge as the ability to match or associate letters with their sounds. This means that learners at their emergent literacy stage need to have knowledge of how to identify letters and their sounds to acquaint themselves with literacy skills. According to Kostelnik et al. (2011), alphabet knowledge is about learning upper- and lower-case letters, differentiating between letters, knowing what sounds they represent and joining them to form words. In a context where learners are visually impaired, Erin and Wright (2011) state that a capitalised letter is preceded by the Braille capital sign (dot 6). If the whole word is capitalised, dot 6 is doubled. Phillips, Clancy-Menchetti and Lonigan (2008) point out that to develop alphabet knowledge in Grade R learners who are visually impaired, an alphabet Braille box or bag could be used as a free-choice activity where each letter of the alphabet is written in Braille and each box or bag contains objects that start with the alphabet or Braille-coded letter.
However, we conducted observations as one of the data generation methods during different reading periods. Clearly, teaching alphabet knowledge to learners with visual impairments is complex. The complexity is exacerbated when teachers have limited knowledge of teaching letters of the alphabet using Braille. Kostelnik et al. (2011) recommend that it is best for a teacher to adopt the simplest and most tactile method of getting learners to write the different letters of the alphabet. For example, the authors suggest that when making the letter 'a', a ball is placed in the first left column on the top of a muffin pan or egg box to resemble the dot on a slate. The remaining five holes will be empty. Similarly, Lewis and Iselin (2002) recommend that to give learners with visual impairments first-hand experience of the letters of the alphabet, a teacher could use a six-indented muffin pan and six tennis balls or a half-dozen egg boxes and six golf balls to resemble a cell from which letters are formed.
Phonological awareness
A literacy-friendly classroom environment should typically offer Grade R learners plenty of opportunities to explore, manipulate, discover and imitate different sounds in the words they hear. Phillips et al. (2008) state that a literacy-friendly environment should include various learning centres such as a library, a theme corner, a writing centre, an art centre and a fantasy play centre. Grade R learners can develop their phonological awareness through singing songs, playing rhythm games, reading nursery rhymes, reading storybooks, sound identity tasks and syllable practice (Bester et al. 2013). Engagement in such activities assists young learners in developing their awareness of the sounds that occur within words, that words have meaning and are portrayed in different forms.
When interacting with Teacher Lefiso, she demonstrated an understanding that singing and rhyming are significant ways of enabling learners to develop phonological awareness.
I engage my learners in singing and rhyming. They enjoy that a lot as they learn sounds. They also spell out the names of body parts and through this their phonological awareness develops. (Interview, 16 August, 2016)
However, her other two colleagues showed more limited knowledge about teaching phonological awareness to their visually impaired Grade R learners.
Teacher Molebong said:
I try my best, but sometimes my learners fail to match sounds with the actual words or pictures when it is time for reading. (Interview, 18 August, 2016)
Teacher Tlhohonolofatso was uncertain and could not mention any reading components involved in teaching reading skills.
The above responses revealed that the respondents had difficulty articulating their knowledge of how to teach phonological awareness to Grade R learners. Their literacy (content) knowledge was also revealed to be very limited when we analysed their responses at a later stage. Teacher Lefiso and Teacher Moleboheng tried to identify reading components; instead, they specified the skills that need to be developed in Grade R learners. However, during their actual teaching and learning engagements, they sometimes engaged learners in oral language, alphabet knowledge and phonological awareness, although their PCK seemed to be limited.
Grade R teachers' technological knowledge of teaching pre-reading skills
The findings revealed that the sampled Grade R in-service teachers mainly focussed on teaching Braille concepts rather than teaching an array of pre-reading skills. When responding to how their learners who are visually impaired come to know how to read, all the in-service teachers emphasised that they usually introduce their learners to Braille codes or dots so that they could feel different shapes of different letters of the alphabet. As suggested by Schoenfeldt and Salsbury (2009), it was noted from the classroom observations that the sampled Grade R teachers engaged their learners in various textured activities such as moulding letters using clay or plasticine and also writing on sand to sharpen their fingertip sensitivity. They further indicated that learners who are visually impaired depend on their fingers for reading, and therefore they have to be involved in various activities so that they will classify, identify and eventually read Braille dots and get meaning out of touch.
All the participants showed a good knowledge of the technology required to teach Braille codes and they all specified that they started with alphabetic Braille in Grade R and Grade 1; afterwards, they would introduce contracted Braille to their learners when they are in Grade 2 and continue until they reach Grade 7. The following were their assertions.
Teacher Lefiso said:
I teach my Grade R learners letters of the alphabet and their meanings using alphabetic Braille. Thereafter I do introduce them to contracted Braille when they are in Grade 2 classes, except for the letters which stand for words such as K for knowledge, P for people, E for every, etc. (Interview, 16 August, 2016)
Teacher Tlhohonolofatso said:
In Grade R I teach letters of alphabet orally focusing on Braille dots. (Interview, 17 August, 2016)
Teacher Moleboheng said:
In foundation phase we teach alphabetic braille especially in Grade R to Grade 2 then from Grade 3 we introduce our learners to contracted braille. (Interview, 18 August, 2016)
In response to the question why they started with alphabetic Braille and not contracted Braille, they all indicated that alphabetic Braille has no restrictive rules and regulations to abide by because every letter is expressed, unlike contracted Braille where a letter or group of letters could represent the whole word or letters in a word (Interview, 18 August, 2016).
Teacher Tlhohonolofatso said:
Contracted Braille is complicated because there are rules to follow; for example, this group of letters CH represent the word Child, CC in a word Accept will be represented by middle C. (Interview, 17 August, 2016)
Teacher Moleboheng said:
Contracted Braille has abbreviations such as Bl for blind, abv for above, and many more. (Interview, 18 August, 2016)
Teacher Lefiso elaborated on the responses given by her colleagues by saying:
[C]ontracted Braille has short forms, contractions, word-signs, and group-signs which have rules and regulations that learners have to abide by; therefore as Grade R learners are still young we do not introduce them to Grade 2 Braille (contracted Braille) except for the letters of the alphabet which represent a word such as B=but, J=just, S=some, etc. (Interview, 16 August, 2016)
It was heartening that the interviews revealed that these in-service teachers had a very good knowledge of the technological tools that are supposed to be used to teach reading and writing using Braille.
Ethical considerations
Ethical clearance was received when Matiekase A. Kao was pursuing an MEd degree at the University of KwaZulu-Natal (UKZN). The clearance number is HSS/0615/015M.
Discussion of findings
This is a very small study, so generalisations cannot be drawn from it to the larger population. However, it has value in that it provides a snapshot, within a particular context, of Grade R in-service teachers' understandings of using Braille to teach pre-reading skills to Grade R learners with visual impairments.
Based on the data generated from the three Grade R teachers sampled in this study, the teachers seemed to have a rather narrow knowledge of literacy for the visually impaired learners. They were knowledgeable about the tools to be used to teach reading and writing (literacy) in Braille. However, these were traditional tools and there was a clear lack of modern Braille technology. In addition, they seemed to be unfamiliar with pedagogical approaches that promote the development of language and pre-literacy skills that support literacy - for both sighted and visually impaired learners.
Koehler and Mishra (2009) point out that it is essential for all teachers to possess knowledge of important concepts, skills and facts of a particular subject at different grade levels. Basically, teachers need to display their knowledge and ability to teach learners with diverse learning abilities and needs. According to Mandal (2013), it is crucial for teachers to possess knowledge of how to teach reading skills to learners with visual impairments. It was realised that the sampled Grade R teachers, during their actual teaching, predominantly focussed on developing Braille by instructing their learners to say Braille dots orally. Little to no attention was given to phonemic awareness, letter sounds or book knowledge and appreciation during their classroom activities. Only one of the teachers instructed her learners to spell out the names of body parts. The participant engaged learners in a play-based activity and did not put any emphasis on the letter sounds. Hugo (2010) recommends that teachers adopt play-based activities when teaching reading because play enhances cognitive development.
In light of our findings, we recommend that in-service teachers would benefit from meeting regularly so that they can share teaching and learning challenges, exchange ideas and discuss the various components of pre-reading skills and the different methods available to teach these in an integrated manner. We also recognise the need for teachers to discuss a range of possible activities that actively engage all learners in each pre-reading lesson.
Teachers' PK is a factor that needs to be enhanced. In-service teachers are expected to use a variety of teaching methods and materials to ensure that they accommodate diverse learners in their classrooms with diverse instructional needs. However, the teachers in this study seemed to rely predominantly on one teaching strategy, namely, question and answer, where learners were asked to name the dots of the letters of the alphabet. They need to increase their repertoire of teaching strategies.
The selection of suitable teaching materials was another issue that was found to be challenging. Teachers seemed to rely predominantly on Braille counters and seemed to have limited knowledge of other options available. Therefore, we recommend that the Lesotho MoET holds regular workshops where literacy concepts and different strategies of teaching young Grade R learners who are visually impaired will be addressed. Furthermore, in-service teachers need to have refresher courses where they can exchange ideas in dealing with learners who are visually impaired and where they will also gain knowledge about current changes in Braille codes and Braille technologies. As Koehler and Mishra (2009) point out, Braille undergoes continuous changes, as it is a technology, and is thus prone to regular updates and the implementation of concomitant instructional approaches.
Conclusion
In conclusion, in this small study, we explored three Grade R in-service teachers' knowledge of teaching pre-reading skills to Grade R learners with visual impairments and observed them in their classrooms. The study revealed that the three Grade R in-service teachers sampled were unable to teach pre-reading skills using Braille; instead, they taught Braille as a stand-alone instead of integrating it with the teaching of reading skills in the early years of schooling. The literature on the teaching of visually impaired learners clearly indicates that there are three areas of knowledge needed for the teaching of visually impaired learners, namely, technological, pedagogical and literacy content knowledge. This threefold knowledge base needs to be centrally integrated into pre-service as well as in-service teacher training. The teaching of pre-reading activities to visually impaired learners and the proper development of their reading skills were found to be compromised as teachers lacked knowledge of how to teach reading as well as the necessary enabling resources that support visually impaired learners' literacy journey.
Acknowledgements
The authors profoundly thank the Lesotho Ministry of Education for allowing the candidate to conduct this study in one of their special schools. They are also grateful to Grade R teachers from Bartima Primary school (pseudonym) who demonstrated their undivided devotion in ensuring that this research study leads to fruition. They are also thankful to the University of KwaZulu-Natal for granting the candidate ethical clearance to conduct this significant study in Lesotho.
Competing interests
The authors declare that they have no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced them in writing this article.
Authors' contributions
M.A.K. provided empirical evidence from the data generated in Lesotho. M.A.K. also did the reviewing of different scholarly articles. P.J.M. provided the structure and conceptualisation of the article.
Funding information
The authors received no financial grants whatsoever to write this article. However, the Lesotho Ministry of Education and Training (MoET) assisted M.A.K. in conducting a MEd research study.
Data availability statement
Data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study.
Disclaimer
The information and/or data presented in this article are solely relevant to it. The information and/or data used were for research purposes only and can be used if acknowledged and referenced accordingly.
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Correspondence:
Patience Mzimela
mzimelaj@ukzn.ac.za
Received: 01 Apr. 2018
Accepted: 28 Feb. 2019
Published: 03 Sept. 2019
ORIGINAL RESEARCH
Longitudinal influences of socio-economic status on visual-motor integration: The North-West Child Health, Integrated with Learning and Development study
Dané Coetzee; Anita E. Pienaar; Yolanda van Wyk
Physical Activity, Sport and Recreation (PhASRec), Focus Area, Faculty of Health Sciences, North-West University, Potchefstroom, South Africa
ABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: Visual motor integration plays an important role in academic skills of learners in the early school years and can have an impact on their overall academic performance.
AIM: This study aimed to determine the influence of socio-economic status (SES) on changes in visual-motor integration, visual perception and motor coordination over a period of three years
SETTING: Four school districts in the North West province of South Africa were used.
METHODS: Five hundred and seventy-three learners (282 boys, 291 girls) were randomly selected (representing different SES schools) and evaluated at baseline during 2010 when they were in Grade 1 (6.9 years ± 0.38), and again 2013 (9.9 years ± 0.42), as part of a longitudinal research study. The Beery Visual-Motor Integration Test 4th edition was used to evaluate the visual-motor integration, visual perception and motor coordination skills at baseline and three years later.
RESULTS: Baseline measurements were higher among high SES learners in all three skills. Although learners from high SES still outperformed the learners from low SES three years later, low SES learners showed statistically significant improvements over the three years in visual-motor integration (88.24 to 89.85, p = 0.041) and visual perception (89.69 to 90.04, p ≤ 0.001.
CONCLUSION: Age-related development and improvement of the visual-motor integration skills were reported over the three-year period. However, more learners from the low SES still showed delays in these skills. Delays in the development of these skills could contribute to poorer academic and learning-related achievements.
Keywords: VMI-4; Visual-Motor Integration; Visual Perception; Motor Coordination; Longitudinal Development Changes; Socio-Economic Status.
Introduction
Visual-motor Integration (VMI) plays an important role in academic skills of learners in the early school years and can have an impact on their reading, writing, mathematical skills or overall academic performance (Chen, Bleything & Lim 2011; Kramer & Hinojosa 2009; Marr & Cermak 2002; Pienaar Barhorst & Twisk 2013; Sortor & Kulp 2003).
The development of VMI occurs from birth until about 15 years and is described as the transference of Visual Perception (VP) in motor functions that play an important role in the harmonious interaction of hand-eye coordination (Sanghavi & Kelkar 2005; Weil & Cunningham-Amundson 1994). Case-Smith and O'Brien (2010) report that children are not born with adequate VMI skills, but that these skills develop from reflexes and become more controlled and coordinated with increasing age. According to Beery and Beery (2010), VP can be defined as the process responsible for receiving stimuli and the cognition of visual stimuli. The sensory function, or otherwise called visual-receiving component, is the process of refusal, organising of information from the environment as well as the specific cognitive functions that produce the visual cognitive component to be able to organise, give structure and interpret visual stimuli, in other words, to give meaning to what is seen (Cheatum & Hammond 2000). Together these components enable a person to understand what he or she sees and both these components are needed for functional vision. Furthermore, Lane (2005) describes VP as the ability to copy geometrical forms, letters and pictures in a given space correctly and this skill is considered important for effective Motor Coordination (MC).
Farber and Beteleva (2005) reported that VP involves various structures of the brain, each of which makes a specific contribution to active perception. These structures include concentration or attention, recognition, memory, comparison of stimuli by way of referential images, as well as an evaluation of the significance of these with regard to the context and decision-making based on the purpose of the intended activity. The cerebral structures involved in VP do not reach maturity during the developmental period simultaneously. A rapid development of the cortical areas and intra-cortical connections of the brain are reported between 5 and 7 years, which is considered an important developmental age for VP skills (Farber & Beteleva 2005). The human cortex has three different visual functional areas, firstly the primary visual projection areas situated in the occipital lobes that play a role in reading, spelling and writing; secondly, the secondary cortical area; and thirdly, the tertiary cortical area. The primary visual projection areas are responsible for the relaying and decoding of incoming sensory information; the secondary cortical areas are responsible for meaningful observational content formation; and the tertiary cortical area is responsible for visual association (Jordaan & Jordaan 1989). Bezrukikh and Terebova (2009) are of the opinion that VP is foundational to a child's cognitive activity because it orientates and controls a child's behaviour. The development of VP is one of the most important tasks of preschool education, as it forms the foundation for writing and reading skills as well as visual learning in later school years. Lane (2005) and Winnick (2005) describe MC as the ability to effectively coordinate bodily movement (tactile and kinaesthetic perception) with vision, which also plays an important role in a child's ability to learn, read and write (Wilson & Falkel 2004). Learners may have well-developed visual and motor skills, but do not necessarily have the ability to apply these skills in a coordinated manner (Beery & Buktenica 1997; Lane 2005).
Early life experiences and interactions, including stimulation of the senses, have a strong influence on the development of the brain, as well as visual and visual-perceptual skills (O'Brien Caughy et al. 2004). Various researchers have studied the influence of maturing on the development of VMI, VP and MC skills and found that maturity (as measured in terms of age) plays a primary role in the development of these skills (Bezrukikh & Terebova 2009; Decker et al. 2011; Lane 2005; Tekok-Kiliç, Elmastas-Dikec & Can 2010). Tekok-Kiliç et al. (2010) found age-related improvements in VMI skills between the ages of 6 and 15 years, in middle and high Socio-economic Status (SES) groups. Bezrukikh and Kreshchenko (2004) report in this regard an increase in the percentage of children with well-developed visual-motor skills from 6 to 10 years and also a decrease in the correlation between VP and effective learning during this period. Decker et al. (2011) are of the opinion that the developmental trend that links cognitive abilities to quantitative and non-verbal reasoning abilities shows a correlation with visual-motor skills among 4-7-year-old learners.
According to Bronfenbrenner's (1979) Ecological Systems Theory (EST), the learning environment in which a child's development takes place is divided into four systems of social development, namely, micro-, meso- exo- and macro-systems. The development of the child occurs within these specific systems, in which each system contains its own role, norms and rules, which can exert an influence on the development of the child. The micro-system refers to influences of the child itself (e.g. gender, age and health); the meso-system involves influences from the child's immediate environment (e.g. home, family and friends, church, school and socio-economic situation); the exo-system involves the influences from organisational or institutional factors (e.g. healthcare services, social services, extended family, family friends and neighbours); and the macro-system involves the cultural context within which the child grows up (Bronfenbrenner 1979). Various factors influence development in the early childhood years, including sleep, nutrition, parenting strategies, health problems, limited access to learning materials and learning opportunities, educational resources, defective school education and non-stimulating home environments (Goodway & Branta 2003; Pienaar & Lennox 2006; Swain 2014; Venetsanou & Kambas 2010; Walker et al. 2007). Socio-economic status is regarded by many researchers as one of the most influential factors that can have a direct negative effect on the development of young children (Gallahue & Ozmun 2006; Pienaar & Lennox 2006; Venetsanou & Kambas 2010).
In the South African context, various studies have been conducted to determine whether SES has an influence on learners' VMI, VP and MC (Lotz, Loxton & Naidoo 2005; Makhele, Walker & Esterhuyse 2006; Pienaar et al. 2013), although none of these studies had analysed this influence over time. The study of Lotz et al. (2005) indicated that learners in Grade 1 to Grade 4 in the Western Cape province of South Africa, who grew up in disadvantaged and less privileged communities, experienced significantly more deficits in VMI, VP and MC skills. Pienaar et al. (2013) confirmed these findings in Grade 1 learners with a low SES in the North West province of South Africa, who experienced significantly more VMI, VP and MC delays compared to learners from high SES, independent of race. This relationship has also been reported and confirmed by other researchers (Dunn 2001; Goodway & Branta 2003; Robinson & Goodway 2009). In contrast, Makhele et al. (2006) reported cross-sectional results, indicating that SES (sub-categories within a previously disadvantaged community) had no effect on the VMI skills of 7-9-year-old Sotho-speaking learners in the Free State province of South Africa, with no visible age-related improvements.
From the literature it can be seen that studies in general mostly focused on VMI as a whole, and not on the sub-components, VP and MC separately. In addition, few studies in the South African context could be found that investigated the influence of age and SES separately in VMI, VP and MC development. The South African society is characterised by significant socio-economic inequalities (Stats SA 2014); therefore, it is important to determine the extent of this influence in primary school children. Visual-motor integration, VP and MC delays can contribute significantly to poor academic achievement; therefore, longitudinal analyses of these influences are of importance. Possible relationships that can be established through this study could contribute to establishing early interventions for learners with academic delays that are the result of this and, in so doing, may offer support in the prevention of academic delays at an early age, especially among learners from low SES. The purpose of this study was therefore to determine the possible effect of SES on changes in learners' VMI, VP and MC over a 3-year period from 6 to 9 years.
Research methodology and design
Research design
The study formed part of a cross-sectional design that is based on data that were collected as part of a longitudinal research project, the North-West Child Health, Integrated with Learning and Development (NW-CHILD) study that ran over a 6-year period (2010-2016). The NW-CHILD study consisted of baseline and two follow-up measurements. The baseline measurements were done in 2010 on a selected group of learners living in different regions of the North West province, with the first follow-up measurements being done in 2013. The second set of follow-up measurements was done in 2016. For the purposes of this article, only the measurements of learners who were present in both 2010 and 2013 were included.
Participants and research setting
The sample was selected by means of a stratified random sampling technique and in conjunction with the Statistical Consultation Services of the university. A list of names of schools was provided by the North West Provincial Department of Basic Education, which was used to determine the sample. From the list of schools in the North West province, grouped into eight education districts, and each with 12-22 regions with about 20 schools (minimum 12 and maximum 47) being represented, regions and schools were randomly chosen with regard to population density and school status (Quintile 1 - schools from poor or low economic areas, to Quintile 5 - schools from good or high economic areas). For the purposes of this study, the five Quintile schools were grouped together in only a low SES group (quintiles 1-3) and a high quintile group (quintiles 4 and 5). Boys and girls in Grade 1 were randomly selected from each school. Twenty schools, with a minimum of 40 learners per school and an equal gender representation, were involved in the study (see Table 1 for the complete discussion of the study group).
Measuring instruments
The Developmental Tests of Visual-Motor Integration, Fourth Edition
The Developmental Tests of VisualMotor Integration, Fourth Edition (VMI-4) (Beery & Buktenica 1997) is a measuring instrument that consists of three parts, namely, a VMI section and two supplementary tests - VP and MC. The VMI-4 was developed to measure the extent to which an individual can integrate his or her visual and motor capabilities and to identify possible problems that children may have in specific areas of VMI as well as the degree to which VP and finger-hand movements are well coordinated. The VMI test can be done in a group context or individually within a period of about 10-15 min. The 27-item test can be used to test 3-18-year-old children and requires the geometrical shapes (in developmental succession) to be copied with pencil and paper. The VP sub-test requires a learner to identify the exact match for as many as possible of the 27 geometric forms during a 3-min period. The last sub-test, MC, involves simply tracing the stimulus forms (completing dots in a shape) with a pencil without going outside double-lined paths and takes 5 min to complete.
The tests are stopped after three consecutive mistakes are made or when time is up, except for the MC section which is only stopped when the time limit elapses. The marks allocation for the raw score is done according to the number of test items that the learner had completed correctly. A point value of '1' is awarded for the correct figures and a '0' for figures that are incorrect. The raw scores from each of the sub-tests are converted to standard scores. Using the standard score of each sub-test, learners can be grouped into five different mastery categories, ranging from well above average in Category 1 (133-160), above average (118-132), average (83-117), below average (68-82) to well below average (40-67) in Category 5. The VMI test as well as supplementary VP and MC tests each had a total reliability of r = 0.92, r = 0.91 and r = 0.89, respectively (Beery & Buktenica 1997). The VMI-4 test has been reported to be a culture-free and a valid test. Poor results in the VMI-4 could be ascribed to the inability to integrate visual-perceptual and motor abilities and not necessarily to inadequate abilities.
Classification of schools according to quintiles
In South Africa, the determination of poverty classification of schools is made in accordance with the national poverty table as compiled by the treasury (Hall & Giese 2009). The poverty table includes income levels, dependency ratios and literacy of the residents in the area. The Department of Basic Education divides the schools on the basis of their poverty classification into five quintiles (Hall & Giese 2009), where Quintile 5 represents the most affluent schools and Quintile 1 is classified as the least affluent schools.
Research procedure
Ethical approval for conducting the project was obtained from the ethics committee of the university. Furthermore, permission was also obtained from the Department of Basic Education before the project started. Permission was requested from the principals of the identified schools so that data collection could be done during school hours. Each learner's parent or legal guardian had to fill in an informed consent form before the learner could participate in the project. All learners, whose parents or legal guardians had responded favourably to the consent forms, also had to provide consent before taking part in any measurements. The same procedure was followed again in 2013 where permission was once again obtained from all the principals, parents, legal guardians and learners.
Data analysis and statistical procedures
StatsSoft-computer package (StatSoft 2015) was used for the data processing. Data were, firstly, analysed for descriptive purposes through Arithmetical Means (M), minimum and maximum values and Standard Deviations (SD). Dependent t-test was used to determine the meaningful in-group differences for the total group as well as for the SES groups. Two-way frequency tables determined meaningful shifts over the period of 3 years between the different categories for the group as a whole and per SES. Statistical corrections were done for differences during the 2010 measurements by using adjusted means as determined by Analysis of Variance (ANOVA) method. The Pearson's chi-square test was used to indicate statistical significance of differences where values of p ≤ 0.05 (medium) and p ≤ 0.01 (large) were used (Steyn 2002). The Phi-coefficient indicated a small practical significance at w ≥ 0.1, a medium significance at w ≥ 0.3 and a large practical significant effect at w ≥ 0.5 (Steyn 2002). Independent t-test and effect sizes were further used to determine group differences with regard to the VMI, VP and MC results. The following guidelines were used to determine practical significance: d ≥ 0.2 (small effect), d ≥ 0.5 (medium effect) and d ≥ 0.8 (large effect) (Cohen 1988).
Results
Table 1 describes the group with regard to age, gender, race and SES. In 2010, the group of 573 learners had a mean age of 6.9 years (SD = 0.38) (boys: 6.9 years, girls: 6.8 years), while in 2013 they had a mean age of 9.9 years (SD = 0.42) (boys: 9.9 years, girls: 9.8 years). Both the high and the low SES groups displayed a more or less equal gender representation.
Dependent t-test was used to determine developmental changes not only in the group but also for the SES groups (high and low) separately over the 3-year period of this study (see Table 2 and Figure 1 - Figure 3). Figure 1 displays VMI changes over time in the group and per SES group, Figure 2 displays VP and Figure 3 displays MC skills.
Table 2 and Figure 1 indicate that only the low SES group experienced statistically significant changes in their VMI, where standard scores of 88.24 (±13.01) improved from baseline in 2010 to 89.85 (±13.6) (p = 0.041) in 2013, although these changes were not of particular significance (d = 0.12). Statistically and moderately practically significant improvements were found for VP skills in the group (p ≤ 0.001, d = 0.22) and in the low SES group (p ≤ 0.001, d = 0.41), while no significant changes (p = 0.545, d = 0.04) occurred in the high SES group. This improvement of VP skills in the low SES group was the biggest improvement observed during the present study (from 69.91 to 77.91). Table 2 and Figure 3 indicate no significant changes in MC skills of the group (p = 0.83, d = 0.01) or per high (p = 0.873, d = 0.01) or low (p = 0.663, d = 0.03) SES groups.
Subsequently, the results of the VMI (Box 1a - Box 1c), VP (Box 2a - Box 3c) and MC (Box 3a - Box 3c) skills were divided into nine figures that report the developmental changes from 2010 to 2013 for the group as well as per high and a low SES group. Box 1a to Box 1c show the results of VMI in terms of developmental changes over the 3-year period for the group and per SES group separately by representing the learners' shifts between the mastery categories. In Box 1a to Box 1c, the total group of learners, and also per high and low SES, showed statistically and practically significant (p ≤ 0.001, w ≥ 0.3) shifts between the different mastery categories. Of the 431 learners who had tested in the average mastery category during 2010, only 324 learners (176 low SES, 148 high SES) were still in this category in 2013. Of these learners, 25 had improved to the above average category (12 low SES and 13 high SES) and 77 (46 low SES and 31 high SES) moved to the below average category. Of the 108 learners (89 low and 19 high SES) who had been in the below average mastery category in 2010, 51.85% (45 low SES and 11 high SES) improved and moved to the average category, while 44.44% (42 low SES and six high SES) still showed below average mastery.
The results of the visual-perceptual skill developmental changes over the 3-year period are shown in Box 2a to Box 2c for the group and per SES group separately. The visual-perceptual skills of the group showed statistically and practically significant (p ≤ 0.001, w = 0.45) shifts between mastery categories. Overall, 199 learners (144 low SES and 55 high SES) improved to a higher category, 260 remained in the same category (138 low SES and 122 high SES) and 114 regressed (65 low SES and 49 high SES). Of the 213 learners who had tested in the average mastery category during 2010, only 143 learners (40 low SES and 103 high SES) were still in this category in 2013. Of these learners, 12 had improved to the above average mastery category (1 low SES and 11 high SES) and 47 (27 low SES and 20 high SES) moved to the below average mastery category. Of the 183 learners (133 low and 50 high SES) who had been in the below average mastery category in 2010, 80 (47 low SES and 33 high SES) improved and moved to the average mastery category, while 69 (57 low SES and 12 high SES) still showed below average mastery. Of the 136 low SES learners that tested in the far below average mastery category in 2010, 95 improved to higher mastery categories in 2013.
The MC results regarding the developmental changes over the 3-year period are shown in Box 3a to Box 3c for the group and per SES group separately. The total group showed statistically and practically significant (p ≤ 0.001, w ≥ 0.3) shifts between mastery categories, but not per low (p = 0.234, w = 0.24) or high (p = 0.201, w = 0.3) SES, respectively. During 2010, 461 of the learners tested in the average mastery category, of whom 350 (189 low SES and 161 high SES) were still in this category in 2013. Twenty-five learners (7 low SES and 18 high SES) improved to the above average mastery category and 77 (58 low SES and 19 high SES) moved to the below average mastery category. Of the 75 learners (63 low and 12 high SES) who had been in the below average mastery category in 2010, 50 (40 low SES and 10 high SES) improved to the average mastery category, while 23 (23 low SES and 0 high SES) still remained in the below average mastery category. Of the 25 low SES learners who tested in the far below average mastery category in 2010, 23 had improved to higher mastery categories in 2013.
Ethical considerations
Ethical approval to conduct the project was obtained from the Ethics Committee of the North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus (No. NW-00070-09-A1).
Discussion
The purpose of this study was to determine if SES plays a role in changes in learners' VMI, VP and MC status over a period of 3 years. The results indicated age-related improvements in VMI, VP and MC skills in the group from 7 to 10 years. Visual perception skills demonstrated the largest improvement over time, while MC skills demonstrated the least age-related improvement.
No statistically or practically significant developmental changes occurred in the group's VMI (p = 0.54, d = 0.03) or MC skills (p = 0.83, d = 0.01), although slight increases were observed in the standard scores. Beery and Beery (2010) report average VMI, VP and MC standard scores of 100 (SD = 15) for learners of all age groups. The 2010 baseline scores of the group were already within the acceptable mastery skills category (standard score from 83 to 117) for both VMI (91.94 ± 13.35 to 92.32 ± 14.33) and MC skills (93.09 ± 14.16 to 93.23 ± 13.68). From this it can be argued that these skills had only undergone the normal age-related development.
The only statistically and practically significant (p ≤ 0.001, d = 0.22) developmental changes that were found in the group were in VP, where improvements in the standard scores occurred from 79.2 (±23.44) to 84.37 (±19.16). These improvements allowed the group to move from the below average mastery category (standard scores from 68 to 82) in 2010 to the average mastery category (standard scores from 83 to 117) in 2013. According to Farber and Beteleva (2005), the cortical brain areas and the intra-cortical connections develop rapidly from the ages of 5-7, and thus this age is an important developmental age for VP skills.
The normal improvement that is associated with maturity that was found is also in accordance with the results of other researchers' findings (Bezrukikh & Kreshchenko 2004; Decker et al. 2011). Bezrukikh and Kreshchenko (2004) evaluated 60 learners (in Moscow, Russia) in Grade 1 (6-7 years old) and 60 learners in grades 3 and 4 (9-10 years old) and found that the number of learners with well-developed visual-motor coordination skills increased significantly from 19.6% to 46.3% with an increase in age (Bezrukikh & Kreshchenko 2004). Although the study was executed on a younger age group than the present study, Decker et al. (2011) did a pre-test and post-test study (n = 846) in Columbia, South Carolina, USA, on 4-7-year-olds to determine whether any developmental changes had occurred over time. These researchers found that maturation (measured in age) played a primary role during visual and perceptual motor integration skills.
Regarding the SES status of the participants and its influence on the developmental changes in VMI, VP and MC status, the results of this study confirmed that no statistically or practically significant changes occurred over the 3-year period with regard to the VMI (p = 0.122, d = 0.11), VP (p = 0.545, d = 0.04) or MC skills (p = 0.873, d = 0.01) in the high SES group. Although not significant, slight decreases were seen in the standard scores of the high SES group's VMI (97.63 ± 11.8 to 96.12 ± 14.6) and MC skills (98.31 ± 13.2 to 98.14 ± 14.58). These non-significant changes (which can be described as a stabilising trend) that occurred in the high SES group's VMI, VP and MC skills are in contradiction with the above-quoted literature, which reported age-related improvements. A possible reason for this could be that the high SES group already demonstrated good VMI skills during the baseline measurements (as seen in Beery & Buktenica's [1997] age-expected norms), and thus reaching a ceiling effect with not much room for further improvement. In contrast to this finding, Tekok-Kiliç et al. (2010) reported age-related improvements in VMI skills of children from middle and high SES groups. This study was done in Bursa (Turkey) on 1887 learners (896 girls and 991 boys) between the ages of 6 and 15.11 years, and they also used the VMI-4. However, these findings are based on cross-sectional data, and only used raw scores and percentiles, compared to the present study that used the standard scores.
The low SES learners showed statistically significant (p = 0.041, d = 0.12) improvements in their VMI standard score (88.24 ± 13.01 to 89.85 ± 13.6), with no significant (p = 0.663, d = 0.03) changes in their MC standard scores (89.69 ± 13.74 to 90.04 ± 12.06). The largest statistically and practically significant (p ≤ 0.001, d = 0.41) developmental changes that were observed in our study were in the VP skills of the low SES learners, where an improvement occurred from 69.91 (±20.3) in 2010 to 77.91 (±18.25) in 2013. Lotz et al. (2005) conducted a cross-sectional study in the Western Cape province (Stellenbosch, South Africa) and assessed the VMI status of 339 learners (171 boys and 168 girls) in grades 1, 2, 3 and 4 separately. For the group (grades 1-4), Lotz et al. (2005) reported a mean standard score of 94.09 (SD = 23.24), compared to 88.84 (SD = 23.79) for those who were categorised in the low SES group (sub-category under already low SES school). These researchers reported a VMI-4 mean standard score of 76.21 (SD = 16.44) at 7 years of age, 83.58 (SD = 19.07) at 8 years, 93.23 (SD = 24.44) at 9 years and 100.60 (SD = 24.10) for the 10-year-olds. According to this, these results correlate with those of the present study, which reported age-related (from Grade 1 to Grade 4) improvement of low SES learners' VMI status, where the standard scores increased with age. Various researchers report, in accordance with this, that there is a significant link between the SES of learners and their VMI, VP and MC achievement (Dunn 2001; Du Plessis, Coetzee & Pienaar 2015; Lotz et al. 2005; Pienaar et al. 2013). Pienaar et al. (2013) assessed 812 Grade 1 learners (418 girls and 394 boys) in the North West province of South Africa with the VMI-4, and accordingly also found that the low SES learners demonstrated significantly poorer VMI, VP and MC skills than high SES learners. Du Plessis et al. (2015) reported in this regard that low SES Grade 1 learners experienced more delays in MC than high SES learners, which could also have a negative effect on the academic achievement of the learners.
In contrast, the study of Makhele et al. (2006) did not yield any age-related improvements of VMI skills, while SES had no effect on the performance of the group. It must, however, be taken into account that the SES groups that were compared in the study were all sub-categories within a low SES community.
The results of the present study indicate that the VMI, VP and MC skills of learners representing the low SES group improved over time in comparison to that of learners from the high SES group, who showed no improvement. One possible explanation for the increases of the low SES group's performance might be that these learners had existing delays which improved when they entered formal schooling as a result of the stimulation associated with them going to school. Visual perception is an ability that needs to be developed and many South African children from low SES areas are not exposed to conditions where such learning can take place, as they had probably not been in nursery schools before 2010 (baseline measurement when the study started), or been exposed to Grade R teaching. Statistics in this regard indicate that during 2009, 69% of children in the North West province had not been in a nursery school (Stats SA 2010). National statistics showed that the percentage of learners who entered Grade 1 in 2010, who had also been in Grade R, was only 62%.
A literature search for similar longitudinal studies in South Africa and the rest of the world yielded almost no results. Beckman (2011) reported that gaps between the performance levels of racial groups (and thus by implication gaps between high and low SES learners) have not narrowed, although access to education has increased dramatically. This improvement in the quality of the school educational system for low SES learners might perhaps explain the larger improvement in VMI, VP and MC skills that emerged among low SES learners over the 3-year period, although their end results were still lower compared to those of the high SES learners. Educational inequality comes about, according to Taylor and Yu (2009), as a result of the SES of the school attended by a learner, where learners in high SES schools receive better-quality education together with better facilities and more opportunity for optimal development. These researchers further report that in some countries, like in South Africa, the gap in educational inequality between high and low SES learners has a cumulative effect, and this in time leads to even larger gaps in academic achievement. The improvement of low SES learners in the present study is therefore, to some extent, in opposition to the findings of the researchers because although the low SES group showed a greater improvement, they still performed worse than the high SES group (Taylor & Yu 2009).
Visual-motor integration, VP and MC are all skills that can be improved with exercise and repetition. The improvement of the skills could possibly play a significant role in the solution of the very complex problem of academic underachievement of South African children, especially those from low SES environments. The associations that were established in this study highlight the need for the establishment of more focussed strategies for future interventions for learners with academic delays in the areas that were investigated, especially in VP. The longitudinal research design of the present study and the random sampling of groups are strong points of the study that make the results more generalisable and reliable. The influence of SES, which was underlined in the present study in the developmental changes that occur in VMI, VP and MC skills, also contributes to the uniqueness of the study. Because South Africa has a vast disparity when it comes to SES, it is important to determine the effect SES could have on these children's visual-motor skills. Visual-motor integration, VP and MC delays can contribute to poor academic achievement of learners, and for that reason longitudinal analyses are important because development of these skills can still take place between 7 and 10 years of age. This study, however, also has certain shortcomings that should be considered when it comes to the generalisation of the results. It is recommended that similar future studies should involve more of the provinces of South Africa as this study only involved learners from one of the nine provinces of South Africa.
Conclusion
From the results of this three-year longitudinal follow-up study, it can be reported that VMI, VP and MC skills improve with increasing age between the ages of 6 and 9 years, with VP skills demonstrating the biggest improvement over time.
The improvement over time was much higher among the low SES learners, although the high SES learners still performed significantly better in both the 2010 and 2013 measurements. Many learners from the low SES group improved from far below average and below average categories, putting more of them in the average mastery group, whereas the high SES learners largely still remained in the average mastery category. Developmental delays in any of the skills can probably contribute to academic and learning-related delays and must therefore receive attention for purposes of preventative and therapeutic interventions.
Acknowledgements
The authors express their sincere gratitude to the Department of Education of the North West Province, the principals of the schools and the children for the permission granted to enable the researchers to complete this study. For all financial support received to make this research possible, they thank the Medical Research Council of South Africa (MRC), the South African Sugar Association (SASA) and the National Research Foundation of South Africa (NRF).
Competing interests
The authors declare that they have no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced them in writing this article.
Authors' contributions
Both D.C. and A.E.P. contributed to the conceptualisation of this study. D.C. and Y.v.W. performed all the data collection, while all the authors were involved in the statistical analyses. All three authors wrote the article together.
Funding information
Funding for this work was received from the MRC, SASA and the NRF.
Data availability statement
Data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study.
Disclaimer
Any opinions, findings, conclusions or recommendations emanating from this study are those of the authors and therefore the MRC, SASA and the NRF do not accept any responsibility or liability.
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Correspondence:
Dané Coetzee
dane.coetzee@nwu.ac.za
Received: 30 Mar. 2018
Accepted: 15 Apr. 2019
Published: 05 Sept. 2019
ORIGINAL RESEARCH
The contribution of South African teachers to students' sense of belonging and mathematics achievement: Students' perspective from the 2015 Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study
Fabian Arends; Mariette Visser
Human Sciences Research Council, Pretoria, South Africa
ABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: The role of teachers in nurturing students' sense of belonging cannot be over-emphasised. Students who do not feel accepted by their teachers are at risk of withdrawing from school life and feeling disaffected. This study contributes to theories on school belonging by investigating the contribution of teachers to students' sense of school belonging, the association of students' attitudes towards teachers, and their sense of school belonging with students' mathematics achievement
AIM: To provide empirical evidence of how students' attitudes towards teachers contributed to their sense of school belonging, as well as their mathematics achievement
SETTING: A representative sample of 10932 grade 5 students at 297 schools in South Africa completed a contextual questionnaire and a mathematics assessment during the 2015 Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS
METHODS: The TIMSS 2015 data were used to develop indicators of students' attitudes towards teachers, sense of school belonging and home socio-economic status. Absenteeism and the extent of bullying were also considered. Descriptive and inferential statistical analyses were performed
RESULTS: A high positive correlation between students' attitudes towards teachers and their sense of school belonging was found. Students' attitudes towards teachers and their sense of belonging contributed significantly to mathematics achievement
CONCLUSION: The study confirms the crucial role that a sound student-teacher relationship plays in a healthy sense of school belonging and in terms of academic performance. The school environment should be managed in a manner that allows for mentoring relationships between students and teachers to be strengthened
Keywords: Primary School Teachers; Student Attitudes; Sense of School Belonging; TIMSS; Student-Teacher Relationship.
Introduction
The results of the South African Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS) indicate that the majority of grade 5 students who participate in academic and non-academic activities at school cultivate a high sense of belonging. They foster positive relationships with their teachers and peers and are able to understand the value of and relate to schooling outcomes. However, not all students are engaged or feel accepted by their classmates or teachers. These students are at risk of withdrawing from school life, and become disaffected in terms of school. Social belonging is an essential student need that educators should prioritise as they teach, guide and counsel students, as it is fundamental to a student's experience in school with positive education outcomes.
The 2015 Millennium Development Goals (MDG) report showed positive improvement in universal access to primary schooling through increased enrolment and higher completion rates. In contrast, secondary education experiences high repetition and dropout rates that considerably reduce the completion rates during this phase of the education system. A key recommendation from the report is an urgent requirement to improve the quality of learning and teaching in the South African schooling system (Stats SA 2015). The report supports the need for more attention towards encouraging improvement in terms of the quality of student-teacher interaction in the classroom. Indeed, a number of studies have researched the factors related to 'school belonging' of secondary school students (Goodenow & Grady 1993; Nichols 2008; Osterman 2000). However, limited studies have been conducted on the factors that promote sense of belonging at primary school (Furrer & Skinner 2003; Morrison et al. 2003). According to Vaz et al. (2015), prevailing evidence proposes that diverse factors could affect 'school belonging' at different levels at school. They argue that, presently, not much evidence exists that will increase our understanding of whether the same factors related to primary school students' sense of belonging predict secondary school students' sense of belonging.
Evidence of gender differences in students' sense of belonging was recorded in the literature, but with varied outcomes, and this was mainly in terms of students in the higher grades (Hughes, Hee Im & Allee 2015; Mediha 2015; Sánchez, Colón & Esparza 2005).
Most large-scale studies on the sense of belonging at school are restricted to scholars in developed countries such as the United States (Vaz et al. 2015). Additional investigation is required in other countries to validate current research findings.
Purpose of the study
The objective of this study was to examine the association between students' perceptions of the physical and psychosocial school environment (sense of belonging) and the student-teacher relationship among grade 5 students in South Africa. The following research questions were constructed and investigated:
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How does student attitude towards primary school mathematics teachers relate to their sense of school belonging?
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Is there a difference between boys' and girls' attitudes towards teachers and their sense of school belonging?
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Can student-teacher relationships and sense of belonging contribute significantly to predicting mathematics performance?
Students' Socio-economic Status (SES), gender, absenteeism and incidents of bullying were included as covariates in the analysis, to support the investigation of the third research question.
Literature review
Sense of belonging among students
Sense of belonging is a critical universal need, as it provides people with the ability to satisfy other needs, such as self-actualisation (Maslow 1943). Bouchard and Berg (2017) define a sense of belonging as a relationally derived psychosocial design that is used to portray the 'sense of fit' or 'feelings of acceptance' that an individual feels about his or her society. The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) argues that people generally and adolescents specifically yearn for stable societal associations and place significant importance on recognition, appreciation, care and support from their communities (OECD 2017). Jethwani-Keyser (2008) argues that, within the school setting, a sense of belonging provides students with a sense of safety, individuality and community, which has a positive effect on their academic, mental and socio-emotional development (OECD 2017). Belonging in school refers to the sense of association students' experience within their peer groups, being accepted as equals in the classroom context, experiencing shared power, engaging in critical citizenship and experiencing a sense of safety and inclusion (Parekh 2014). A sense of belonging is associated with the need for structure, order, security, predictability and the absence of uncertainty. If these needs are not met, the student may experience feelings of isolation and unhappiness.
Bouchard and Berg (2017) observed that during the last 2 decades, academics have become gradually attentive to the consequences of primary school students' sense of belonging, primarily within the school locale. Numerous research studies (Chhuon & Wallace 2014; Nichols 2008; Sakiz, Pape & Hoy 2012) have maintained that students within the school environment require a sense of belonging to support constructive development within school. They contend that less focus was given to clarifying the aspects contributing to the development of school belonging. For noteworthy exceptions, the study conducted by Bouchard and Berg (2017) explored factors that contribute to an amplified sense of belonging experienced by late primary school students. The study revealed that students foster a sense of belonging through reciprocal caring relationships with teachers, through peer friendships and through participation in extra-curricular and school-based activities. It provides a clear understanding of the students' sense of belonging experiences in a particular context from both the perspective of teachers and students. However, the study is small in scope and thus not generalisable, and the authors do not explicitly focus on the SES of students, which is extremely important when taking into account the South African education context.
Research shows that juveniles who experience a sense of belonging in terms of their school community will probably be more inspired and perform better academically (Battistich et al. 1997; Goodenow 1993). Additional evidence shows that children and adolescents who experience a connection with their school are unlikely to exhibit dangerous and rebellious conduct (Catalano et al. 2004). Lee and Burkam (2003) argued that students with stable and gratifying social associations at school are unlikely to exit school prematurely or indulge in drug use or non-attendance behaviour. In addition, research evidence also suggests that adolescents who do not experience a sense of association or bonding with their school might be at risk of developing depression (OECD 2017; Shochet et al. 2006). These results were confirmed by similar studies (Chapman et al. 2013; Goodenow & Grady 1993; Johnson 2009; Osterman 2000; Uslu & Gizir 2016; Waters, Cross & Shaw 2010) that comprehended the impact of the existence or lack of a sense of belonging, and researchers have investigated some of the factors that may influence student behaviour and achievement in different student clusters.
Theoretical framework
Maslow's motivational hierarchy described the theoretical construct of belonging (Maslow 1943). He contended that human beings have a basic need for belonging and that once the physiological and safety needs are sufficiently satisfied, the need to belonging (love) assumes vital importance (Schunk 2012). According to Schunk (2012), this includes intimate relationships with others, belonging to groups and having close friends and acquaintances. A person's sense of belonging can be so influential that it creates not only a sense of worth but also the capacity to acquire healthy coping skills when undergoing intensive and painful emotions. Bouchard and Berg (2017) cite Baumeister and Leary (1995), who suggested that belonging has two characteristics. Firstly, human beings require regular personal associations where serious disagreement and adverse emotions are largely absent; secondly, is imperative for people to understand that interpersonal relationships that are solid, empathetic and enduring do exist (Baumeister & Leary 1995). This is relevant to the present study, as it delineates the hierarchy of human needs, such as sense of belonging, which needs to be satisfied, as it is unrealistic to expect students to perform well in school if they are suffering from physical or security deficiencies.
Student-teacher relationship
Etuk, Afangedih and Uya (2013) acknowledge the prominence of teacher qualities in realising learning objectives and intentions in a learning system. The authors define these qualities as the instructional behaviours demonstrated by the teacher towards goal attainment. Van De Grift (2007) argues that the variables associated with effective teaching are effective classroom supervision and administration, a secure and inspiring instructional climate, teacher clarity and adapting teaching and instructional approaches. Empirical researchers have associated successful teachers' characteristics to improved student achievement in the intellectual, emotional or psychomotor outcomes of education (Etuk et al. 2013; Offorma 1994; Van De Grift 2007).
Wentzel (1999) suggests that adolescents first develop an attachment with their teacher, prior to them developing a sense of belonging in the greater school community. A number of studies have revealed that support and encouragement provided by the teacher may have a more direct influence on adolescent engagement than that of their peers and parents (Connell & Wellborn 1991; Murray & Greenberg 2000; Newmann 1992; Uslu & Gizir 2017; Wentzel 1998). A positive adolescent-teacher relationship is considered a predictor of change in a student's sense of belonging, motivation, outcomes, school attentiveness, performance anticipation, morals, commitment, determination and achievement (Giani & O'Guin 2010; Goh & Fraser 1998; Goodenow 1993; Murdock 1999; Sullivan, Riceio & Reynolds 2008; Uslu & Gizir 2017; Wentzel 1998).
The value of student-teacher relationships can have an effect on students' social and emotional development and engagement at school (Anderman 2003; Battistich et al. 1995; Chiu et al. 2016; Ma 2003; Noble et al. 2008). Teachers can encourage healthy socio-emotional development in students by constructing a nurturing and deferential instructional setting (Battistich et al. 1997; Noble et al. 2008). Studies conducted by Battistich et al. (1997) and the OECD (2017) have indicated that constructive associations relating to teachers and students are significant for the socio-emotional welfare of disadvantaged students. Etuk et al. (2013) argue that students frequently evaluate their teachers in areas such as the teachers' subject content knowledge, skill of communication, selection of suitable instructional techniques and their overall classroom supervision and administrative abilities. They further argue that teachers rated highly on these indicators (based on students' opinions) are very likely to appreciate the assurance, gratitude and esteem of their students (Etuk et al. 2013).
A healthy student-teacher relationship and a sense of belonging are especially important in the primary and intermediate school phases. A study conducted in the United States found that students' sense of belonging decreases from years 7 to 11 (Wang & Eccles 2011). Findings from a study in Finland showed that students' sense of belonging significantly weakened, especially at the end of year 8. The reason for this tendency might be the fact that secondary schools offer more social networks and employ a larger number of teachers to which students need to adapt to (Ulmanen et al. 2016).
Conceptual framework
Following the work of Baumeister and Leary (1995), Goodenow (1993) and Maslow (1943), we take into account students' perceptions of teacher engagement, students' home SES, gender, absenteeism (as a proxy for participation) and incidences of bullying as factors that influence students' sense of belonging and mathematics achievement.
Home SES plays a major role in a student's sense of school belonging. International schools where students experience a higher sense of belonging are characterised by a higher SES (Taylor & Yu 2009).
Even though gender differences might exist, it is important for students to outwardly express a desire to have meaningful relationships considering that a sense of belonging is important to the mental health of boys and girls. Students who believe that they belong to the school will have confidence in their ability and are engaged in the classroom. The TIMSS 2015 uses absenteeism as a broad measure of participation, which, we would argue, is probably the most important aspect of participation. Schools that invest in extra-curricular activities, positive social relations and positive mental health can promote a higher sense of belonging and reduce absenteeism rates. South African students who scored the lowest in the mathematics assessment are likely to come from disadvantaged households, have lower levels of numeracy skills and attend less resourced schools where there is a higher level of bullying, safety and discipline problems and a lower sense of school belonging (Isdale et al. 2017).
Figure 1 displays the relationship among SES, student-teacher relationship, absenteeism (proxy for participation), sense of belonging and mathematics achievement.
Research methods and design
The TIMSS data are scientifically grounded, reputable, widely accepted and contain nationally representative data of the participating countries and therefore found suitable for the investigation into the research problem. The study was conducted in a post-positive paradigm by using quantitative data analysis methods to address the research questions. The most recent 2015 data were used and subjected to inferential statistical procedures.
Six variables were used in data analysis, as indicated in the conceptual framework of the study. The variables were student's home SES, frequency of student's absence from school (proxy for student participation in school and other activities), student's attitude towards teachers (proxy for student-teacher relationship), sense of belonging, extent of bullying experienced by student and mathematics achievement.
Three of the variables or indices were created from sub-scales in the student questionnaire by using principal component analysis (PCA). The developed indices measure students' attitudes towards mathematics teachers, sense of school belonging and home socio-economic status. Bivariate correlation coefficients were calculated to measure the strength of the association between variables. Independent-samples t tests and linear regression analyses were performed to investigate gender differences within variables. Stepwise regression analyses were performed to assess the predictor value of the independent variables on achievement in mathematics.
Data source and sample
This is a descriptive, exploratory and cross-sectional study that made use of secondary data on grade 5 South African students collected through the TIMSS in 2015. In 2015, the International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement (IEA) offered as part of their suite of products, a TIMSS-Numeracy study, a study specifically designed for lower performing countries. South African grade 5 students were assessed on mathematics in the TIMSS-Numeracy study. Apart from the assessment of students, the study also collected contextual background information on the students themselves, their mathematics teachers and their schools. Data were also collected from parents regarding the students' early learning experiences and development through an early learning survey. From a total of 15 783 South African schools that offered grade 5 classes in 2013, the IEA selected a stratified random sample of 300 schools. The sample of schools was stratified by province, type of school (public or independent) and language of learning and teaching (Afrikaans, English or dual [Afrikaans and English] medium). A random selection process of intact classes (as opposed to the selection of individual students) was applied for each sampled school. For South Africa, a total of 297 schools, 10 932 students, 10 376 parents or caregivers and 295 mathematics teachers participated in the study. The data were weighted to the population of South African grade 5 students. The TIMSS-Numeracy study for South Africa was reviewed by the Human Sciences Research Council (HSRC) Research Ethics Committee and received ethical clearance and approval on 14 July 2014.
Method used to develop the indices
A method applied by the World Bank (World Bank Group 2016) and other researchers, including Gwatkin et al. (2007), Taylor and Yu (2009), and Vyas and Kumaranayake (2006), was used to develop and calculate the indices.
Each of the indices was constructed from students' responses to sub-scales in batteries of items in the student questionnaire. The method entails using PCA to generate a weight for each item (statement) within the different batteries of items. According to this technique, the item most unequally distributed will receive the most weight. In other words, PCA gives more weight to variables with higher standard deviations (Vyas & Kumaranayake 2006). Student responses to the sub-scales were weighted according to the coefficients of the first principal component, instead of, for instance, summing responses to the sub-scales, which makes this a suitable method for analysis. Furthermore, this method uses all of the variables in reducing the dimensionality of the data.
A score was calculated for each index-variable and for each student, by weighting the responses with respect to each item pertaining to that student by the coefficient of the first Principal Component (PC1) of the concept, and then summing the outcomes. The coefficients of PC1 were used as weights because PC1 explains most of the variance in the data. The weights derived from the PCA were applied to the following equation, to calculate the scale score for each student (Ai) per index:
where w11 is the weight given to the first item within the first principal component for the specific concept, ai1 is the value that student i gave for item 1, a1 is the mean value of item 1 for all students and s1 is the standard deviation for item 1 over all students (refer to Appendix 1 for an example of how the indices were calculated).
Sets of items used to develop the indices
The indices were developed from students' responses to three sets of questions in the student questionnaire (IEA TIMSS 2015). For two of the sets of items, students had to indicate how much they agreed with the given statements by selecting one of the following options: agree a lot (recoded to a value of 3); agree a little (recoded to a value of 2); disagree a little (recoded to a value of 1) and disagree a lot (recoded to a value of 0). The third index, the home socio-economic status index, was based on a set of dichotomous variables (0 indicates 'no' and 1 indicates 'yes').
The attitudes towards mathematics teachers index was developed based on responses to the following statements in question G11: 'I know what my teacher expects me to do'; 'My teacher is easy to understand'; 'I am interested in what my teacher says'; 'My teacher gives me interesting things to do'; 'My teacher has clear answers to my questions'; 'My teacher is good at explaining mathematics'; 'My teacher lets me show what I have learned'; 'My teacher does a variety of things to help us learn'; 'My teacher tells me how to do better when I make a mistake'; and 'My teacher listens to what I have to say' (IEA TIMSS 2015:9).
The sense of school belonging index was developed based on the level of agreement of students with the following statements in question MS2: 'I like being in school'; 'I feel safe when I am at school'; 'I feel like I belong at this school'; 'I like to see my classmates at school'; 'Teachers at my school are fair to me'; 'I am proud to go to this school'; and 'I learn a lot in school' (IEA TIMSS 2015:12).
The home socio-economic status index was based on the availability of 15 assets in students' homes. The information was elicited through question G5 of the student questionnaire. The items included a student's own computer or tablet, computer to share, study desk, own room, Internet connection, own mobile phone, gaming system, dictionary, electricity, running tap water, television, water flush toilets, motor car, landline telephone and fridge (IEA TIMSS 2015:8).
Measurement of absenteeism
Question G8 of the student questionnaire was used to obtain data from students on how often, on average, they were absent from school (IEA TIMSS 2015:9). Responses were recoded to reflect the following codes: 'once a week or more' or 'once every two weeks' were recoded as 1; 'once a month' or 'never or almost never' as 0. In other words, a code of '1' was given if a student was frequently absent and a code of '0' otherwise.
Measurement of bullying
The IEA developed an index based on question G12 in the student questionnaire, which elicited data on the frequency at which students experienced hurtful acts committed by other people. The items included the following statements: 'Made fun of me or called me names'; 'Left me out of their games or activities'; 'Spread lies about me'; 'Stole something from me'; 'Hit or hurt me (e.g. shoving, hitting, kicking)'; 'Made me do things I did not want to do'; 'Shared embarrassing information about me'; and 'Threatened me' (IEA TIMSS 2015:11). A higher score on the scale is more favourable; in other words, a higher value on the scale indicates that less bullying was experienced.
Measurement of mathematics achievement
Mathematics achievement scores were calculated on a scale with a centre point of 500 and a standard deviation of 100. The curricula of the 48 participating countries were broadly represented in the achievement tests. To ensure non-biased testing, the items were adapted according to data from curriculum analysis. The assessment instruments were also piloted. The achievement tests were administered in each school's language of instruction, either English or Afrikaans. The IEA applied matrix-sampling assessment designs, which grouped the entire pool of items into a series of blocks to obtain estimates of students' proficiency in mathematics that are both accurate and cost-effective. Each student completed four blocks, each containing approximately 10-14 assessment items. As far as possible, within each block, the distribution of items across content and cognitive domains matched the distribution across the item pool overall. Individual students were thus tested on a subset of the complete pool of assessment items. Five plausible scores were calculated for each student based on the performance of all students on all tested items. All quantitative analyses of mathematics achievement report on the average of the five plausible scores.
Results and findings
The quantitative data analysis was performed with the objective of addressing the research questions of the study. The results are presented in this section. The sample consisted of 48% girls and 52% boys. About one-third (38%) of the students reported that they were frequently ('once a week or more' or 'once every 2 weeks') absent from school. Table 1 presents descriptive statistics of the prepared continuous variables.
First research question: How does student attitude towards primary school mathematics teachers relate to students' sense of belonging at school?
Bivariate correlation coefficients (Pearson product-moment correlation coefficient) were calculated for students' attitudes towards teachers and students' sense of school belonging. Students' attitudes towards teachers and students' sense of school belonging were strongly positively correlated, r(8839) = 0.60, p = 0.000. This suggests that there is a statistically significant, strong positive linear relationship between the two variables. Thus, if a student had a positive attitude towards his or her mathematics teacher, he or she would also have a positive sense of school belonging and vice versa.
A simple linear regression was furthermore calculated to see if attitudes towards teachers significantly contributed to predicting students' sense of school belonging. A significant regression equation was found (F[1,8837] = 4943.31, p < 0.05), with an R2 of 0.359. The measure of students' predicted sense of school belonging is equal to 0.062 + 0.420 × (attitudes towards teachers). Thus, the attitudes towards teachers as a proxy for student-teacher relationship had a significant positive effect on students' sense of school belonging.
Second research question: Is there a difference between boys' and girls' attitudes towards teachers and their sense of school belonging?
Independent-samples t tests were performed for boys and girls to, firstly, compare attitudes towards teachers and, secondly, to compare sense of school belonging. A significant difference in the attitude towards teachers was observed for boys (M = 0.010, SD = 4.1) and girls (M = 0.444, SD = 4.0); t (9449) = 5.202, p = 0.000. The results also showed a significant difference in sense of school belonging for boys (M = -0.037, SD = 2.9) and girls (M = 0.310, SD = 2.7); t(9521) = 6.00, p = 0.000.
These results suggest that girls really had a more positive attitude towards primary school mathematics teachers and they also had a higher sense of belonging at school than boys.
Third research question: Can student-teacher relationships and sense of belonging contribute significantly to predicting mathematics performance?
A stepwise regression analysis was performed to evaluate the predictor value of the selected independent variables on mathematics achievement as depicted and based on the conceptual framework of the study. Thus, the regression model measured the level of association between student-teacher relationship, sense of school belonging, absenteeism, extent of bullying, home SES and gender on mathematics achievement of grade 5 students.
At step 1 of the analysis, the independent variable, home SES, was entered into the regression equation and was significantly related to mathematics achievement (F[1,8718] = 1294.99, p < 0.001). The multiple correlation coefficient was 0.40, indicating that approximately 15.8% of the variance of mathematics performance could be accounted for by home SES (adjusted R2 = 0.158, p < 0.001). Table 2 shows that all variables were entered into the equation at step 6 of the analysis and were significantly related to mathematics performance (F[6,8713] = 480.72, p < 0.001). The multiple correlation coefficient was 0.52, indicating that approximately 27.0% of the variance of mathematics performance could be accounted for by the six independent variables (adjusted R2 = 0.270, p < 0.001).
Thus, as depicted in Table 2, the regression equation for predicting mathematics achievement based on the conceptual model of the study was mathematics performance = 305.87 + (9.99 × home SES index) + (9.88 × bullying index) + (-35.86 × absent) + (2.75 × student-teacher relationship index) + (13.73 × gender) + (1.41 × sense of belonging index).
The results furthermore showed that girls performed on average 14 points higher than boys and students who were frequently absent performed 36 points lower than their peers. It is also evident that home SES had the strongest association (β = 0.35, p < 0.001), while the frequency of acts of bullying experienced had the second highest association (β = 0.19, p < 0.001) with mathematics performance.
It is important to note that after controlling for home SES, bullying, gender and absenteeism, students' attitudes towards teachers (proxy for student-teacher relationship) (β = 0.11, p < 0.001) and sense of belonging (β = 0.04, p < 0.001) significantly contributed to mathematics performance.
Ethical considerations
The data used in the study were from the Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS). Ethical clearance for conducting the TIMSS in South Africa was obtained from the Research Ethics Clearance Committee of the Human Sciences Research Council on 14 July 2014 (Ethical clearance number: REC 1/19/03/14).
Discussion
The first main finding of the study is that student-teacher relationships are significantly associated with students' sense of school belonging. This finding relates to the literature that a stronger student-teacher relationship nurtures a higher sense of school belonging. Students are more likely to adopt their teachers' social and academic values if they believe that their teachers are accepting and caring (Ulmanen et al. 2016). Much evidence in the literature exists, which indicate that when students feel part of a school community, they will actively engage in non-academic, academic and extramural activities; put in more effort; and be very motivated (Finn & Zimmer 2012; OECD 2017).
The second main finding shows that student-teacher relationships contribute to predicting students' sense of school belonging. This result corroborates with findings from studies by Bouchard and Berg (2017), Goodenow (1993) and Ulmanen et al. (2016). Students foster a sense of belonging through reciprocal caring relationships with teachers, through peer friendships and through participation in extra-curricular and school-based activities (Bouchard & Berg 2017). Goodenow (1993) states that apart from students' perceived sense of warmth and acceptance from teachers, encouragement, support and respect for personal autonomy are required in the classroom setting for a student to experience a positive sense of belonging.
The third main finding is that girls on average had better attitudes towards teachers (student-teacher relationships) and also a higher sense of school belonging than boys. This is in line with studies that demonstrated that there is a difference between gender perceptions of belongingness: girls tend to have a more positive attitude towards school than boys (Nichols & Good 1998). Nichols and Good (1998) furthermore argue that this could be a function of the socialisation process of females having more relational practice in school than males. According to Galambos (2004), adolescent girls have a stronger interest in maintaining meaningful and nurturing relationships, resulting in a higher number of relationships than their male counterparts. Findings from Mediha (2015) and Hughes et al. (2015) confirm that girls had a higher sense of school belonging and a lower feeling of rejection in school than boys do. Newman, Newman and Lohman (2007) maintain that even though research suggests adolescent girls are more likely to outwardly express a desire to have meaningful relationships, gender differences should not overshadow the fact that belongingness is important to the mental health of boys and girls. Thus, more effort should be employed to accommodate boys' relationships with teachers.
The findings obtained from addressing the third research question indicated that both students' relationships with their teachers and their sense of belonging significantly and positively contributed to their performance in mathematics. According to Lee (2014), evidence regarding the effect of emotional engagement on academic performance is mixed, while Marksteiner and Kruger (2016) found that sense of belonging is a significant determinant of school outcomes, such as subjective well-being and students' performance. Studies using measures of emotional engagement combined with behavioural engagement (Borman & Overman 2004; Connell, Spencer & Aber 1994; Sirin & Rogers-Sirin 2004) have generally found a positive relationship between engagement and academic performance. However, emotional engagement focussing on a sense of belonging or identification with school was not a strong predictor of academic performance in Willms (2003) or Finn (1993).
Even after factors such as home SES, extent of bullying experienced and frequency of absenteeism were taken into account, student-teacher relationship and sense of belonging still significantly contributed to mathematics achievement. The controlling variables were included in the model to control for other variables that could have an effect on sense of belonging. Several studies substantiate the finding that absenteeism relates to the level of students' participation in academic and other school-related activities and contribute to a sense of belonging and academic performance (Flynn 1997; Hagborg 1994; Hagerty et al. 1996). Extent of bullying relates to students' relationships with peers, which attributes to their sense of belonging, self-esteem and adjustment to school. Peer rejection and victimisation have been associated with lower levels of well-being (Guhn et al. 2013) and higher levels of internalising problems, somatic health problems (Gini & Pozzoli 2009) and school dropouts (Cornell et al. 2013). A large body of knowledge confirms the finding that students' home SES plays an important role in their academic performance (Baumeister & Leary 1995; Goodenow 1993; Maslow 1943; Mediha 2015; Ostrove & Long 2007; Smerdon 1999; Trusty & Dooley-Dickey 1993; Visser, Juan & Feza 2015; Walton & Cohen 2011).
Conclusion
The focus of this article was to investigate the contribution of the student-teacher relationship to students' sense of school belonging. It also aimed to investigate the effect of these variables on the mathematics performance of grade 5 students in South Africa. The objectives of the study were achieved. Empirical evidence obtained through quantitative data analysis of the TIMSS 2015 data found that the attitude of grade 5 South African students towards teachers (proxy for student-teacher relationship) contributed significantly to predicting their sense of school belonging. A lower sense of school belonging and weaker relationships with teachers were observed in boys compared with girls. Students' attitude towards teachers and their sense of school belonging significantly contributed to mathematics achievement, even after taking into account the following variables, namely, students' home SES, extent of bullying and frequency of absence from school. It is therefore essential to prioritise belonging within the school environment and culture. If this is achieved, the support and nurturing from teachers would contribute greatly to the improvement of students' social and emotional development, confidence, motivation, self-efficacy, effort made and academic achievement.
Teaching practices that foster a sense of belonging and improved student-teacher relationships are key and should be researched and investigated more. Further research is recommended on practical implementation of approaches such as those suggested by Ulmanen et al. (2016): positive classroom practices; smaller class sizes to encourage greater individual attention; create a supportive and caring learning environment; emphasise and prioritise high-quality student-teacher relationships; be sensitive, supportive and responsive to students' emotions and emotional needs; listen to students by showing interest and trying to understand their point of view; treat students fairly and with respect and foster positive peer relationships among classmates, so that a sense of community can be established; work with community partners to meet students' needs; encourage students to participate in extra-curricular activities; develop and nurture a culture of high standards and good conduct across the school environment.
Acknowledgements
Competing interests
The authors declare that they have no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced them in writing this article.
Authors' contributions
F.A. and M.V. were involved in the conceptualisation of the study and the writing of the article. F.A. focussed on the literature review, and M.V. was responsible for data analysis.
Funding information
This study was conducted by the Human Sciences Research Council (HSRC) and funded by the Department of Basic Education (DBE).
Data availability statement
The TIMSS data are publicly available at https://timss.bc.edu/timss2015/international-database/index.html.
Disclaimer
The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the authors.
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Correspondence:
Fabian Arends
farends@hsrc.ac.za
Received: 30 Aug. 2018
Accepted: 29 Mar. 2019
Published: 04 Sept. 2019
In this section, we show how the equation in the section titled method used to develop the indices was used to calculate the index sense of school belonging as an example.
Development of the index sense of school belonging
The seven items were evaluated to check for suitability to perform a PCA. All seven items correlated at least 0.3 with at least one other item, which suggests reasonable factorability. Bartlett's test of sphericity was significant (N2(21) = 12240.43, p < .05) and the Kaiser-Meyer-Olkin measure of sampling adequacy was 0.86, which is above the recommended value of 0.6. The anti-image correlation matrix diagonals were all above 0.5, which supported the inclusion of each item in the PCA. In addition, the communalities were all above 0.3 (see Table 1-A1), which further confirmed that each item shared some common variance with other items. The Cronbach's alpha measure for the set of items was above 0.6 (seven items; α = 0.75), which shows internal consistency and reliability of using the items in a scale. Given these overall indicators, PCA was conducted with the seven items.
Principal component analysis was performed to obtain the factor scores of the first component (PC1) (see Table 3-A1). The PCA extracted one component (see Table 2-A1). The initial Eigenvalues showed that the extracted component explained 42% of the variance.
Table 3-A1 presents the descriptive statistics that were used in the calculation of the variable for each student, which included the factor scores of the first component (used as the weight), the mean and standard deviation of each item.
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Pre-service mathematics teachers' development process in using manipulatives in number operations
Zanele A. Ndlovu; Lytion Chiromo
Department of Mathematics Education, School of Education, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, South Africa
ABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: Teaching using manipulatives is emphasised, especially in the early grades, to help learners conceptualise operations on whole numbers. Therefore, teachers' competencies in using manipulatives is the key in helping learners master these basic operation skills.
AIM: Drawing from the literature on using manipulatives to improve learners' performance in mathematics, this study recounts foundation phase pre-service teachers' conception of using manipulatives to enhance their competencies and reasoning skills to model the solution in number operations.
SETTING: Data presented here was collected from 31 participants. These pre-service teachers either passed mathematics or mathematical literacy with 40% at the grade 12 level.
METHODS: Data was collected from participants' written work (e.g. classroom tasks, homework, tests and examinations) and during class discussions. Interviews were conducted with some students. We analysed their conception guided by the APOS theory, namely, Action-Process- Object-Schema.
RESULTS: We observed improvement in the conception of using manipulatives among pre-service teachers. In the first semester, most students display action conception of using manipulatives to either represent or model a solution. However, in the second semester, most students either display process or object conception as explained in the genetic decomposition. We attributed the improvement to change of instruction in the second semester as we taught in accordance with the APOS theory.
CONCLUSION: It is evident that there are a number of contributing factors to pre-service teachers' conception of mathematical concepts, and teacher educators need to pay particular attention to these to help pre-service teachers master the concepts they would teach at school.
Keywords: ACE Teaching Style; Manipulatives; Number Operations; Pre-Service Mathematics Teachers; Competencies; Development Process.
Introduction
This article focusses on analysing foundation phase pre-service mathematics teachers' evolution of their conception of using manipulatives in number operations. The literature has long advocated for the use of manipulatives to improve learners' understanding of mathematical concepts (Ball 1992; Larbi & Okyere 2016; Furner & Worrell 2017; Saka & Roberts 2018; Shaw 2002); however, debates have been uneven when it comes to exploring teachers' use of the manipulatives. We argue that if manipulatives have been proven to be effective in improving learners' understanding of mathematics concepts, it is therefore imperative to understand teachers' conception of using manipulatives because it will impact their teaching. With this in mind, we aim to answer the following research questions: To what extent has pre-service teachers' conception of using manipulatives in number operations evolved? What are the contributing factors that enable or hinder their conception?
The lens of teaching for understanding
In his article entitled 'What it means to understand mathematics', Usiskin (2015:19) argues that for a person to have a full understanding of mathematical concepts, one needs to be well versed with skills and algorithms associated with the concept, uses and applications of the concept, representations and metaphors, and the history of the concept. Although these dimensions are important for concept development, they cannot be developed all at once because as much as they are interrelated they are independent of each other (Usiskin 2015). However, it is of utmost importance that they are developed for conceptual understanding of mathematical concepts. Along these lines of thoughts, this study explores pre-service teachers' conception of skills and algorithms associated with using manipulatives in number operations and its applications to model solutions in addition and subtraction of whole numbers. Understanding pre-service teachers' conception of using manipulatives in number operations would probably provide knowledge about pre-services teachers' competences to solve related problems and indirectly about the development of their subject matter knowledge, as defined by Ball, Phelps and Thames (2008).
Use of manipulatives in the teaching and learning of mathematics
'Mathematical manipulatives are physical objects that are designed to represent explicitly and concretely mathematical ideas that are abstract' (Moyer 2001:176). Teaching and learning using concrete models is currently recommended for the development of number concepts. In South Africa, the Curriculum Assessment Policy Statement (CAPS) (DBE 2012) for grades 1-3 emphasises the development of deep conceptual understanding of mathematical concepts and acquisition of specific skills and knowledge, for example, the development of number vocabulary, number concept and calculation, and application skills. In the current South African curriculum for Foundation Phase mathematics, more than 55% of the content to be taught is number operations, as shown in Table 1.
Although a certain percentage is specified, the truth is that number operations are embedded in all the topics. Therefore, it is imperative that teachers' conception of number operations are intact. The literature that pays particular attention to teaching and learning for understanding mathematics still emphasises the use of concrete materials and modelling mathematical concepts (Van de Walle 2007) and so is the CAPS document. The use of manipulatives to develop understanding of abstract mathematics is deemed necessary to build a solid foundation of the concept. This entails the competence to translate and integrate knowledge and to solve problems in a different format. For example, using physical concrete objects to model the problem or symbols; once the action is interiorised, it can be illustrated by means of a diagram.
Benefits of using manipulatives
Studies on the use of manipulatives had shown that manipulatives are important in enhancing the understanding of abstract mathematics (e.g. Ball 1992; Brijlall & Niranjan 2015; Furner & Worrell 2017; Saka & Roberts 2018). These authors argue that manipulatives helped to improve both procedural and conceptual understanding of mathematical concepts among learners. Larbi and Okyere (2016:53-61) investigated the use of algebra tiles with 56 junior high school learners. The findings showed that the use of algebra tiles enables learners to model mathematical ideas, which are essential to learning. Shaw (2002) argued that manipulatives assist with the development of mental mathematics and engaging students in the language and communication of mathematical ideas. Sandir (2016:2112) investigated pre-service mathematics teachers' design and use of manipulatives in different mathematical concepts. In that study, the findings showed that pre-service teachers encountered difficulties in using manipulatives to transform their mathematical ideas. While benefits of using manipulatives have been researched, evidence showed that teachers' conception of using manipulatives in their classroom instructions is limited (Furner & Worrell 2017; Marzola 2006). Although the reasons for the lack of effective use of manipulatives have not been extensively researched, the literature shows that the lack of teacher knowledge or expertise in a particular dimension is the main reason why certain resources or topics are not taught well. By way of illustration, Puchner et al. (2010:313) postulated that teachers had problems in using manipulatives when teaching mathematical concepts during lesson delivery. Therefore, because the use of manipulatives has been identified as one of the resources that help learners learn abstract mathematics, it is imperative that pre-service teachers have the expertise and knowledge to use it themselves to solve mathematical concepts - in turn they will effectively apply it in their teaching. As Laski et al. (2015:1-8) pointed out that using manipulatives in foundation phase mathematics classes does assist in promoting effective learning, plethora of research has paid particular attention to researching the benefit of using manipulatives with learners. However, there is a dearth in the literature when it comes to pre-service teachers' conception of using manipulatives to solve mathematical concepts.
Framework for this study
This study was conducted according to a specific framework for research and curriculum development in undergraduate mathematics, which guided the systematic enquiry of how students cognitively construct mathematical knowledge. The framework consists of three components, namely, theoretical analysis, design and implementation, and observation and assessments of student learning, as proposed by Asiala et al. (1997:4) (Figure 1).
Under theoretical analysis, this study used Action-Process-Object-Schema (APOS) theory to describe and analyse pre-service teachers' evolution of their conception of using manipulatives in number operations. By using manipulatives in number operations, in this study we refer to pre-service mathematics teachers' ability to compute and model the solution by means of concrete objects and diagrammatic representation to show the conceptualisation of place value. The genetic decomposition explaining the cognitive constructs associated with using manipulatives in number operations is provided in the 'Key concepts in Action-Process-Object-Schema theory' section that serves as the analytic tool to analyse students' responses in relation to APOS theory. To ascertain the evolution of pre-service teachers' conception of using manipulatives, assessment tasks were designed and implemented and responses were analysed by means of the genetic decompositions that allow for the categorisation of responses, as shown in the 'Results' section.
Key concepts in Action-Process-Object-Schema theory
Action-Process-Object-Schema theory is deemed useful for explaining student conception of mathematical concepts. In APOS theory, conception refers to individual understanding and concept refers to collective understanding of that content by community of mathematicians (Arnon et al. 2014). Action-Process-Object-Schema theory is premised on the idea that conceptualisation of a concept is first conceived as an action, which suggests that transformation needs to be performed explicitly. This means that an individual relies on external cues to make sense of a concept. As the actions are repeated and reflected on, an individual moves away from relying on external cues and develops an ability to imagine the whole process (Arnon et al. 2014:19). In that way, action becomes interiorised into a process, which is a mental structure. The process can be encapsulated into an object. Encapsulation happens when an individual sees a process as a static structure to which action can be applied (Arnon et al. 2014:21). Furthermore, once a process has been encapsulated into a mental object, it can be de-encapsulated to its underlying processes when the need arises (Arnon et al. 2014:22). When an individual can encapsulate a process into an object or de-encapsulate the object to its underlying process, we consider that an individual has developed schema conception of the concept. The application of these mental constructs in the conception of using manipulatives in number operations is explained in the genetic decomposition. Its link to certain primary mathematics concepts can be found in Ubah and Bansilal (2018).
Genetic decomposition for operations on whole numbers using manipulatives
The design of genetic decomposition is premised on three factors, namely, researchers' mathematical understanding of the concept; researchers' experience of teaching a particular concept; and research on students' thinking about the concept and historical perspectives on the development of the concept. As there has been limited research focussing on pre-service teachers' thinking of the concepts and historical perspectives on the development of the concept among pre-service teachers, this genetic decomposition is premised on the researchers' understanding of the use of manipulatives and experiences in teaching this concept to pre-service teachers.
Understanding the concept of using manipulatives to represent whole numbers
Action
An action (Arnon et al. 2014):
[I]s an externally directed transformation of a previously conceived object(s). It is external in the sense that each step of the transformation needs to be performed explicitly and guided by instructions, each step cannot yet be imagined and none can be skipped. (p. 19)
In this study, when an individual represents numbers using concrete objects, his or her reasoning is considered to be at an action level. This includes the knowledge of constructing or deconstructing numbers. For example, given 123 an individual uses manipulatives to deconstruct the number to its components. An individual understands that 7 can be constructed in various ways such as 2 + 5 or 1 + 6 and can build these numbers using different manipulatives. However, the place value of each digit is not considered.
Process
As actions are repeated and reflected on, an individual moves from relying on external cues to having internal control over them. 'This is characterised by an ability to imagine carrying out the steps without necessarily having to perform each one explicitly' (Arnon et al. 2014:20). An individual begins to build mental images of the numbers. The action of gathering concrete objects is interiorised and can be represented by images, for example, drawings and illustrations are seen as representations of the physical objects. Furthermore, at this level, an individual uses appropriate mathematical language to explain the mental images.
Object
'This occurs when an individual applies an action to a process that sees a dynamic structure as a static one to which actions can be applied' (Arnon et al. 2014:21). At this level, the process of representing a number diagrammatically is encapsulated into an object, and an individual conceives the concept of place value of each digit. For example, a two-digit number is thought of as a bundle of ones. A two-digit or three-digit number is conceived as an object to which transformations can be performed. At this level, an individual can de-encapsulate a number so that it can be coordinated with other processes to form a new number.
Modelling the solution when adding or subtracting whole numbers
Action
To add whole numbers, an individual requires an understanding of the differences between unary and binary operations. An individual would first use standard algorithm to perform the computation process, and the action of representing the solution is done separately. Because the representation of numbers diagrammatically is not yet fully conceived, even the solution is not accurately represented diagrammatically.
Process
The action of performing binary operation is interiorised into a process when an individual performs the computation without relying on standard algorithms. An individual not only performs operations but also is able to make choices of appropriate mental illustrations to use and consider the efficiency of alternatives (Saka & Robert 2018). Furthermore, the action of adding or subtracting is interiorised and the solution is modelled either using physical manipulatives or diagrams.
Object
The process of modelling the solution using manipulatives is encapsulated into an object when an individual transforms the solution to its components and uses appropriate mathematical language to explain the process.
Methodological approach
This study is underpinned by an interpretive paradigm as it strives to inquire participant's conception of using manipulatives in number operations. With respect to approach, this study used qualitative approach as it allows for the voice of the participant to be heard and allows for more diversity in responses (Flick 2016).
A cohort of 98 pre-service teachers enrolled for the undergraduate full-time course to study towards becoming primary mathematics teachers. However, the data presented here are from 31 pre-service teachers who consented to participate in this study. The cohort of 98 students were divided into tutorial groups. The categorisation into tutorial groups was not academically based. Those who consented to take part in this study were put into one tutorial group, and fortunately, they were of diverse academic performance. Data were collected in two semesters by means of written work, video recordings and interviews. Interviews were audio recorded and later transcribed. Written work includes tutorial tasks, homework, tests and examination. During tutorial sessions, students engage in group discussions. These discussions were video recorded to capture students' thought process as they talk about their solutions. These discussions were transcribed and analysed together with the written work by means of the genetic decomposition, as presented in Figure 1.
The aim of the interviews was to probe and interrogate students' conceptions. Before the interviews, students were given time to reflect on their written work and where necessary video clips from tutorial discussions were played. Reflections were an hour long, followed by interviews that also lasted approximately an hour. Reflections were done with the whole group, but interviews were conducted with students purposefully selected.
In this study, we draw upon three students purposefully selected, and attention was on those students where we noticed evolution of their reasoning in using manipulatives in number operations.
The transcription of video and audio recordings to textual data allowed us to use the genetic decomposition to analyse students' conception. Using various methods of data collection allowed for triangulation of the data captured ensuring trustworthiness of our findings. Moreover, students were given time to reflect on their written work and class discussions before being interviewed to verify their responses and that the work they were commenting on is theirs.
Ethical considerations
Ethical clearance was obtained from the Humanities and Social Sciences Research Ethics Committee of the University of KwaZulu-Natal (reference number: HSS/0050/016).
Results and discussion
In this section, we used extracts to explain our observation of pre-service teachers' conception of using manipulatives in number operations. A variety of activities were administered, and a sample of questions and responses is presented below.
Understanding the concept of using manipulatives to represent whole numbers in semester 1
The data presented in Tables 2 and 3 were collected in the first mathematics foundation module. Students were in their second year. According to the BEd programme in the institution concerned, students start with major modules in the second year. Table 2 shows students' performance when they engage with the use of manipulatives in whole numbers.
The sample of responses selected for discussion here were those that all students attempted to answer. In Table 2, we observed that the majority of pre-service teachers were able to use manipulatives to represent numbers or to construct or de-construct numbers. However, this action of representing or constructing numbers was performed routinely with no conceptualisation of place value. This was observed when students were asked, for example, to represent tens as ones or represent ones as a group of tens and then the number of correct responses decreased drastically to four. Moreover, when physical objects were removed, students could not represent the numbers diagrammatically. Even when attempts were made, the diagrammatic representation was not reflecting the place value of the number. When representing numbers using diagrams, students were not taking into cognisance the place of each number represented or proportionality when using Dienes blocks, as shown in Figure 2. Furthermore, the majority had difficulties in drawing number builder cards to represent 4023; most students wanted to show zero hundreds.
Modelling the solution when adding or subtracting whole numbers in module 1
Table 3 shows pre-service teachers' level of conceptualisation of using manipulatives to model the solution.
When students were asked to model the solutions using manipulatives, as shown in the sample of responses below, we observed that the majority of them could use manipulatives to illustrate or represent inputs of binary operations, however, they could not model the solution. As observed in the extracts below, the majority determined the solution using standard algorithms, thus showing that their conception was restricted to the action level (Figure 3).
In the interview, Kadizo said:
I did not use the standard algorithm, but I used a calculator. The arrows were used to show how I subtracted, e.g. 70 - 30 = 40; 5 - 1 = 4; then add 40 + 4 = 44. (Kadizo, male, student)
Although Kadizo tried to argue that he did not use standard algorithm, he agreed that he did not use manipulatives. From his interview response, we assumed that he considered standard algorithm to be the vertical column method and because his solution was not structured vertically, he argued that he did not use the standard method. However, the arrows and his explanation, during the interview, focus on subtracting from left to right strategy, suggesting that he used the standard method. It was observed that in the absence of concrete objects, Kadizo had challenges in modelling the computation using diagrams as representation of concrete objects. It was captured in the video clip that Kadizo could not recall using number builder cards even as a learner or he was never exposed to using manipulatives to perform operations. His exposure to manipulatives was for counting purposes. The extract taken from video clips suggested that the lack of previous knowledge in the use of manipulatives to compute hindered Kadizo's concept development. In the learning of mathematics, previous knowledge plays a crucial role in the construction of new knowledge, it seems the lack of previous knowledge therefore hindered Kadizo's conception of using manipulatives (Figure 4).
Again, in this extract, Kadizo did not only struggle with modelling the solution but he also had difficulties with using mental images to represent digits, thus confirming that the action of using physical objects has not been interiorised into a process. This we observed as he represents tens and hundreds by the same diagrams, suggesting that he has not conceived the place value concept of each digit in two-digit or three-digit numbers.
Similarly, Azinga, as is evident in Figure 5 of item 4, failed to model the solution to 47 + 76.
However, she was able to use mental images to represent the inputs of the binary operation, but not the solution. During the interview, she was given different numbers to compute and was asked to model the solution. He first used standard method and then used Dienes block to represent the solution, as shown in Figure 5. Although the researcher explained to her that she needs to use the Dienes block to show the addition of 18 and 23 and show how she reached the answer by using Dienes block she could not conceptualise that. Even, the language used was not mathematical, but it is the language generally used at the primary level, that is, 'eight plus three is eleven carry one instead of saying trading ten ones for one ten'. As Sandir (2016) posits, it seemed that these pre-service teachers have not been able to conceptualise the use of manipulatives to an extent that allows them to transform their mathematical ideas about place value.
Urmilla's written response suggested that she was also still restricted to the action level. The response below was extracted from the video clip taken during tutorial discussion (Figure 6).
Urmilla like Azinga used the standard algorithm to determine the solution and only used the concrete objects to represent the solution. However, her explanation during the interview revealed the evolution of the process conception, although not yet fully constructed. This observation was based on her attempt to infuse appropriate mathematical language, explaining that nine plus eight gives 17 ones and traded ten ones for one ten to get six tens, as shown in Figure 7. Similarly, in a different sum, she also did not show how she used number builder cards but provided an explanation of how she used it. Furner et al. (2017) assert that the use of manipulatives provides teachers with great potential to use their creativity in mathematics concepts rather than relying on the rules. However, the above findings show that these pre-service teachers have not yet acquired that creativity.
Table 4 shows students' performances in certain tasks in semesters 1 and 2. Tasks assessing similar concepts across both semesters were selected. The aim was to explore pre-service teachers' conception of using manipulatives to model solution over two semesters. In Table 4, we opted to show students' competencies in the items done either during class time or during tutorial time or in tutorial tests because students answered those in the presence of the researcher and in no time did the researcher try to enhance their thinking like in interviews.
From Table 4, it is evident that most pre-service teachers' conception of using manipulatives was limited to action stage. Tasks of a similar nature were used across two semesters to enhance pre-service teachers' conception of using manipulatives. Table 5 shows the performance of students towards the end of semester 2 in the second module they enrolled in.
From Table 5, we observed an improvement in students' conceptions of using manipulatives either to represent numbers diagrammatically or in modelling the solution. As students get more exposure and opportunities to engage co-operatively with tasks that challenge their intellect, we saw evolution in their reasoning about the concept. In semester 2, co-operative learning was used in a different way than it was used in the first module. Instead of students working together or individually to solve the problem during tutorials, they had to first do the task individually and then collaboratively, to ensure that all students participated during group discussions as each student was required to explain his or her response rather than having one or two students explaining to the rest of the group. Although we could not conclude that it is the change of instructions that contributed immensely to students' improved performance, from the responses presented below we observed evolution of their conception of the concept.
Use of manipulatives to represent numbers and to model the solution in number operations
In Figure 7, we noticed that Urmilla attempted to model the solution, unlike in Figure 6 where she only represented the solution. In Figure 8, we saw her representing 125 + 137 and illustrating how she combined the hundreds, tens and ones and traded ten ones for one ten to get 262.
Similarly, during the group discussion, we observed evolution of students' thinking process in using manipulatives to model the solution. Kadizo's group could use diagrams to represent inputs of the binary operation 47 + 76 and use the physical objects to model the solution 123 and show the process of trading ten tens for one hundred.
Furthermore, when performing subtraction sums, as shown in Figure 9, Kadizo explained how he used the Dienes block to model the solution of 75 - 31, unlike in the above extracts where his explanation of finding the solution was embedded in standard algorithms and did not involve the use of appropriate mathematical language. During the second interview, we observed that actions of using concrete objects has been interiorised as he could translate the physical objects to mental images and use appropriate diagrams to represent binary inputs and model the solution. Furthermore, the process of using diagrams has been encapsulated into an object. This was observed as he exhibited an understanding of the relationship between a bundle of ones to make ten and infused correct mathematical terminology to explain his thought process (Figure 10):
I will make 7 tens from Dienes blocks and 5 ones which makes 75. Thirty one has 3 tens and one one. Since I am subtracting, I am not building 31 but I will take it away from 75. First take away one unit from five ones, I am left with 4 ones - then take away 3 tens from 7 tens, I am left with 4 tens. 4 tens is 40 + 4 ones = 44. (Kadizo, male, student)
The above findings support the suggestion by Ball (1992:47) that talk and interaction between teachers and students are necessary in creating meaning of how to use manipulatives. However, based on the findings, we extend this idea and argue that structured talk informed by structured activities is necessary for effective learning.
In item 10, students were asked to use diagrams to represent a different set of numbers. Students were not restricted to use any particular model. They could either use Dienes blocks, number builder cards or abacus. Most students used Dienes block; unlike in semester 1 students take cognisance of proportionality when representing different digits, as shown in Azinga's response (Figure 11).
Although still not accurately drawn, the proportionality is taken into account to differentiate tens from hundreds.
Item 11 was the same as item 4 in semester 1. This question was poorly answered in semester 1, therefore, we wanted to see if students could now use manipulatives to model the solution. In Table 5, we observed that more students can either accurately represent the inputs of the binary operations and solution using diagrams and other could model the solution. Even Azinga who could not represent the solution in item 4 was able to in item 11, thus showing evolution of her conception of using manipulatives. Although in the written response she did not illustrate how she arrived at the solution, during the interview she was able to express her thought processes (Figure 12):
4 tens plus 7 tens equals eleven tens but eleven tens is made up of ten tens which is same as hundred. 6 ones plus 7 ones equals 13 ones but 13 ones is made of ten ones and 3 ones so tens ones is the same as one ten. Putting it all together I will have one hundred, two tens and 3 ones and that is what I was trying to show here. (Azinga, female, student)
In item 11 in semester 2, we saw an evolution of pre-service teachers' conception of using manipulatives from action to process.
Conclusion
In the quest to answer our perennial question about pre-service teachers' conception of using manipulatives and exploring the contributing factors that enable or hinder their conception, we concluded that indeed student conception of using manipulatives to represent whole numbers and model solution in addition and subtraction of whole numbers gradually evolved. This we observed as we saw from the above data in semester 2 that many students showed the interiorisation of action into a process and further encapsulating process into objects, thus showing conceptualisation of the concept. While it can be argued that there could be many contributing factors associated with development in their cognitive growth, we observed that as students engage in structured co-operative learning and engage effectively in mathematics talk, students' reasoning improved. These findings, to a certain extent, concur with findings by Ubah and Bansilal (2018) that pre-service teachers are conversant in answering questions requiring action-level engagement, as we observed in semester 1, however, the prolonged time spent on engaging pre-service teachers with structured tasks in a co-operative manner allowed for the evolution of their thought processes. Saka and Roberts (2018) argue for the use of bow abacus to improve cognitive development among learners in the early grades. In this study, we argue for the use of any appropriate manipulative, not restricted to any form, for the cognitive development of foundation phase pre-service mathematics teachers.
In the three cases of students we analysed, we observed evolution of the thought processes when using manipulatives in number operations, mainly the concept of modelling the solution and the use of appropriate mathematical language, leading to the development of place value notion. There is much concern in the literature about pre-service mathematics teachers' subject matter knowledge of school mathematics (Ball et al. 2008; Ndlovu, Amin & Samuel 2017). This study has shown that there is a possibility for the development of subject matter knowledge of school mathematics when pre-service teachers do engage with school mathematics concepts that challenge their intellect.
Acknowledgements
The authors would like to thank PrimTed project for the support in this study.
Competing interests
The authors declare that they have no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced them in writing this article.
Authors' contributions
Z.A.N., as a lecturer of the module, was responsible for coordinating the research project and writing up of the article. L.C. assisted with the data collection and structuring of the article. Z.A.N. has also assisted L.C. as a young researcher to present preliminary findings at the AMESA regional conference in 2016.
Funding information
This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial or not-for-profit sectors.
Data availability statement
Data sharing is not applicable for this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study.
Disclaimer
The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the authors.
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Correspondence:
Zanele A. Ndlovu
ndlovuz3@ukzn.ac.za
Received: 30 Aug. 2018
Accepted: 23 Mar. 2019
Published: 05 Sept. 2019
ORIGINAL RESEARCH
A tool to enhance the planning of children's literature lessons for Setswana as Home Language
Elma Marais; Carisma Nel; Dolly Dlavane
Department of Language Education, Faculty of Education, North-West University, Potchefstroom, South Africa
ABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: Universities, specifically faculties of education, have the responsibility to ensure that student teachers are introduced to the complexities involved in planning conceptually sound, coherent and cohesive lessons
OBJECTIVES: The objectives of this study were to determine how prepared students teachers are to plan children's literature and develop a tool for use by teachers specializing in Setswana to support them when planning and preparing for children's literature lessons
METHODS: A Qualitative case study design was chosen for this study
RESULTS: The results of this study indicated that primary pre-service teachers in South Africa do not receive cohesive and coherent as well as intensive preparation in the planning of lessons focusing on children's literature. In addition, most primary pre-service teachers were not familiar with the titles, some genres and levelled questioning techniques used in planning children's literature lessons. The results indicated that student teachers studying at a distance and specialising in Setswana as a Home Language were experiencing difficulties relating to the literature planning and preparation
CONCLUSION: Skillful planning, entails taking into account the knowledge and developmental level of learners, their specific social and cultural contexts, knowledge of subject matter and learning goals, as well as knowledge of teaching strategies and practices
Keywords: Lesson Planning; Setswana; Children's Literature; Evaluation; Genre; Primary School.
Introduction
Research evidence stating that poor learner performance in schools is because of 'many teachers' lack of understanding of and inability to adequately convey the content knowledge of the subjects they are teaching' is becoming more evident in South Africa (Deacon 2016:3). This research is supported by international consensus that one of the most important variables affecting educational quality is the competence of the teacher (Darling-Hammond 2006). Darling-Hammond (2006) proposes that the development of good teachers and exposure to quality teaching should take place at universities offering Initial Teacher Education (ITE) programmes. However, Darling-Hammond acknowledges that the training offered within teacher preparation programmes can vary significantly. The Initial Teacher Education Research Project (ITERP) study findings support this statement, indicating that the content of programmes in South African institutions varies widely (Taylor 2014). Taylor (2014) states that:
Evidence has accumulated over the last two decades to suggest that in-service interventions have had limited impact. This understanding, in turn, has led to a growing realisation that the greatest opportunity for improving the quality of schooling lies in strengthening initial teacher education. (p. 6)
ITE programmes in South Africa are currently facing scrutiny with regard to subject content depth and rigour (i.e. language and mathematics) as well as regarding the work-integrated learning component of the Bachelor of Education (BEd) programme (Nel 2018). Research indicates that courses offered within teacher preparation programmes do not adequately prepare student teachers to plan for effective instruction (Duncan 2010; Maphosa & Mudzielwana 2014; National Council on Teacher Quality 2010) and support student teachers in their development of the skills to plan and prepare effectively and coherently (Holm & Horn 2003; Jones, Jones & Vermette 2011) because a strong relationship exists between teacher planning and learner achievement, and ineffective planning practices learnt in teacher preparation programme modules or courses may manifest once student teachers begin teaching within their own classrooms (Jones et al. 2011).
It is difficult to overstate the importance of planning. Sardo-Brown (1996:519) defines planning as 'the instructional decisions made prior to the execution of plans during teaching'. Danielson (2007:27) states 'that a teacher's role is not so much to teach as it is to arrange the learning'. According to Danielson (2007), teachers who excel in planning and preparation:
[D]esign instruction that reflects an understanding of the disciplines they teach - the important concepts and principles within that content, and how the different elements relate to one another and to those in other disciplines. They understand their students - their backgrounds, interests, and skills. Their design is coherent in its approach to topics, includes sound assessment methods, and is appropriate to the range of students in the class. (p. 27)
In research conducted by Chesley and Jordan (2012:43), teachers stated that, 'We didn't know how to plan for instruction'. Findings from the ITERP study also indicate that within the teacher preparation programmes that were reviewed, there was limited information on lesson planning in both the Home Language and First Additional Language methodology course materials. The use of micro-teaching as a practice-based opportunity was also negligible (Reed 2014:27). Student teachers' ability to deliver developmentally appropriate instruction depends on their ability to plan coherent and cohesive lessons. To plan, they will have to learn to sequence their content and align it with appropriate instructional practices relevant to the content being taught. Effective planning also ensures that the needs of all learners are catered for and that differentiation is addressed.
Good planning is crucial if student teachers need to have an impact on the learning of the learners. Although experienced teachers can, perhaps, manage to 'fly by the seat of their pants', they cannot do so for long (Danielson 2007:57). However, there is not much research addressing exactly how student teachers are taught to plan in courses offered within teacher preparation programmes. The aim of this article is, firstly, to report on student teachers' views of their preparedness for teaching children's literature lessons; secondly, to report on how lecturers or their substitutes prepare the student teachers for planning to teach children's literature lessons; and, lastly, to determine how subject advisors support teachers for planning and preparing children's literature lessons. The outcome is to present a tool that can be used as a resource to assist them in their planning and preparation of children's literature.
Conceptual framework
Shulman's (1987) model of pedagogical reasoning and action steps provides a conceptual framework for this study. The pedagogical reasoning and action steps are processes and practices that can support student teachers as they 'work' from their initial understanding of the content in their subjects to develop pedagogical content knowledge. Shulman (1987) identifies five processes that teacher educators may focus on while scaffolding student teachers' development towards competence in lesson planning and enactment:
1. comprehension
2. transformation
3. instruction
4. evaluation
5. reflection.
According to Shulman (1987:14), the
[V]iew of pedagogical reasoning is from the point of view of the teacher, who is presented with the challenge of taking what he or she already understands and making it ready for effective instruction. (p. 14)
The journey to the development of pedagogical content knowledge growth starts with the importance of the comprehension of content knowledge. To effectively teach the content, student teachers must have mastered the content in breadth and depth. Once they understand the content, they must transform the content knowledge in such a way that it can be taught to learners in a comprehensible manner. During this process, student teachers need to know their learners (i.e. cultural assets, diverse needs and interests, developmental levels, etc. ) to deliver their lessons at the correct level and make instructional adaptations where required. Pedagogical content knowledge is also about recognising what specific learning activities and pedagogy work for the type of content and skills being taught in the lesson (Mishra & Koehller 2006). Transforming knowledge into a learner-friendly format is essential for pedagogical practice. Instruction is the enactment process and includes many pedagogical aspects such as managing the classroom, providing clear explanations and examples, and focussing on the gradual release of responsibility in the learning process (McVee et al. 2015). Evaluation focuses on student teachers' checking of learner understanding. Reflection should allow student teachers and in-service teachers to reflect on what was successful, what can be improved, more efficient methods of materials, classroom and content management, etc. (Shulman1987).
Planning children's literature lessons
Children's literature should be an essential component of every primary school curriculum and should not merely be included at the whim of the teacher or just to pass time (Cremin et al. 2008; Hancock 2000; Leu et al. 2003; Stan 2015; Waugh, Neau & Waugh 2016). The existing Curriculum and Assessment Policy Statements for the Foundation Phase and the Intermediate Phase allow for instructional time, specifically for the integration of children's literature into the daily or weekly timetable, and indicate a range of stories as well as information and graphical text (Department of Basic Education 2011). Teachers' competency should include the ability to enhance learners' reading choices, habits and positive attitudes. In addition, their competence should include knowledge of authors, titles, genres and the variety of texts available for children (Akins et al. 2018; Cremin et al. 2008; Cunningham et al. 2004). Research indicates that teachers need to read widely and be familiar with a variety of book titles and genres in order to support the reading development of young children, and this should include the reading of specifically children's literature (Collins & Safford 2008; Cremin et al. 2008; Ripp 2016). In her study, Marais (2014) indicates that teachers responsible for Afrikaans as Home Language and First Additional Language from grades 1 to 6 and subject advisors were unable to identify titles, genres, narrative elements as well as recommend developmentally appropriate texts to learners in the identified grade levels. Marais (2014) also found that teachers' knowledge of children's literature was limited to their knowledge of their own childhood favourites. In addition, Akin et al. (2018) pointed out that there is a gap regarding the genres that teachers know specifically with regard to multicultural and historical fiction. McCutchen et al. (2002:210) state that, 'If teachers are to create and maintain a literate environment for their students, we might expect teachers to be knowledgeable about children's literature'.
The research seems to indicate that ITE programmes are neglecting the inclusion of children's literature within the curriculum. Within the South African context, this statement is supported by results from the ITERP (Deacon 2016; Reed 2014). According to Reed (2014), children's literature is given limited attention at the institutions that were part of the ITERP study. Reed (2014:27) states that, 'This situation is a cause for concern given the importance of developing learners' interest in reading'. Research seems to indicate the importance of the inclusion of topics focussed on encouraging reading widely, knowledge of children's books, when and how to use texts, recommending books to learners appropriate to their language, social, personality and cognitive developmental levels (cf. Marais 2014).
Methodology
The following research questions were formulated for this study:
-
How prepared are student teachers to plan and prepare for teaching children's literature lessons?
-
How do lecturers or their substitutes prepare student teachers for planning and preparing to teach children's literature lessons, specifically related to:
■ lesson format
■ familiarity with genres in children's literature, narrative elements and criteria for choosing developmentally appropriate children's literature.
-
How do subject advisors support teachers for the planning and preparation of children's literature lessons?
Research design
A qualitative case study research design was chosen for this study because the aim was to address 'how' related to preparedness of children's literature planning and preparation, student teachers', lecturers or their substitutes as well as subject advisors' (Yin 2009:1). One teacher preparation programme formed the bounded context of this study.
Sampling
Non-probability sampling was used to collect information from participants identified to participate in this study, and which ensures that data collected are not biased or skewed (Cohen, Manion & Morrison 2007). Purposeful sampling was utilised in choosing participants based on the needs of the research and the requirements related to participants' 'typicality and possession of a particular characteristic being sought' (Cohen et al. 2007:114-115). A total number of eight lecturers teaching Setswana, English and Afrikaans as Home Language, and English and Afrikaans as First Additional Language (N=8), or substitutes participated in this study. Two language subject advisors from a school district in close proximity to the university also participated in the study. Student teachers in year 1 (N = 60), year 2 (N = 45), year 3 (N = 25) and year 4 (N = 15) of the BEd Foundation Phase and Intermediate Phase programme participated in the study. A total of 78% (N = 113) of the participating student teachers were enrolled in the BEd programme offered at a distance; the remaining 22% (N = 32) were on campus student teachers. The student teachers specialised in English, Setswana or Afrikaans as Home Language. The students enrolled for the BEd degree are situated across all provinces of South Africa.
Data collection methods
In this study, four data collection methods were used, namely, focus group interviews, semi-structured interviews, an analysis of WhatsApp messages and document analysis. A focus group interview was held with the language lecturers and the substitutes to determine how they prepare the student teachers for planning and preparing to teach children's literature lessons, specifically related to format of lessons and familiarity with genres in children's literature, narrative elements and criteria for choosing developmentally appropriate children's literature.
Two focus group interviews were also held with first, second, third and fourth year full-time on-campus students to determine their preparedness to plan and prepare for teaching children's literature lessons.
Semi-structured interviews were held with the two language subject advisors in order to ascertain their points of view and perceptions related to teachers' preparedness to teach children's literature in the Foundation Phase and Intermediate Phase.
In this study, WhatsApp messages were analysed and interpreted by the researchers to give voice and meaning to the distance students' points of view in terms of their preparedness to plan and prepare children's literature lessons.
Document analysis of N = 45 lessons plans was made to corroborate the focus group interviews, the semi-structured interviews and the WhatsApp messages.
Methods of analysis
Data were analysed using qualitative content analysis. Seven steps were followed in the analysis procedure, firstly, prepare the data (all data were transformed into written text and choices were made in terms of what to transcribe and what not to transcribe - non-verbal communication was not transcribed); secondly, define the unit of analysis (themes were used as the unit of analysis in this study); thirdly, develop categories and a coding scheme (open, axial and selective codings were utilised); fourthly, test your coding scheme on a sample of text (sample text was coded and consistency and accuracy were checked by a qualitative research specialist); fifthly, code all the text (coding was controlled and checked repeatedly); sixthly, assess your coding consistency (consistency of the coding was checked to ensure that errors and fatigue did not play a role); and seventhly, draw conclusions from the coded data (the focus here is on sense-making of the identified themes and uncovered patterns) (De Wever et al. 2006; Henning, Van Rensburg & Smith 2004; Miles & Huberman 1994; Patton 2002; Schilling 2006; Thietart 2007; Weber 1990).
Ethical considerations
Ethical clearance was obtained for the project via the research ethics committee at the university where the study was conducted (Ethical clearance number: NWU-00344-17-A2).
Results and discussion
The focus group interviews held with the lecturers and substitutes responsible for teaching literacy and language within the Foundation Phase and the Intermediate Phase indicated that they made reference to planning lessons in the methods module. However, none of the lecturers indicated that they gave detailed attention to lesson planning, specifically the planning of lessons where children's literature was a focus. The English First Additional Language lecturers in the Intermediate Phase indicated that they support their full-time students with lesson planning.
We don't have time. Our focus is on the content knowledge that these students must get. (Lecturer 1, female, age 54)
We do lesson planning, but it is not done in depth. (Lecturer, female, age 38)
When they go out for teaching practice, we just let them plan the way they want or use the planning method of the mentor teacher. (Lecturer 1 and 2, female age 54 and age 38)
I just have to check that they did include their lesson plans in their portfolios. I don't have to assess it per se. (Lecturer 3, female, age 52)
During the methodology periods for the full-time students, my focus is on teaching the strategies and methods they can use when teaching children's literature lessons. (Lecturer 4, female, age 44)
The whiteboard sessions for the distance students cover the essential content they need for exam preparation - we do not do lesson planning at all. (Lecturer 5, female, age 47)
I don't think planning is really done in a coherent way in any module - I guess we assume they can do it. We just tell them the main things that are the goal, the methods and strategies to include, the activities and so on. (Lecturer 6, female, age 45)
The lecturers and the substitutes indicated that the university frowned upon the prescribing of too many texts. They also mentioned that they do not require the student teachers to buy or read children's literature. One lecturer sends her full-time contact student teachers to the library to take out children's literature and also includes an assignment in which they have to justify their choice of text related to a specific grade level (i.e. readability) and they also have to write their own historic literature texts for use in the classroom.
Students are not familiar with children's literature. They can give you the titles of the very traditional stories such as Little Red Riding Hood, The Three Little Pigs, and so on. These are usually the texts that they read as children or that were read to them.
They even do this in Setswana - they give me the titles in English.
The distance students are not required to read any children's literature.
I have to adapt the distance students' assignment because I can't send them to the library to take out books and read. (Lecturer 4, female, age 44)
When asked whether the student teachers were taught to ask different types of questions when focussing on children's literature, the lecturers responded that 'this should be taught by the general education lecturers - curriculum studies'. The Setswana lecturers also indicated that the student teachers were familiar with the following narrative elements, characters, theme or plot and setting:
During teaching practice, they only do character, plot and setting. They say that is all the mentor teachers require them to do. They have to stick to the departmental workbooks, because the subject advisors check up on them [the teachers].
It is so difficult to just get Setswana texts that to introduce the student teachers to things like vocaliser and narrator or even the importance of illustrations is just too much.
We have changed the coursework to now include a lot more children's literature, but we do not focus on teaching them about planning - they do that during teaching practice. (Lecturer 1, female, age 54)
The semi-structured interviews with the subject advisors indicated that they advised teachers to make use of the departmental workbooks because the schools cannot afford to buy children's literature because it is expensive. They also mentioned that there were not many texts available in Setswana. When asked about what types of genres they wanted the teachers to include in the lessons, they answered 'lots of culturally relevant stories'. The subject advisors were not able to give examples of five children's literature titles (only the traditional English titles such as Goldilocks and the Three Bears, etc.) and they considered the focus on 'illustrations' to be a means of accessing the meaning of the story or to 'guess' the vocabulary. One subject advisor mentioned that within the workbooks stories are included but stated that because the teachers do not choose these stories themselves, they do not always know what is important for learners to know. She stated:
[T]hey've got nothing to read you know and uhm I, I, I try to explain to them you need to build up a variety of books of different levels so that you build up a graded system so children can come in and take a book that they feel comfortable with and then later they take a more challenging book you know. That's what I'm trying to and also that they can use authentic reading material you know they can use stories from magazines and they can use a cereal box actually or a Simba chips packet you know but they mustn't tell me that there's nothing to read … (Subject advisor 1, female, age 56)
When asked about the importance of lesson planning, the subject advisors indicated that they were only interested in the files of the teachers. The focus was on the inclusion of the correct documents being included in specific files. The planning should include dates, week numbers and the specific topic that forms the focus of a lesson or what is done during day programmes within Grade R:
The teachers must put the things in the files in the way that we tell them to. (Subject advisor 2, female, age 54)
The teachers must do weekly plans and show what they do when. (Subject advisor 2, female, age 54)
The focus group interviews with the contact student teachers and the analysis of distance students' WhatsApp messages indicated that they were fairly familiar with some narrative elements:
When we prepare our lessons we focus on the characters, plot and setting. That is what the teachers did when we were at school and if we ask the learners questions on these things, the lecturers and our mentor teachers seem to be satisfied. (Student teacher 1, female, age 22)
The lecturers tell us to make sure we 'hook' the learners with good introductions. (Student teacher 3, female, age 28)
I don't talk about illustrations. (Student teacher 4, female, age 21)
I will not be able to tell the children what types of books to read or even give them some guidance on titles. (Student teacher 5, female, age 58)
At the school where I was they had a Diskonto Book Sale and the Setswana learners chose sticker books or books in English. (Student teacher 6, female, age 24)
With regard to planning their lessons, all the distance student teachers commented on how difficult it was and that they were not sure what was required of them. These comments were similar for student teachers from year 1 to year 4:
I don't know what I should write under Learners background knowledge - I just wrote that if the book is about snow and I know the learners in the township won't know this, I will explain it. (Student teacher 4, female, age 21)
Do I just get the learning objectives from the CAPS document? (Student teacher 7, female, age 20)
I don't know what the lecturers want when the template asks for the procedure when planning - I just tell what I will do and what the learners must do. I tell them about the worksheets I will use and what questions I will ask the learners - like you know; Who is the main character in the story? Where does the story take place? Was the boy happy or sad? (Student teacher 8, female, age 33)
I know - sort of - what to do for English, but in doing my Setswana lessons I am a bit lost. (Student teacher 2, female, age 25)
The information on planning we get is either in English or Afrikaans, but we battle in Setswana. (Student teacher 9, female, age 30)
I do not know how to plan for a literature lesson te; what does the lecturer want - Eish, the teachers at school tell us they just say we are doing a story in the workbook. (Student teacher 10, female, age 23)
In this one module they tell us about planning, but it is general stuff and the lecturer can't help us with the language content we must plan - we suck it out of our thumb. (Student teacher 11, female, age 21)
The student teachers struggled to indicate what features a 'good' book has and what criteria they need to use when choosing a book. It is clear that the student teachers do not have enough knowledge to make informed decisions on good children's literature and the value that children's literature could add to the classroom. It was also evident that the student teachers struggled to plan lessons using children's literature - the lesson plans focussed mainly on naming and describing the main characters and linking this to a language element (e.g. tenses). From the research conducted it is evident that the student teachers are not familiar with the different genres and sub-genres within children's literature. Student teachers are uncertain about the classifications of children's literature and the value that each genre has for the development of a child:
I don't know any historical literature - maybe it is something with Tata Mandela? (Student teacher 12, female, age 34)
I just know Itumeleng A Tla A Thusa and Noga - I saw these at a school. They are stories. (Student teacher 13, female, age 29)
The lecturers do not tell us about different stories in Setswana. (Student teacher 14, female, age 33)
An analysis of the student teachers' lesson plans indicated that different aspects such as lesson aims, resource materials (e.g. literacy or language workbooks), learner activities and assessments were addressed. The analysis corroborated the statements made by all the participants. Planning only referred to the book that was chosen for discussion (e.g. Re a tshameka, The Three Little Bears); the questions that the student teachers asked were at the lowest cognitive level; across grade levels, there was no variety in the genres chosen. The students also focussed on the most common aspects of the stories such as character, plot and setting. There was very little evidence about active engagement of the learners or about developmentally appropriate choices for texts.
Planning and preparation involve more than simply writing down on a piece of paper what should be done for the day, or during the week. Planning includes various aspects such as in-depth knowledge of learners, the availability of various resources, including technology resources, knowledge of content, knowing how to select learning goals, choice of learning activities, strategies and practices as well as planning for assessment. The research results clearly indicate that planning is 'not something that most people know how to do intuitively or that they learn from unguided classroom practice' (Darling-Hammond et al. 2005:176). It seems as if the teacher preparation received by these student teachers has promoted a simplistic conception of lesson planning as discrete components needed to be considered without any coherence. These findings are similar to those found by Rusznak and Walton (2011) related to students' lesson planning. The results clearly indicate that lesson planning is not done in a coherent, cohesive and subject-specific manner within this training programme. In addition, the comments made by the student teachers studying at a distance indicate that they are at a disadvantage concerning the preparation and exposure they receive with regard to lesson planning and also children's literature in general.
The results also indicate that the Peter effect (Applegate & Applegate 2004) is relevant to this study as one cannot be expected to find what one does not possess. The student teachers cannot be expected to plan and prepare children's literature effectively if their 'role models' are not modelling effective practice.
A tool for use when planning and preparing Setswana children's literature lessons
A tool was developed for use by pre-service student teachers; however, the tool can also be used by in-service teachers and lecturers who specialise in Setswana as Home Language. The tool includes information related to different genres, the most important attributes of the genre, the aim of the genre and the different types. In addition, narrative elements, as well as possible questions that student teachers may consider including when planning and discussing the selected genre, are included. An attempt has been made to display the most important information in a user-friendly manner and to use the layout of a wheel where the segments indicate the differences between the various types of genres as well as the narrative elements (see Figure 1 and Figure 2).
The tool has been developed by the first author, and the third author was responsible for checking the accuracy and relevance of the information for Setswana pre-service student teachers. The tool is available electronically as well as in hard copy to ensure that student teachers' preferences as well as accessibility to and familiarity with electronic devices were taken into consideration.
In Figure 1, on side 1, the genres, the main characteristics, the purpose (i.e. narrative elements prominent in specific genre), the types (i.e. sub-genres) as well as the way in which the genres may be evaluated are illustrated. Side 1 can be turned by a spinning action to show only one segment at a time so that student teachers can easily see the information relevant to the specific genre that is to be the focus of the lesson. Side 1 is divided into seven segments, with each segment focussing on a specific genre. For the sake of completeness, a decision was made to include all genres, even though all the genres are not necessarily addressed in all phases of the Curriculum and Assessment Policy Statement (CAPS) curriculum. The seven segments are picture books, traditional literature, fantasy, reality literature, historical literature, biographies and drama. Each segment is divided into five parts, namely, recommend teaching phase, characteristics, purpose, evaluation and narrative elements, and types or sub-genres. The parts, therefore, indicate which phase the type of genre is most suitable for. The characteristics of the particular genre are then indicated, as in the case of picture books where the illustrations are an essential part of the book, or a picture book may even have no text at all. The purpose of the genre is mentioned, as well as the reasons why teachers would use the particular type of genre. It is further indicated what the most important elements are that should be examined when the type of genre is evaluated, and, lastly, the sub-genres of the specific category are pointed out. This tool does not aim to be the only source of information, but may serve as a quick guide to assist student teachers with their planning of children's literature lessons when no resources are available while they are on teaching practice. In addition, the purpose was to ensure that when student teachers plan their lessons while on teaching practice they had access to a user-friendly tool that could at the very least ensure that content knowledge planning was accurate and that important concepts were addressed during the enactment of the lesson.
In Figure 2, the narrative elements are highlighted for the student teacher. Side 2 is divided into nine segments. Each segment explains a specific narrative element that is important in children's literature. For the sake of completeness, a decision has been made to include all the elements as well as how illustrations can play a role. The nine segments are readability, narrator, vocaliser, characterisation, setting, time, events, illustrations and theme or topic. Each segment is divided into two parts, namely, features and teacher can ask. The features include a brief outline of what each element entails and how it may affect the story. The second part, 'teacher can ask', relates to the different types of questions the student teachers can ask regarding the specific element. For example, if the focus is on the narrator, the student teachers may ask: 'Who is telling the story?'
Conclusion
Universities, and specifically faculties of education, have a responsibility to prepare student teachers so that they can enter the profession with the knowledge, skills and dispositions needed to successfully teach children in a developmentally appropriate manner. Student teachers must be able to plan and deliver instruction to all learners in order to ensure success for all learners. The inclusion of children's literature in ITE programmes is a significant problem, and the support that student teachers need in order to ensure that their impact on learners is successful will necessitate a far greater commitment to quality teacher preparation than what is currently the case.
Student teachers and in-service teachers who have difficulty in locating appropriate text may consider the following websites:
Student teachers require practice-based opportunities during their training to ensure that they develop the competences necessary to plan effective lessons. They also need to receive effective feedback to ensure professional growth. The preparation and support provided to student teachers studying at a distance, and also specifically student teachers studying African languages, in the case of this study - Setswana - requires attention. Planning per se and the planning of children's literature occur via osmosis; however, it occurs when instruction on planning is part of a structured programme (i.e. learning from and in practice). Teacher preparation programmes must assume responsibility for ensuring that pre-service teachers are ready to enter the profession so that they can implement responsible practice.
Acknowledgements
The authors would like to thank the reviewers for the helpful suggestion on the first draft of this article.
Competing interests
The authors declare that they have no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced them in writing this article.
Authors' contributions
E.M. conceptualised the development and design of the planning tool. C.N. conceptualised the research project, performed the literature review, identified the research methodology and initiated the writing up of the article.
D.D. edited the Setswana tools for language and content accuracy.
Funding information
The European Union via PrimTEd project provided funding for this research.
Data availability statement
Data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study.
Disclaimer
This publication has been developed through the Teaching and Learning Development Capacity Improvement Programme, which is being implemented through a partnership between the Department of Higher Education and Training and the European Union. The opinions expressed are those of the authors and should not be attributed to the Department of Higher Education and Training or the European Union.
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Correspondence:
Elma Marais
elma.marais@nwu.ac.za
Received: 28 Aug. 2018
Accepted: 02 Apr. 2019
Published: 09 Sept. 2019
ORIGINAL RESEARCH
Moving beyond league table standings: How measures of opportunity to learn can inform educational quality and policy directives?
Surette van Staden; Celeste Combrinck; Karen Roux; Mishack Tshele; Nelladee M. Palane
Department of Science, Mathematics and Technology Education, University of Pretoria, Pretoria, South Africa
ABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: South Africa's participation across a number of international large-scale assessment programmes provides continued evidence of poor student achievement across grades and phases. Despite discouraging achievement results, evidence of slow progress begins to emerge, yet systemic inequalities persist
AIM: This article aims to unpack the possible value of large-scale assessment data in measuring equal educational opportunity as conceptualised by the opportunity to learn (OTL
SETTING: While overall scores on international large-scale assessment in countries like South Africa are often driven by aptitude, student motivation and social class, OTL, as described in this article, should provide a more accurate reflection of the nature of performance and the kinds of opportunities afforded to students across an unequal sector to learn
METHODS: A multiple linear regression was conducted using the South African PIRLS 2016 teacher and student questionnaire data and the PIRLS Literacy Grade 4 overall reading literacy performance score as the dependent variable
RESULTS: While socio economic status makes a substantial contribution in the current model, the only predictor that was significant is the scale based on student reports on lessons about reading
CONCLUSION: Through the use of multiple regression analysis, this article concludes that a more effective use of large-scale assessment data from an OTL perspective, specifically in developing contexts, is still problematic using teacher and student questionnaire data. Issues of social desirability and overly positive reporting make any claims about the teachers' role in providing opportunities to learn and exposure to the curriculum in the classroom difficult to gauge
Keywords: reading literacy; opportunity to learn; PIRLS Literacy 2016; large-scale assessments; classroom practice.
Introduction
South Africa's participation in three cycles of the Progress in International Reading Literacy Study (PIRLS) since 2006 has pointed to disappointingly low reading comprehension performance (see Howie et al. 2009, 2012, 2017).
As an international comparative study in reading literacy, PIRLS is administered in 5-year cycles and requires the assessment of students who have had 4 years of schooling (Mullis et al. 2007). For most countries, this requirement translates to Grade 4 students. PIRLS is run under the auspices of the International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement (IEA). As an organisation, the IEA undertakes international studies that benchmark performance of schoolgoing children in mathematics, science, civic education, information, communication, technology and reading. Progress in International Reading Literacy Study 2011 aims to describe trends and international comparisons for the reading achievement of Grade 4 students. It also focuses on students' competencies in relation to goals and standards for reading education, the impact of the home environment and how parents foster reading literacy, the organisation, time and reading materials for learning to read in schools and curriculum and classroom approaches to reading instruction (Mullis et al. 2004).
While the most recent results of PIRLS 2016 show slow and steady systemic improvement, the fact remains that young South African students are not developing the higher order reading literacy skills needed for their further schooling and future participation in the knowledge economies of the 21st century (Ananiadou & Claro 2009). The results from PIRLS 2006, 2011 and pre-PIRLS 2011 in South Africa revealed the extent of students' difficulties with reading literacy development. For PIRLS 2006, the results suggested that students at grades 4 and 5 were struggling to develop reading literacy competencies associated with reading comprehension (Howie et al. 2007), with the average performance of students at both grades being approximately 250 points or more below the international average of 500 points. South Africa again participated in the PIRLS 2011, this time with the majority of the sampled Grade 4 South African students completing a new assessment known as pre-PIRLS 2011. Pre-PIRLS is a shorter, easier test at a lower level of cognitive demand. The South African Grade 4 students still achieved the lowest overall achievement (461 score points) in comparison to Botswana (463 score points) and Colombia (576 score points), the only other participating countries in pre-PIRLS 2011 (Howie et al. 2012). In the PIRLS 2016 cycle, South African students yet again achieved the lowest overall scores in PIRLS Literacy (previously called pre-PIRLS) in comparison to the best-performing Denmark (501 score points), followed by Iran (428 score points). South African Grade 4 students achieved an overall score of 320 (standard error [SE] = 4.4) and as many as 78% of children failed to reach the advanced international benchmark that would indicate the ability to read for meaning. Results like these unfortunately catch media attention, with discouraging newspaper headlines and public opinion regarding the education sector and quality of schooling is at an all-time low.
By doing a secondary analysis of PIRLS Literacy 2016 data, this article argues for participation in international large-scale studies and not against the overall results that provide disappointing outcomes cycle after cycle. Instead, large-scale assessments for developing countries like South Africa could unpack the value in measuring equal educational opportunity as conceptualised by Opportunity to Learn (OTL). While overall scores are often driven by aptitude, student motivation and social class, OTL, as described in this article, has the potential to provide another reflection of the nature of performance and the kinds of opportunities afforded to students to learn across an unequal sector.
Theoretical framework and literature review
In unpacking OTL, the manifestations of the curriculum, as described by the IEA's tripartite curriculum model, are used for purposes of the current analyses. The tripartite curriculum model characterises the nature of PIRLS and is a model that is shared with other international comparative studies similar to PIRLS, such as the Trends in Maths and Science Study (TIMSS). According to Shorrocks-Taylor and Jenkins (2001), the IEA's tripartite model of the curriculum manifests itself in three ways:
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What society would like to see taught in the education system (the intended curriculum).
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What is actually taught (the implemented curriculum).
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What is learnt (the attained curriculum).
Reinikainen (2007) refers to the focus on the curriculum as a broad explanatory factor underlying student achievement. Figure 1 illustrates these manifestations of the curriculum.
Opportunity to learn was introduced as part of the IEA's First International Mathematics Survey in the 1960s (McDonnell 1995). The Mathematics curriculum was conceptualised as functioning at the three levels of the intended, implemented and attained curriculum. To examine the implemented curriculum, an OTL questionnaire was administered to the teachers of the students who were assessed. The teachers were asked whether the content needed to respond to items on the achievement tests had been taught to their students. In instances where the content had not been taught, reasons for this were explored (McDonnell 1995).
The conceptual framework provided by the IEA in terms of curricular focus and the differences between what was intended, what was implemented and what was attained should be regarded as the guiding force behind participation, subsequent results and their interpretation. The implemented curriculum is unpacked in this article from an OTL perspective. In doing so, the role of international large-scale assessments in developing contexts may move beyond its use only as an exercise to determine the country's standing on a long list of countries. Instead, OTL could provide a more accurate reflection of the nature of performance and the kinds of opportunities afforded to students across an unequal sector of learning.
Curricular expectations of South African Grade 4 students
With an incremental implementation that started in February 2012, the National Curriculum Statement (NCS) in South Africa was amended to include the Curriculum and Assessment Policy Statement (CAPS). Curriculum and Assessment Policy Statement is a single comprehensive and concise policy document that guides what is taught and how it should be taught as part of the NCS grades R-12. For primary schools, the curriculum is spread over three phases: Foundation Phase (grades 1-3), Intermediate Phase (grades 4-6) and Senior Phase (grades 7-9). According to Du Plessis (2013), subject and time allocations across the Intermediate Phase, where Grade 4 students find themselves in their primary education careers, are as follows (see Table 1).
Table 1 shows that curriculum prescriptions require teachers to spend 6 h per week on Home Language (HL) teaching and 5 h weekly on First Additional Language (FAL) teaching (Department of Basic Education [DBE] 2011:13). Curriculum and Assessment Policy Statement is divided into topics and each topic is further divided into a content outline. Some subjects, such as the languages, refer to skills (such as listening and reading) instead of topics, thus placing an emphasis on competencies that must be demonstrated. Table 2 provides an example of the time and skill allocations for Grade 4 students for English First Additional Language - a curriculum followed by the majority of South African students who progress from Foundation Phase to Intermediate Phase.
Length of reading texts for FAL students to engage in includes (DBE 2011) the following:
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longer listening comprehension texts (e.g. story, interviews, plays and news reports) of 100 - 150 words or up to 5 min
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shorter listening comprehension texts (e.g. announcements, information texts, instructions and directions) of 40 - 60 words or 1 min - 2 min
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reading comprehension or intensive reading texts of 100 - 150 words only. (p. 29)
Of importance to note here is that PIRLS Literacy texts at 400 words and PIRLS texts at 800 words provide an indication that curricular expectations for South African Grade 4 children are low, even at FAL, where the expectation is for children to engage in texts of only 100-150 words.
Evidence from studies on opportunity to learn and how the construct is measured
A common explanation for low student achievement in many developing countries' primary schools is that students have relatively little OTL skills needed for academic success (Reeves, Carnoy & Addy 2013:426). Opportunity to learn is a classroom level factor which consistently and most strongly affects reading test scores whether it is measured as the amount of the curriculum covered or the percentage of test items taught (Blömeke & Kaiser 2012; Reynolds 1998). Growing research literature surrounding students' development of comprehension skills in South African primary schools ratifies that these school students would appear to have had little OTL the skills needed for their reading literacy development (Heaton, Amoateng & Dufur 2014; Lewin & Sabates 2012; Pretorius & Klapwijk 2016; Taylor 2014; Zimmerman & Smit 2014), impacting their successful engagement with assessments such as the PIRLS, pre-PIRLS and PIRLS Literacy as referred to in the 2016 cycle.
According to Bold et al. (2017), surveys from seven sub-Saharan African countries in which 40% of the region's total population is represented show consistently that students have limited OTL when measured by the fact that they receive just over half the scheduled time, teachers who do not master the curricula, with low basic pedagogical knowledge and rare use of good teaching practices.
In their work, Van der Berg et al. (2016) take a binding constraints approach to prioritise the role of different constraints that impede equal educational opportunities in South Africa. Of these binding constraints, they highlight the role of wasted learning time and insufficient OTL. These authors cite a number of studies to support their argument, including the National School Effectiveness Survey (NSES). In this regard, it is stated (Van der Berg et al. 2016) that:
A number of South African studies have aimed to measure OTL and have frequently found that less than half of the official curriculum is being covered in the year and fewer than half of the officially scheduled lessons are actually taught. The NSES study of 2007-2009 showed that most grade 5 children write in their books only once per week or less. Only 3% of grade 5 students across South Africa wrote in their books every day. In grade 4 and grade 5 exercise books, about half of all exercises in the year were single word exercises. (p. 9)
Most alarmingly, evidence was found that as much as 44% of Grade 4 students had not written a single paragraph in the entire year, a pattern that remains consistent in the higher grades where one would have expected that more opportunities to write would present themselves to students. While these figures differ substantially by province, with higher percentages of curriculum coverage in Gauteng and the Western Cape provinces as opposed to the Eastern Cape and other rural provinces, the issue of wasted OTL remains in evidence provided by other studies. The School Monitoring Survey of 2011 found that only 53% of students nationally had covered the bare minimum number of exercises required for curriculum coverage. Alarmingly, Pretorius and Stoffelsma (2017) confirm that children who start with weak language skills tend to stay weak with little hope of improvement as they progress to higher grades. As indicated by the School Monitoring Survey, these patterns can only be expected to persist if opportunities to exercise writing (and by implication language) do not abound.
Another national study undertaken by the National Education Evaluation and Development Unit (NEEDU) surveyed 218 rural primary schools from across South Africa and conducted an in-depth study in four schools per province (36 schools in total). While the findings from this study were not nationally representative, the results of the 36-school analysis confirm patterns found in other studies, namely, that not only are the frequency and volume of writing generally far too low, but that these are also highly variable across the sample. Students in some schools write, on average, one or two pages a day over the entire year, while the majority write a page twice a week or less frequently. These differences reflect vastly varying opportunities to learn offered to children in schools that are classified as more or less effective and functional. Van der Berg et al. (2016) mention that the NEEDU study found only 23.7% of the set of writing activities prescribed by CAPS was completed in a subsample of 36 schools studied in detail. In five schools, no extended writing was done at all and in another five schools only one or two pieces of writing were completed. It is also worth noting that the researchers also scrutinised the DBE workbooks. These workbooks were distributed to schools in a national effort to ensure that every child in every school had at least access to a workbook. Van der Berg et al. (2016) report the NEEDU findings that in the full sample of 218 schools, more than 80% of children had completed less than one page per day in their mathematics and language workbooks.
Research questions
Based on the PIRLS Literacy 2016 evidence of South African Grade 4 students' poor overall reading literacy achievement, the following questions are asked for purposes of this secondary analysis investigation:
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To what extent can OTL, as reported by Grade 4 students, Grade 4 language teachers and principals explain the PIRLS Literacy 2016 results when controlling for Socio Economic Status (SES) and teachers' major area of study?
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Which OTL variables in the South African PIRLS 2016 data predict reading literacy achievement at Grade 4 level?
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To what extent do cross-sectional, questionnaire data provide credible measures of OTL in a developing context where teacher classroom practice varies greatly?
Consensus on measuring OTL across studies has not been found yet. Some studies suggest that workbooks present the best examples of curriculum coverage (Carnoy, Chisholm & Chilisa 2012; Hoadley & Galant 2016). Tarr et al. (2006) used textbooks and the role of middle school mathematics teachers as indicator of OTL. Schmidt, Cogan and Houang (2011) used teacher preparation learning programme opportunities for mathematics teachers to measure OTL, and Schmidt et al. (2008) highlighted the role of the teacher and their professional competence and preparation in providing their students with OTL.
Given the problems outlined earlier with regard to the use of teacher self-report data, these problems have to be kept in mind for the current study that aims to explore student and teacher reports on a number of items on curriculum coverage to test their possible effect on reading literacy achievement. These data form part of the student and teacher questionnaires that were administered to Grade 4 students and their language teachers who participated in the PIRLS Literacy 2016 study. In doing so, the role of the teacher in providing OTL to the students is quantified to some extent while controlling for background variables that could explain OTL further. Therefore, background data can 'provide a picture of what is being done and how that coincides with what is thought to work best' (Mullis 2002:4). In large-scale assessments, priority is given for identifying instructional practices that relate to high achievement. However, there may be problems with identifying these instructional practices as strategies deemed to be effective might be reported as being used, but in actuality may not be implemented in ways envisioned to enhance learning. Also, what is considered effective may evolve and change over time, and therefore it may be difficult to report timely data about best practices. Nevertheless, it is seen as important for large-scale studies, such as PIRLS, to collect information about instructional practices to help ascertain the extent to which current research recommendations are being implemented and to capture what teachers are actually doing (Mullis 2002). Such reporting can also provide a springboard for further research.
For both the 2006 and 2011 studies, some insights were gleaned from the descriptive statistics related to teachers' reported teaching practices for reading literacy, yet it was difficult to ascertain any major patterns of response distribution or practices that related to higher student achievement. Further secondary analyses of the PIRLS 2006 data by Van Staden (2011) and Zimmerman (2011) using different methodologies shed little light on the impact of teachers' reported teaching practices when utilising the PIRLS teacher questionnaire data. Although the reason for this pattern is not entirely certain, overly positive reporting by teachers for the items or misunderstandings of the meaning of the items is suspected. To illustrate this point, Figure 2 to Figure 5 present some frequencies on reported regularity of activities in classrooms as reported by teachers of Grade 4 students who participated in PIRLS Literacy 2016.
The figures from Figure 2 to Figure 5 indicate the extent to which Grade 4 teachers reported to engage their students in reading activities. Figure 2 indicates overly positive reporting for items related to the teacher reading aloud to students and asking students to read aloud. A strong oral tradition in South African classrooms persists and interestingly, as indicated in Figure 2, the more complex activities become, the less often teachers report to engage in these (e.g. teaching students how to summarise main ideas, or teaching or modelling skimming or scanning strategies).
Figure 3 indicates the reported frequency of teacher reports on the provision of types of reading materials that students are exposed to and associated activities therewith. Activities that require verbal feedback were done more often and teacher reports of allowing students to develop their own understanding of text were overly positively reported. This statement can be interpreted in a number of ways, hence increasing the likelihood that even if a teacher engaged his or her students with the bare minimum in the classroom, it could be regarded as allowing students to develop their own understanding of the text.
Figure 4 reports the frequency with which teachers engaged in specific reading comprehension strategies and skills. Notably, teachers report positively on engaging in relatively easy strategies, such as locating information in the text, identifying main ideas or asking students to explain or support their understanding of what they read. Again, activities that lean towards verbal feedback occurred more often, such as asking students their feelings or personal opinions about text. More complex strategies, such as making generalisations, predictions and describing the text style and structure, occur reportedly less often.
Finally, Figure 5 confirms previous patterns, namely that oral question answering or summarising what was read occurs most often after a text had been read. Answering written questions, tests, quizzes or using cooperative learning methods occurred less often.
Notably, misunderstanding of the meaning of items could point to a problem in pedagogical content knowledge for the teaching of reading literacy, a highly likely scenario in the South African context. In a 2009 report on trends in education macro-indicators from the South African Department of Education (DoE) (2011), it is stated that the percentage of qualified teachers in South Africa increased by 30% between 1994 and 2008. These gains occurred largely amongst African teachers, implying that equity in the distribution of qualifications had increased. However, the DoE (2011) admitted that these figures only reflect formal certification courses, not any measure of teachers' classroom competency or subject knowledge, which was conceded as an issue that remains a serious concern.
Method
Participants
A nationally representative sample of 12 810 Grade 4 students from 293 schools participated in the PIRLS Literacy 2016 study in South Africa (Howie et al. 2017; Mullis et al. 2017). The sample consisted of 48% girls and 52% boys. Students were assessed across all 11 official languages and were assessed in the Language of Learning and Teaching to which they were exposed in Foundation Phase. This means that students were not necessarily tested in their HL, but rather in the language they were exposed to in the school.
Data collection instruments
Achievement tests
The PIRLS Literacy 2016 assessment consisted of a reading literacy test in the form of two types of texts, namely, reading for literary experience (or literary texts) and reading to acquire and use information (or informational texts). Reading texts were followed by a range of multiple-choice questions and open response questions to a maximum of three points. Reporting of reading achievement results in PIRLS Literacy 2016 is presented in terms of achievement above or below the fixed international centrepoint of 500 through the use of five overall plausible values as derived from item response analyses (Mullis et al. 2017).
Background questionnaires
As part of the PIRLS Literacy 2016 study, background questionnaires were administered to school principals, Grade 4 teachers of sampled classrooms, Grade 4 students and their parents. Table 3 presents the variables used for the current analysis.
The current analyses were conducted while controlling for teacher reports on what major areas of study were during their preparation to become teachers. Socio-economic status was also included by means of a quintile indicator.2
Procedure
Descriptive statistics were generated for the selected variables in Table 3 using the International Database (IDB) Analyser, an SPSS plug-in created by the IEA for the use of processing large-scale, weighted data (Foy 2018). Reliability analysis was performed using SPSS, followed by a multiple linear regression of teacher and student questionnaire data using the overall reading literacy performance scores as the dependent variable.
Before analysis was performed variables from the student questionnaire were recoded. In anticipation of overly positive reporting and finding very little difference between categories, variables were dichotomised to indicate attitudes that agree less and agree more, and behaviour to happen more often (everyday or almost everyday) and less often (less than once or twice a week, once or twice a month, or never or almost never). The Cronbach's alpha reliability coefficient for these variables was measured at 0.84.
Results
Descriptive results
Appendix 1 (Table 1-A1) shows the percentages per category chosen for valid N, percentage of missing data per variable, scales created as well as the variable names and descriptions. A variable from the principal/school questionnaire (ACBG03A) was used to account for socio-economic status of the students and the resulting school composition. Students were asked about their reading lessons (ASBR01A-ASBR0I) and their opportunity to read on their own (ASBR02A-ASBR02G). Because of positive reporting bias, the lowest three categories were combined to create dichotomous variables with less than once or twice a week (coded as 1) and everyday or almost everyday (coded as 2). The means of all the items were calculated for lessons about reading and reading in school, respectively. No further categorisation was applied and the variables were used in their continuous form.
Four scales were also created from the teacher questionnaire based on items: reading instruction activities (ATBR10A-ATBR10G), aligning lessons to individual needs (ATBR11A-ATBR11I), reading comprehension skill activities (ATBR12A-ATBR12I) and reading practice (ATBR13A-ATBR13D). The original items were also on a four-point Likert scale and had to be recoded as dichotomous items to detect discrimination in the variables. Teachers tended to report doing most activities everyday or almost everyday, a potential indication of social desirability responding. The teacher background variables are based on how much emphasis teachers had during their training on aspects such as teaching the language of the test, assessment methods, reading theory and Early Childhood Development (ECD). All scales were created after checking the reliability and all had Cronbach's alpha score of 0.700 and higher, with the exception of teacher reading practice (R13) in the classroom which had only four items but an acceptable alpha score of 0.67. The background variables (ATBG05BA- ATBG05BJ) were not adjusted, nor was a scale created. All the teacher emphasis during teaching was used in the model to potentially find specific areas of study emphasis that could explain student variation in scores. Also included in the model was the number of hours teachers reported engaging in language instruction (ATDGLIHY) and reading instruction (ATDGRIHY). Despite both of these variables having jagged patterns and no linear relationship with reading achievement, they were included in the model as crucial aspects of OTL as defined by various authors (see Schmidt et al. 2008, 2011; Shiel et al. 2009; Stevens 1993).
In this analysis, teacher knowledge, time utilisation or time-on-task, classroom exercises and engaging classwork as defined in a framework for OTL by Walkowiak, Pinter and Berry (2017) were included. The framework of Walkowiak et al. (2017) was linked to the framework of Steven's (1993) in which content coverage, content exposure, content emphasis and quality of instruction are seen as the concepts defining OTL. The two frameworks both include a time element of learning, background of the teacher (indirectly implied in Steven's model) and how the content is conveyed (interactive opportunities to learn and feedback loops). Therefore, variables related to the OTL construct were included in the analysis to explore the potential factors as explanations for reading literacy achievement.
Regression results
Question 1 of the current study asked to what extent OTL, as reported by Grade 4 students, Grade 4 language teachers and principals, explains the PIRLS Literacy 2016 results when controlling for SES and teachers' major area of study. Question 2 asked which OTL variables in the South African PIRLS 2016 data predict reading literacy achievement in Grade 4 level.
In answer to these questions, Table 4 provides the regression results when all potential OTL variables have been tried in a multiple regression. Socio-economic status and teacher emphasis during training are used as control variables.
Table 4 shows that the only predictor that was significant is the scale based on student reports on lessons about reading. The Students_R1 scale was used as content emphasis (talk/engage) instruction predictor in the model and students can gain as much as 85 score points (t = 7.22 ± p < 0.01) when teachers more frequently give them interesting reading material, clarify what is expected from students, do a variety of activities to assist the students, inform students how to improve when a mistake was made and encourage students to think about what they have read.
As expected, SES makes a substantial contribution, indicating an increase of 38 score points in reading literacy achievement when students are from economically more advantaged backgrounds (but the variable was not significant, t = 1.75). Some variables are negative and functioning in the opposite direction than expected; for example, the teacher scale of reading instruction activities indicates that if the teacher does the activities on a more regular basis, 68 score points can be lost. This is attributed to the lack of discrimination in the variables, the over-reporting of activities and social desirability responding by both teachers and students. For the concept of OTL to be measured in the South African context, new instruments should be designed and ways should be found to assess the missing element: quality of instruction.
The model is not ideal, with many variables that are not statistically significant. As the model was exploratory and informed by literature and definitions of OTL, it was deemed crucial to include all potential variables. It should be noted that the relatively small r2 = 0.20 (or 20% explanatory power) of the variance in student reading literacy achievement is an important step to understand what is associated with reading comprehension development in the classroom, as well as potential ways to measure OTL.
Ethical considerations
Ethical permission to conduct the study was obtained from the ethics committee of the Faculty of Education at the University of Pretoria (reference number UP 06/11/07).
Discussion
This article aimed to reveal the possible value of large-scale assessment data in measuring equal educational opportunity as conceptualised by the OTL. In using the IEA's tripartite model of an intended, implemented and attained curriculum, OTL interprets the attained curriculum beyond overall league table standings. While overall scores are often driven by aptitude, student motivation and class, OTL, as described in this article, should provide a more accurate reflection of the nature of performance and the kinds of opportunities afforded to students across an unequal sector to learn. In the words of Black and Wiliam (2005), the 'black box' of OTL and what happens in the classroom could provide valuable explanations for achievement.
The third research question that guided this study reflects on the extent to which cross-sectional, questionnaire data provide credible measures of OTL in a developing context where teacher classroom practice varies greatly. This article proposed a more effective use of large-scale assessment data from an OTL perspective, specifically in developing contexts, and but recognised that it is still problematic to use teacher and student questionnaire data. Issues of social desirability and overly positive reporting make any claims about the teachers' role in providing opportunities to learn and exposure to the curriculum in the classroom difficult to gauge. In their work, Van Staden and Zimmerman (2017) cited three examples to illustrate the challenges of working with the PIRLS teacher questionnaire data in terms of reported teaching practices for the South African studies. As a first example, evidence of overly positive reporting was gleaned from both PIRLS 2006 and 2011 teacher questionnaire data for one question in particular. Teachers were asked to report the percentage of time spent on a number of activities for reading, totalling 100%. In many instances, teachers indicated having spent 100% of their time on all the available response options, thereby yielding time spent on activities as 600%, a statistical impossibility. Data of this nature are invalid, and the question arises as to whether teachers did not understand the question, or whether their responses point to some aspects of social desirability in an attempts to provide an overly positive image of themselves and the time spent on different activities related to their teaching day. The use of teacher questionnaires in relation to teaching practices in low-performance contexts, such as South Africa, may therefore be problematic as teachers may feel vulnerable and defensive, resulting in unreliable or unrealistic answers. Another possible explanation as pointed out by Shiel and Eivers (2009) in relation to the PIRLS teacher questionnaire data is that:
There is difficulty in establishing associations between frequency of teaching various skills or strategies and student performance. Teachers may emphasise a particular strategy (e.g. daily teaching of decoding, engagement of students in oral reading) because a class is weak and needs additional support, or because it is on the curriculum and must be covered. Hence, many associations between frequency of instruction and achievement in PIRLS are weak, not statistically significant, or counter-intuitive. (p. 35)
As a second example, the pre-PIRLS 2011 teacher questionnaire data specifically provide evidence for the statement made by Shiel and Eivers (2009). Teachers of Grade 4 students were asked to rate how often their students engaged in activities to develop their reading comprehension skills and strategies on a Likert scale that included every day or almost every day, once or twice a week, once or twice a month and never or almost never. Descriptive analysis of this item revealed inconsistencies in the frequencies with which teachers reportedly engaged their students in these activities. Students whose teachers reportedly never engaged them in especially the higher order activities (such as making predictions about the text, making generalisations and drawing inferences) showed higher than expected reading literacy achievement than those percentages of students whose teachers reportedly frequently practised these activities with students in their classrooms. Response patterns like these are counter-intuitive and confirm that associations between reported frequency of activities and achievement tend to be weak. Data presented in this article point to overly positive reporting on easier skills, with fewer opportunities offered to students at the higher end of the cognitive scale.
As a third example also linked to teachers' potential lack of pedagogical insights, in the PIRLS 2006 cycle, teacher reports on students' reading abilities seemed to suggest that they were not aware of the huge reading literacy backlogs of their students. Teachers' lack of ability to judge whether their students were progressing at an acceptable pace is perhaps revealed by the majority of teachers that their Grade 4 students' reading abilities were average or above average, while clearly this was not the case at the low-performing schools. Further analyses of teachers' years of experience in teaching cross-tabulated with judgement of student reading levels did not reveal additional insights, either to suggest that judgement improves with experience. These analyses indicate that as much as half of the teachers with 4 or more than 4 years of teaching experience mostly judge their students to be average readers, a perception that could impact the teaching goals teachers set and the level of cognitive demand placed on students. This cycle in turn could lead to a curriculum implementation lag in instances where teachers misjudged the demands of the curriculum for their students (Zimmerman 2011).
For this reason, students' self-report data were used in an attempt to uncover OTL for purposes of this study, but similar problems with some variables than those found for teacher data were encountered. Positive reporting renders data ineffective in verifying or refuting teacher reports and the measurability of OTL remains an evasive construct in a developing context. A lack of statistically significant coefficients of student reports of reading lessons and little explained variance means that it is perhaps back to the drawing board in attempts to uncover the 'black box' of OTL.
Conclusion
In light of these challenges, the use of PIRLS results beyond league table standings may not always be in the utility of the teacher or student questionnaire data. This lack of utility does not mean that the data are not valuable. Instead, it requires that researchers and policymakers intent on providing feedback use trends where possible and not cross-sectional data, sometimes together with contextual research data from other studies and methods, to reveal insights into the reasons for anomalies and/or counter-intuitive occurrences. To this end, PIRLS 2006, 2011 and 2016 data are available across the three cycles in which South Africa participated. The limitation of cross-sectional data is recognised here, where the value of trend data over time may be more beneficial. Perhaps another opportunity to examine the implemented curriculum, an OTL questionnaire can be administered to the teachers of the students who are assessed in large-scale studies, similar to that conducted by McDonnell in 1995. In this way, it can be ascertained whether the content needed to respond to items on the achievement tests had been taught to students. In instances where the content had not been taught, reasons for this can be explored against curricular expectations. In doing so, it can be ensured that teacher development and training, as is being addressed by the National Policy Framework for Teacher Education and Development, ensure teachers' continuous in-service training for effective teaching.
Acknowledgements
Competing interests
The authors declare that they have no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced them in writing this article.
Authors' contributions
S.v.S. conceptualised the article, while C.C. and M.T. assisted with analysis. N.M.P. and K.R. provided feedback on drafts of the manuscript.
Funding information
The PIRLS 2016 study was funded by the National Department of Basic Education.
Data availability statement
Data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study.
Disclaimer
The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the authors.
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Correspondence:
Surette van Staden
surette.vanstaden@up.ac.za
Received: 28 Sept. 2018
Accepted: 21 Jan. 2019
Published: 10 Sept. 2019
1 . Language structures and conventions and their usage are integrated within the time allocation of the four language skills. There is also time allocated for formal practice. Thinking and reasoning skills are incorporated into the skills and strategies required for listening and speaking, for reading and viewing, and for writing and presenting.
2 . Quintile indicators are used in South African schools to indicate poor schools in the lower quintiles (1, 2 and 3) and more affluent schools in the higher quintiles (4 and 5).
^rND^sHeaton^nT.B.^rND^sAmoateng^nA.Y.^rND^sDufur^nM.^rND^sHoadley^nU.^rND^sGallant^nJ.^rND^sLewin^nK.M.^rND^sSabates^nR.^rND^sMcDonnell^nL.M.^rND^sPretorius^nE.J.^rND^sKlapwijk^nN.M.^rND^sPretorius^nE.J.^rND^sStoffelsma^nL.^rND^sReeves^nC.^rND^sCarnoy^nM.^rND^sAddy^nN.^rND^sReynolds^nD.^rND^sSchmidt^nW.H.^rND^sCogan^nL.^rND^sHouang^nR.^rND^sSchmidt^nW.H.^rND^sHouang^nR.T.^rND^sCogan^nL.^rND^sBlömeke^nS.^rND^sTatto^nM.T.^rND^sHsieh^nF.J.^rND^sShiel^nG.^rND^sEivers^nE.^rND^sStevens^nF.^rND^sTarr^nJ.E.^rND^sChávez^nÓ.^rND^sReys^nR.E.^rND^sReys^nB.J.^rND^sWalkowiak^nT.A.^rND^sPinter^nA.A.^rND^sBerry^nR.Q.^rND^sZimmerman^nL.^rND^sSmit^nB.^rND^1A01^nTracy N.^sProbert^rND^1A01^nTracy N.^sProbert^rND^1A01^nTracy N^sProbert
ORIGINAL RESEARCH
A comparison of the early reading strategies of isiXhosa and Setswana first language learners
Tracy N. Probert
Department of English Language and Linguistics, Rhodes University, Makhanda, South Africa
ABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: A large amount of evidence highlights the obvious inequalities in literacy results of South African learners. Despite this, a sound understanding of how learners approach the task of reading in the African languages is lacking.
AIM: This article examines the role of the syllable, phoneme and morpheme in reading in transparent, agglutinating languages. The focus is on whether differences in the orthographies of isiXhosa and Setswana influence reading strategies through a comparative study of the interaction between metalinguistic skills and orthography.
SETTING: Data was collected from Grade 3 first-language and Grade 4 Setswana home-language learners attending no fee schools in the Eastern Cape and North West Province respectively.
METHODS: Learners were tested on four linguistic tasks: an open-ended decomposition task, a phonological awareness task, a morphological awareness task and an oral reading fluency task. These tasks were administered to determine the grain size unit which learners use in connected-text reading.
RESULTS: The results indicated that syllables were the dominant grain size in both isiXhosa and Setswana, with the use of morphemes as secondary grains in isiXhosa. These results are reflected in the scores of the metalinguistic tasks.
CONCLUSION: This research contributes to an understanding of how linguistic and orthographic features of African languages need to be taken into consideration in understanding literacy development.
Keywords: early literacy; reading strategies; isiXhosa; Setswana; grain size in word recognition; metalinguistic skills; conjunctive versus disjunctive orthography.
Introduction
South African education continues to be crippled by a literacy crisis. This is highlighted by ongoing school literacy evaluations. For example, according to the most recent Progress in International Reading Literacy Study (Howie et al. 2017), 78% of South African Grade 4 learners do not have basic reading skills and are at least 6 years behind the top performing countries, with 8 in 10 children unable to read for meaning (Howie et al. 2017). Reading performance in the African languages was particularly low, with 90% of Grade 4 learners tested in Setswana unable to read for meaning, with a similarly large percentage in isiXhosa learners, 88% (Howie et al. 2017). This has implications for later academic success for these learners, as they are constantly playing catch-up and this further entrenches inequalities in early literacy, which are evident in the current literacy results. The sources of the problem of the literacy crisis are multifaceted, with the majority of the studies on educational inequality focusing on social, historical and political issues.1 In addition, there are linguistic dimensions that need to be considered, such as the unique structure of the Southern Bantu languages, the different writing systems which they employ and decoding challenges associated with these orthographies. This is important in that the type of linguistic unit that best predicts successful reading depends on the language and the characteristics of the orthography in which children are learning to read (Goswami 2002; Ziegler et al. 2010), which, in turn, has pedagogical implications for early reading instruction.
One of the reasons why South African readers are listed as some of the poorest in the world (Howie et al. 2008, 2012, 2017) is that very little is known about how reading works in the African languages. Attempts at reducing inequalities through literacy depend to a large extent on understanding the factors that promote success in reading in these languages. Appropriate pedagogical methodologies which are based on the unique features of the African languages will prove immensely advantageous for improving literacy levels and empowering speakers of these languages.
Orthography and word structure in isiXhosa and Setswana
IsiXhosa and Setswana fall within the Southern Bantu language family, more specifically the Nguni language group (which includes isiXhosa, isiZulu, isiNdebele and SiSwati) and the Sotho language group (Setswana, Southern and Northern Sotho), respectively. The Southern Bantu languages2 in South Africa are agglutinating languages with mostly transparent orthographies. A word in the Southern Bantu languages includes rich, overt morphology. Nouns include noun class prefixes as well as stems, whereas verbs include morphological reflexes of subject marking, object marking, tense, aspect, mood, causativity and negation amongst others (Nurse & Phillipson 2003). Therefore, what is said to constitute a word in the Southern Bantu languages (specifically in the Nguni languages) tends to be much longer than what would be said to constitute a word in English:
(1) (a) star (English)
~ inkwenkwezi (isiXhosa)
NC9.star
(b) to use (English)
~ ukusebenzisa (isiXhosa)
INF.use.CAUS.FV
Furthermore, linguistic structure is mediated through orthography (Probert & De Vos 2016). Both isiXhosa and Setswana are agglutinating languages containing long, multimorphemic words; however, the Sotho group tends to have a disjunctive orthography,3 while the Nguni group has a conjunctive orthography. The examples below show that in isiXhosa, the morphological word coincides with the orthographic word (2a), but that in Setswana, the morphological word is represented by several orthographic words in that blank spaces are placed between the morphemes that make up the word (2b). The morphological word refers to the piece of speech which behaves as a unit of pronunciation as well as meaning in context, and as a domain for linguistic procedures, while the orthographic word refers to a written sequence bounded by spaces at each end (Trask 2004). It is the correspondence between orthographic and morphological words which distinguishes conjunctive orthographies from disjunctive orthographies:
(2) a. Ndiyababona SM1.SG.PRES.OM2.see.FV4
'I see them' (isiXhosa)
(one morphological word and one orthographic word)b. Ke a ba bona
SM1.SG.PRES.OM2.see.FV
'I see them' (Setswana)
(one morphological word and four orthographic words)
When learning to read, a reader is faced with language-specific processing challenges when attempting to recognise words in a particular language which, in turn, presupposes language-specific reading strategies. This leads one to the question of how readers unpack words in the Southern Bantu languages where the notion of what constitutes a 'word' differs across the different language groups. This is important for reading instructional methods and materials, as there is no one-size-fits-all approach to fluent reading across languages (Probert & De Vos 2016).
Current methods used to teach reading in the African languages often fail to consider the unique linguistic characteristics of these languages (Probert & De Vos 2016). Much of the current instructions used in South African classrooms is borrowed from the teaching of early reading in English (Pretorius & Spaull 2016). This is not necessarily the best way to teach early reading in African languages, given that the writing systems of the African languages are different to that of English, as illustrated in (1) and (2). English is an analytic language with an opaque orthography, whereas the African languages are agglutinating with transparent orthographies. Linguistic differences and similarities between English and the African languages which influence aspects of reading are seldom dealt with in teacher training programmes (Pretorius & Spaull 2016). Therefore, there is a lack of applied knowledge about how best to teach reading in the African languages, which is informed by linguistic principles. Furthermore, there is a complete absence of research on how differences in the disjunctive and conjunctive writing systems might engender different reading profiles or developmental trajectories, which has pedagogical implications for how best to teach reading in agglutinating African languages.
Word recognition, orthography and metalinguistic skills
The term 'metalinguistic skill' refers to the 'ability to identify, analyse and manipulate language forms' (Koda 2007:2). The two metalinguistic skills under investigation in this study are morphological awareness and phonological awareness. Morphological awareness is the readers' conscious awareness of the morphemic structure of words and their ability to reflect on and manipulate the meaningful parts of words (Kirby et al. 2012; McBride-Chang et al. 2005). Phonological awareness is the awareness that words can be broken down into units so that one can manipulate the individual sounds and syllables, which may not have meaning (Anthony & Francis 2005; Chard & Dickson 1999; Stahl & Murray 1994).
A number of studies have demonstrated that phonological awareness plays a fundamental role in reading success in alphabetic orthographies (Bradley & Bryant 1985; Castles & Colheart 2004; Stanovich, Cunningham & Cramer 1984). Phonological awareness is especially important in the early stages of literacy acquisition, when the regularity of phoneme-to-grapheme correspondence helps the reader recognise or decode new words. Wilsenach (2013) and Diemer, van der Merwe and de Vos (2015) show the significance of phonological awareness for reading in Northern Sotho and isiXhosa, respectively. In particular, Diemer et al. (2015) showed that learners perform much better at syllable awareness tasks than they do at phoneme awareness tasks. It must be acknowledged that while the syllabic nature of African languages might contribute to high levels of syllable awareness, this is not the only contributory factor. Children tend to do better at syllable awareness tasks than phoneme awareness ones as phoneme level tasks are more difficult. Therefore, younger children master syllable awareness more easily than phoneme awareness (Perfetti 1994; Shankweiler & Fowler 2004; Wilsenach 2013). In addition to this, phoneme awareness is influenced by learning of letter-sound relationships. It is for this reason that phoneme awareness generally correlates with reading success more than syllable awareness (Diemer 2015; Cunningham 1989; Godoy, Pinheiro & Citoler 2017). Furthermore, reading in the early years cannot be divorced from its classroom context. For example, much of what passes for early instruction in African language classrooms is the chanting of syllabic 'ba-be-bi-bo-bu' patterns of sounds. Learners are therefore very tuned into syllables. It is unsurprising that they do better on syllable-related tasks, given the syllabic nature of the African languages, but how does it impact on word and/or sentence reading?
Similarly, there is evidence that morphological awareness promotes literacy development in both early (Casalis & Louis-Alexandre 2000) and later literacy (Carlisle 2000), with correlations with comprehension, spelling and vocabulary (Carlisle 2003, 2000; Land 2015) and fluency scores (Rees 2016; Saiegh-Haddad & Geva 2007). Linking prefixes, suffixes and base words with an understanding of their meaning and function helps the reader recognise familiar words and access meaning (Carlisle & Stone 2005). Given the distinct morphological character of the Southern Bantu languages, the Bantu verb is of particular interest. Rees (2016) found a significant relationship (r = 0.61, p ˂ 0.0001) between morphological awareness and oral reading fluency (ORF) when she assessed 74 isiXhosa Grade 3 learners. According to her, having an explicit awareness of morphemes may help in processing the structure of agglutinating words while reading. This should, in practice, lead to comprehension in reading as readers rely on reading meaningful grain sizes. But to what extent does an awareness of the morpheme influence reading strategies? This has implications for early reading instruction and development, given that the different language groups' orthographies reflect morphological features in different ways.
Although evidenced in the literature that phonological awareness and morphological awareness are important for alphabetic literacy acquisition, what remains unclear is how the characteristics of orthography (conjunctivism vs. disjunctivism) and their relationship with the spoken language influence the development of literacy (Durgunog˘lu & Öney 1999). This is highly relevant given that the linguistic features of a language are reflected in its writing system. For example, the presence of phonological processes of vowel coalescence and elision in the Nguni language group make the use of a disjunctive script impractical (Louwrens & Poulos 2006). This is illustrated in example (3) below where two vowels 'a' and 'u' in sequence coalesce into 'o', making disjunctive transcription at odds with the phonetic pronunciation (Probert & De Vos 2016).
(2) Utata na umama
→ realised as: utata nomama
father and mother
According to Mattingly (1992:14), this is why the reader must acquire awareness of those linguistic features and he suggests that the orthography itself determines which aspects of representation are singled out for awareness. Both morphological and phonological features of the Southern Bantu language orthographies are thus relevant to the process of learning to read (Trudell & Schroeder 2006).
Word recognition is a foundation skill for reading (Aaron et al. 1999; Invenizzi & Hayes 2010; Snowling & Hulme 2005) and involves retrieving information about the spoken form and meaning of a word from its written form (Invenizzi & Hayes 2010; Snowling & Hulme 2005). Previous psycholinguistic studies have shown that word recognition can be influenced by orthography (Scholfield & Chwo 2005; Simon & Van Herreweghe 2010). Much of the research on word recognition and its interaction with orthography is guided by the orthographic depth hypothesis (ODH), originating with Katz and Frost (1992b). According to this hypothesis, the reading process is different for users of different orthographies, and these differences are usually because of their differing morphology and phonology. Readers of a shallow orthography rely more on phonological encoding - direct phoneme-to-grapheme mappings - whereas readers in a deep orthography rely more on orthographic processing - most likely a whole-word mapping. This 'strong' version of the ODH, however, gave way to a weaker version as it became apparent that readers of shallow orthographies rely not only on grapheme-to-phoneme correspondences but are also able to use the stored phonology from the lexicon, particularly when approaching unfamiliar or less transparent words (Katz & Frost 1992a; Probert & De Vos 2016). The weak ODH makes provision for the use of lexical decoding strategies by readers of shallow orthographies, as well as for the use of phoneme-to-grapheme mappings in deep orthographies. However, readers of deep orthographies cannot rely on phoneme-to-grapheme strategies alone (Probert & De Vos 2016). According to the hypothesis, the type of linguistic unit (grain size) that best predicts successful reading depends on the language and the characteristics of the orthography that children are learning (Goswami 2002; Share 2008).
The psycholinguistic grain size theory (PGST) was established to build upon the assertions of the ODH. 'Grain size' refers to the literacy processing units learners use to unpack words when reading (i.e. through the use of whole words, syllables, morphemes or phoneme-to-grapheme mappings). The PGST proposes that because languages vary in the consistency with which the phonology is represented in the orthography, there are developmental differences in the grain size of lexical representations (Ziegler & Goswami 2005). Differences in reading accuracy and reading speed found across orthographies reflect fundamental differences in the nature of phonological recoding and reading strategies that are developing in response to the orthography (Ziegler & Goswami 2005). The process of learning to read across different languages and orthographies involves a system of mapping the correspondences between symbols and sounds (Share 1995; Ziegler & Goswami 2006). Orthographies vary only in the degree to which they represent these. Alphabetic orthographies primarily aim at sequential representation of phonemes, but they also reflect linguistic features on the syllabic or morphemic level (Cook & Bassetti 2005).
The PGST describes the way in which a novice reader builds up the connections between print and speech at the very start of reading acquisition. The PGST explains that readers must solve three problems, phonological availability, orthographic granularity and consistency in order to learn to read. Children initially read by identifying larger units (i.e. the syllable) before smaller units (i.e. the phoneme). This is in line with the hierarchy model of word recognition (Anthony & Lonigan 2004; Scheule & Boudreau 2008; Ziegler & Goswami 2005). Research amongst Spanish readers aged 6-7 years has shown that languages with a simple phonological structure and a consistent orthographic representation display a lower association between phonemic awareness and reading, and higher associations between syllable awareness in early reading (Tolchinsky & Jisa 2017). This was attributed to the simplicity and saliency of the Spanish syllable structure and vowel system, which is reinforced by the consistency of the Spanish orthography. Learners were found to be significantly less proficient in phoneme isolation than in syllable deletion and were able to achieve reading success in Spanish without being able to explicitly segment words into phonemes (Tolchinsky & Jisa 2017). This accounts for a greater role that syllables play in reading at initial stages of literacy acquisition (Carraeiras & Perea 1998; Jiménez & Ortiz 2000). Readers of more phonologically transparent writing systems are therefore more likely to use strategies which focus on letter-phoneme conversion, and/or syllables (Cook & Bassetti 2005) than strategies of whole-word recognition or morpheme recognition when attempting to read at a young age.
The transparent nature of the Southern Bantu languages would thus yield the successful use of phonological decoding, in particular for correct pronunciation of the words, but it will not necessarily result in access to meaning. Given the agglutinating morpheme complexity found within the Southern Bantu languages, it would stand to reason that morphological awareness and morpheme recognition would be important in reading for meaning.
Therefore, linguistic factors which need to be considered in understanding reading in the African languages include the type of orthography, phonological and morphological features (see also Trudell & Schroeder 2007) and how these influence the grain size of word processing. Mindful of this, the main goal of this study was to investigate the effect of morphological and syllabic grain sizes on reading in conjunctive and disjunctive orthographies, respectively.
The following research questions are addressed in this article:
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What is the relative contribution of phonological awareness and morphological awareness in determining grain size literacy processing units in isiXhosa and Setswana, respectively?
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How do the types of grain size literacy processing units differ between L1 readers of a conjunctive orthography (isiXhosa) and L1 readers of a disjunctive orthography (Setswana)?
^rND^1A01^nTracy N.^sProbert^rND^1A01^nTracy N.^sProbert^rND^1A01^nTracy N^sProbert -
What is the relative contribution of phonological awareness and morphological awareness in determining grain size literacy processing units in isiXhosa and Setswana, respectively?
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How do the types of grain size literacy processing units differ between L1 readers of a conjunctive orthography (isiXhosa) and L1 readers of a disjunctive orthography (Setswana)?
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What is the relative contribution of phonological awareness and morphological awareness in determining grain size literacy processing units in isiXhosa and Setswana, respectively?
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How do the types of grain size literacy processing units differ between L1 readers of a conjunctive orthography (isiXhosa) and L1 readers of a disjunctive orthography (Setswana)?
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Children are extremely capable and that they have deep, complex thoughts and ideas.
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Children have the right and the ability to express their thinking, theories, ideas, learning and emotions in many ways.
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provision of opportunities to engage in experiences across a range of intelligence domains
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knowing strengths and interests of the children
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children's role in defining the curriculum.
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How do ECE practitioners use Malaguzzi's HLC to support children's learning?
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What are the experiences of ECE practitioners in using Malaguzzi's HLC to support children's learning?
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Practitioner 1 from ECE centre A = P1CA28
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Practitioner 2 from ECE centre A = P2CA45
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Practitioner 3 from ECE centre B = P3CB36
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Practitioner 4 from ECE centre B = P4CB34
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Providing services to families in their homes helps to overcome barriers to participating in services, especially the lack of transportation (Collins, Jordan & Coleman 2010).
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The home environment is often an ideal setting for assessing the strengths and needs of families as it provides a complete picture of their lives than can be seen in an office setting (Collins et al. 2010).
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Visiting families in their homes may facilitate trusting and productive relationships between home visitors and family members. This may, in turn, improve the chances for services to be successful (Miedel & Reynolds 1999).
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Home visits can be helpful in increasing parental involvement in the early childhood care and education of their children (Miedel & Reynolds 1999).
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Learner-centred outcomes that serve as the basis for selection, data collection and intervention evaluations. These outcomes are (1) academic and social, (2) individual and small group related and (3) are judged on the basis of their educational and social value and importance.
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A departure from packaged or manualised interventions towards practices that are organised to support learners across the school (1) school-wide, (2) within classroom and non-classroom settings and (3) with individual learner support.
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The establishment of a continuum of behaviour support practices and systems. This includes screening of the contexts within which challenging behaviours occur, ongoing monitoring of progress, team-based decision-making that involves all the relevant stakeholders including caregivers and professional staff, explicit monitoring of the reliability of supports that have been implemented.
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Continuous professional development for school staff, monitoring of the various phases of implementation and system-based supports (such as policies, leadership support and funding support).
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The effective, efficient and relevant use of data or information to guide decision-making. The data are used to (1) clarify the need and level of priority, (2) match the need with appropriate interventions and supports, (3) evaluate the research base in the selection of the appropriate intervention, (4) determine learner responsiveness and the outcome of the impact, (5) determine the fidelity of the intervention, (6) determine the social and ecological validity and (7) implement and adjust the intervention and support for efficiency, effectiveness and relevance. (pp. 2-3).
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Within the home microsystem - issues of parental violence, abuse and neglect were reported as the main contributors to learner challenging behaviour. Learners' modelling of this learned behaviour were deemed to cause conflict and behavioural challenges within the classrooms.
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Within the home and wider community mesosystem - issues linked to child-headed families and poverty were considered the main contributing factors to learner challenging behaviour. The survival needs of the learners were considered by respondents to be the overriding factor that hindered them from full participation in the class. Attention difficulties because of beleaguered concern for personal and sibling welfare reportedly dominated learners' thoughts, leaving little chance for active participation in lessons. Learner withdrawal, truancy and extended periods of absenteeism and dropping out of school were the results.
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Within the school and classroom microsystem - here, issues that were considered to be major factors that contributed to learner challenging behaviour - were teacher frustration and teacher apathy. Closely linked to these were teachers' inadequate education and professional development in behaviour support strategies and their widespread use of corporal punishment. Classroom pedagogical strategies were also a significant contributor where respondents stated that they did not plan their lessons well, nor did they cater to the differentiated needs of learners during their lesson planning and presentation. These factors were mostly interrelated and impeded the building of positive and healthy relationships between the learners and the teachers.
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Classroom rules: The use of classroom rules that were negotiated and co-constructed with learners was found by respondents to be a useful behaviour support tool. During the classroom observations, all four of the classrooms had the classroom rules posted in clear view of the learners. In one classroom, the teacher referred to the rules during the lesson to remind learners of turn-taking as part of the social support of each other during activities. Learners were able to follow-through with the rule with ease and confidence. In the other three classrooms, learners seemed to have internalised the rules and were able to practise them within the lesson without much need for teacher prompting.
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The formulation and practical application of classroom rules were not without its challenges. Challenges were reported by respondents about teacher-learner collaboration during the formulation of the rules, given that active learner participation was a strategy that was not previously well used. Respondents, however, were eager to change this and work towards healthier engagement and building of learner trust which would result in communication by learners towards the teacher being less restrained. This was seen in the classroom observations where the practice of the rules was followed through with ease, and teachers supported learners with praise for their follow-through.
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Furthermore, challenges in relation to the systemic challenges of home-school collaboration observed by respondents were the sustainability and impact of classroom and school rules. One teacher in the classroom interviews attributed a lack of sustainability to the inconsistency between what is allowed to happen at home and what is allowed to happen at school. It was evident that the respondents in the focus group interviews as well as within the classroom interviews were acutely aware that early childhood experiences were influential in shaping a child's development (Bronfenbrenner 2006).
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Praise and rewards and tokens: While the majority of respondents reported that the use of praise was not used extensively before their exposure to the PBS model, the use of praise and rewards was considered by the majority of respondents as a useful tool to support learner behaviour in the classrooms. The impact of praise on building learner self-esteem and confidence was considered useful. As is suggested by supporting studies (Byron & Khazanchi 2012), the majority of respondents also found that the use of these motivating supports assisted in building positive relationships between the learners and the teachers. Respondents found this PBS strategy invaluable in recognising and rewarding desirable learner behavioural outcomes.
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Home-school collaborations: The majority of respondents found that home-school partnerships were useful for healthy relationships between parent/caregivers and teachers. They were also considered vital to ensure a united base of support for the learners that facilitated joint parent-teacher efforts related to learner behavioural support. Studies by Westergard (2013) revealed the benefits of parental partnerships and collaborations. This was further confirmed in this study. The importance of the role of parents concerning home-school partnerships is also recognised in legislation and policies including the South African Schools Act (1996) and Education White Paper 6 (DoE 2001).
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While the value of the PBS strategy of building partnerships was widely recognised, the respondents also recognised challenges linked to building effective and supportive partnerships. These findings were confirmed to be the same as others highlighted within the literature (Westergard 2013). Other challenges reported were linked to parents' work pressures, parental disillusionment, parental illiteracy and parental fear of judgement and rejection. Despite the challenges reported by respondents in developing and promoting positive home-school partnerships, the importance of seeking ways of promoting partnerships was considered to outweigh the risks. The respondents felt that they had a responsibility towards the learners to go the extra mile in making an effort to increase home-school cooperation. This included a recognition of the value of parents having increased opportunities to have their voices heard within the school community. This finding concurs with those of other studies which emphasise that for the development of collaborative partnerships, school management and teachers need to be proactive in fostering trust and respect in the building of effective communication with parents (Westergard 2013).
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Purposeful lesson planning: Respondents reported that the strategy of curriculum differentiation created opportunities for careful planning of lessons and lesson task activities. Furthermore, the respondents reflected on their increased awareness of the need to research the content of the lesson and to ensure that the level that the lesson is pitched at is not below or above the learners' levels of comprehension. This increased awareness would have developed over their 4 years at the university as it related to aspects of their TE activities for the degree. It had assisted respondents in planning lessons more effectively such that there was a more appropriate use of the time spent on the lessons and the related activities. The reported effective use of the PBS strategy of differentiation was confirmed during the school visit within the Limpopo province. It was evident in three of the lessons observed that the teachers took care in planning their lessons and that they used selective differentiated activities including workbook and worksheet activities and group work activities that were appropriate to learner needs. Learning objectives were clearly defined and well-articulated in the lesson plan. One of the teachers expressed that the lesson plan format from the university afforded her the best organisational planning tool to date. Learners were found to participate and enjoy the tasks set out for them. The findings in support of the strategy of curriculum differentiation correspond with those of Wuim and Louw (2015), who state that differentiation provides access to learning, thereby supporting learners' experience of academic success.
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understanding the child within the context of the home, school and environment (ecosystemic framework)
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the differences between discipline and punishment
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alternatives to corporal punishment which included classroom-wide support of how to formulate and integrate classroom rules, differentiated teaching, teacher preparedness and functional behavioural assessments
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positive reinforcement strategies including the use of praise, token economy and rewards
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strategies for building school and parent/family partnerships.
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'Just to give them (learners) hugs or a kiss on the head, just to praise them. …you see it is working and they feel comfortable and share what is happening.' (School 1, teacher 2, female)
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'That child from Zimbabwe told me he wants me to be his mum. I asked him why, he said he has never been hugged before. So you see, just showing some love is a very big thing for that child.' (School 1, teacher 2, female)
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To what extent do the effects of the intervention on mathematics wp skills differ between the training group students (receiving overall mathematics wp strategy instruction and face-to-face think-aloud strategy instruction) and control group students (only receiving an overall mathematics wp strategy instruction). The effects of intervention were calculated as the amount of correct answers to the wp tasks. We hypothesised that the intervention combining strategy instruction and the think-aloud protocol would accelerate math wp performance among the training group students (Rittle-Johnson 2006). However, a sustained effect was not expected (Fuchs et al. 2015).
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To what extent does the intervention improve math wp-solving efficacy? Mathematics wp efficacy was defined as the input-output ratio of correct answers and attempts to solve wp tasks. In addition, the efficacy was inspected over the three measurement time points (pre-, post- and follow-up measurements). An attempt was calculated, if the student had marked down calculations and an answer to the item, regardless of whether the answer was correct or not. We hypothesised that the intervention would improve the mathematics wp efficacy, as it is a combined measure of skills, metacognition and self-regulation (Montague 1998; Thorndsen 2011).
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Assess population-level needs for early childhood development services.
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Plan the provisioning of suitable early childhood development programmes and services to meet the identified needs (population-based planning).
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Develop and implement appropriate coverage targets and quality service standards and systems.
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Monitor compliance and provide support for ongoing quality improvement.
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Evaluate and report on progress. (p. 84)
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What is the relative contribution of phonological awareness and morphological awareness in determining grain size literacy processing units in isiXhosa and Setswana, respectively?
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How do the types of grain size literacy processing units differ between L1 readers of a conjunctive orthography (isiXhosa) and L1 readers of a disjunctive orthography (Setswana)?
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A developmental and contextual awareness of school readiness is essential and needs to inform policies and strategies to address the identified challenges. Such an understanding could facilitate optimal early stimulation, education and intervention strategies for children. Contextually sensitive interventions should address barriers and facilitators at the level of the family, community and educational system.
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At the level of community, the impact or consequences of adverse circumstances such as poverty, violence and abuse must be mitigated. Engagement in programmes, such as feeding schemes, are practical examples addressing social challenges. A higher level of integration and collaboration between programmes might increase the reach.
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At the educational level, teachers and health professionals must add screening measures of barriers to readiness to batteries used for school readiness assessments. This would assist in developing a contextual understanding of the factors that impact readiness. It would also assist in classroom management and collaboration with parents to try to reduce or alleviate the challenges that children face in cognitive, emotional and social domains. This might also assist parents to develop coping and intervention strategies to enhance children's skills.
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At the level of the family, responsive and attuned parenting must be promoted to strengthen caregiver's relationships with their children. This will enhance children's readiness to learn and their emotional and social skills to contribute to autonomous and empathic children that are able to relate to peers and teachers in the classroom.
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What is the relative contribution of phonological awareness and morphological awareness in determining grain size literacy processing units in isiXhosa and Setswana, respectively?
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How do the types of grain size literacy processing units differ between L1 readers of a conjunctive orthography (isiXhosa) and L1 readers of a disjunctive orthography (Setswana)?
^rND^1A01^nTracy N.^sProbert^rND^1A01^nTracy N.^sProbert^rND^1A01^nTracy N^sProbert -
What is the relative contribution of phonological awareness and morphological awareness in determining grain size literacy processing units in isiXhosa and Setswana, respectively?
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How do the types of grain size literacy processing units differ between L1 readers of a conjunctive orthography (isiXhosa) and L1 readers of a disjunctive orthography (Setswana)?
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Setswana learners performed better on phonological awareness tasks than the isiXhosa learners.
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Both Setswana and isiXhosa learners did better on syllable awareness tasks than they did on phoneme awareness tasks.
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The isiXhosa learners did better on morphological awareness tasks than the Setswana learners.
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On the decomposition task, Setswana learners scored higher for syllables, with isiXhosa learners scoring higher for morphemes.
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Syllable awareness was a significant predictor of ORF in both isiXhosa and Setswana learners.
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What is the relative contribution of phonological awareness and morphological awareness in determining grain size literacy processing units in isiXhosa and Setswana, respectively?
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How do the types of grain size literacy processing units differ between L1 readers of a conjunctive orthography (isiXhosa) and L1 readers of a disjunctive orthography (Setswana)?
^rND^1A01^nTracy N.^sProbert^rND^1A01^nTracy N.^sProbert^rND^1A01^nTracy N^sProbert -
What is the relative contribution of phonological awareness and morphological awareness in determining grain size literacy processing units in isiXhosa and Setswana, respectively?
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How do the types of grain size literacy processing units differ between L1 readers of a conjunctive orthography (isiXhosa) and L1 readers of a disjunctive orthography (Setswana)?
^rND^1A01^nAngela A.^sJames^rND^1A02^nSaritha^sBeni^rND^1A01^nMichele^sStears^rND^1A01^nAngela A.^sJames^rND^1A02^nSaritha^sBeni^rND^1A01^nMichele^sStears^rND^1A01^nAngela A^sJames^rND^1A02^nSaritha^sBeni^rND^1A01^nMichele^sStears -
What is the relative contribution of phonological awareness and morphological awareness in determining grain size literacy processing units in isiXhosa and Setswana, respectively?
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How do the types of grain size literacy processing units differ between L1 readers of a conjunctive orthography (isiXhosa) and L1 readers of a disjunctive orthography (Setswana)?
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Setswana learners performed better on phonological awareness tasks than the isiXhosa learners.
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Both Setswana and isiXhosa learners did better on syllable awareness tasks than they did on phoneme awareness tasks.
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The isiXhosa learners did better on morphological awareness tasks than the Setswana learners.
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On the decomposition task, Setswana learners scored higher for syllables, with isiXhosa learners scoring higher for morphemes.
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Syllable awareness was a significant predictor of ORF in both isiXhosa and Setswana learners.
ORIGINAL RESEARCH
A comparison of the early reading strategies of isiXhosa and Setswana first language learners
Tracy N. Probert
Department of English Language and Linguistics, Rhodes University, Makhanda, South Africa
ABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: A large amount of evidence highlights the obvious inequalities in literacy results of South African learners. Despite this, a sound understanding of how learners approach the task of reading in the African languages is lacking.
AIM: This article examines the role of the syllable, phoneme and morpheme in reading in transparent, agglutinating languages. The focus is on whether differences in the orthographies of isiXhosa and Setswana influence reading strategies through a comparative study of the interaction between metalinguistic skills and orthography.
SETTING: Data was collected from Grade 3 first-language and Grade 4 Setswana home-language learners attending no fee schools in the Eastern Cape and North West Province respectively.
METHODS: Learners were tested on four linguistic tasks: an open-ended decomposition task, a phonological awareness task, a morphological awareness task and an oral reading fluency task. These tasks were administered to determine the grain size unit which learners use in connected-text reading.
RESULTS: The results indicated that syllables were the dominant grain size in both isiXhosa and Setswana, with the use of morphemes as secondary grains in isiXhosa. These results are reflected in the scores of the metalinguistic tasks.
CONCLUSION: This research contributes to an understanding of how linguistic and orthographic features of African languages need to be taken into consideration in understanding literacy development.
Keywords: early literacy; reading strategies; isiXhosa; Setswana; grain size in word recognition; metalinguistic skills; conjunctive versus disjunctive orthography.
Introduction
South African education continues to be crippled by a literacy crisis. This is highlighted by ongoing school literacy evaluations. For example, according to the most recent Progress in International Reading Literacy Study (Howie et al. 2017), 78% of South African Grade 4 learners do not have basic reading skills and are at least 6 years behind the top performing countries, with 8 in 10 children unable to read for meaning (Howie et al. 2017). Reading performance in the African languages was particularly low, with 90% of Grade 4 learners tested in Setswana unable to read for meaning, with a similarly large percentage in isiXhosa learners, 88% (Howie et al. 2017). This has implications for later academic success for these learners, as they are constantly playing catch-up and this further entrenches inequalities in early literacy, which are evident in the current literacy results. The sources of the problem of the literacy crisis are multifaceted, with the majority of the studies on educational inequality focusing on social, historical and political issues.1 In addition, there are linguistic dimensions that need to be considered, such as the unique structure of the Southern Bantu languages, the different writing systems which they employ and decoding challenges associated with these orthographies. This is important in that the type of linguistic unit that best predicts successful reading depends on the language and the characteristics of the orthography in which children are learning to read (Goswami 2002; Ziegler et al. 2010), which, in turn, has pedagogical implications for early reading instruction.
One of the reasons why South African readers are listed as some of the poorest in the world (Howie et al. 2008, 2012, 2017) is that very little is known about how reading works in the African languages. Attempts at reducing inequalities through literacy depend to a large extent on understanding the factors that promote success in reading in these languages. Appropriate pedagogical methodologies which are based on the unique features of the African languages will prove immensely advantageous for improving literacy levels and empowering speakers of these languages.
Orthography and word structure in isiXhosa and Setswana
IsiXhosa and Setswana fall within the Southern Bantu language family, more specifically the Nguni language group (which includes isiXhosa, isiZulu, isiNdebele and SiSwati) and the Sotho language group (Setswana, Southern and Northern Sotho), respectively. The Southern Bantu languages2 in South Africa are agglutinating languages with mostly transparent orthographies. A word in the Southern Bantu languages includes rich, overt morphology. Nouns include noun class prefixes as well as stems, whereas verbs include morphological reflexes of subject marking, object marking, tense, aspect, mood, causativity and negation amongst others (Nurse & Phillipson 2003). Therefore, what is said to constitute a word in the Southern Bantu languages (specifically in the Nguni languages) tends to be much longer than what would be said to constitute a word in English:
(1) (a) star (English)
~ inkwenkwezi (isiXhosa)
NC9.star
(b) to use (English)
~ ukusebenzisa (isiXhosa)
INF.use.CAUS.FV
Furthermore, linguistic structure is mediated through orthography (Probert & De Vos 2016). Both isiXhosa and Setswana are agglutinating languages containing long, multimorphemic words; however, the Sotho group tends to have a disjunctive orthography,3 while the Nguni group has a conjunctive orthography. The examples below show that in isiXhosa, the morphological word coincides with the orthographic word (2a), but that in Setswana, the morphological word is represented by several orthographic words in that blank spaces are placed between the morphemes that make up the word (2b). The morphological word refers to the piece of speech which behaves as a unit of pronunciation as well as meaning in context, and as a domain for linguistic procedures, while the orthographic word refers to a written sequence bounded by spaces at each end (Trask 2004). It is the correspondence between orthographic and morphological words which distinguishes conjunctive orthographies from disjunctive orthographies:
(2) a. Ndiyababona SM1.SG.PRES.OM2.see.FV4
'I see them' (isiXhosa)
(one morphological word and one orthographic word)b. Ke a ba bona
SM1.SG.PRES.OM2.see.FV
'I see them' (Setswana)
(one morphological word and four orthographic words)
When learning to read, a reader is faced with language-specific processing challenges when attempting to recognise words in a particular language which, in turn, presupposes language-specific reading strategies. This leads one to the question of how readers unpack words in the Southern Bantu languages where the notion of what constitutes a 'word' differs across the different language groups. This is important for reading instructional methods and materials, as there is no one-size-fits-all approach to fluent reading across languages (Probert & De Vos 2016).
Current methods used to teach reading in the African languages often fail to consider the unique linguistic characteristics of these languages (Probert & De Vos 2016). Much of the current instructions used in South African classrooms is borrowed from the teaching of early reading in English (Pretorius & Spaull 2016). This is not necessarily the best way to teach early reading in African languages, given that the writing systems of the African languages are different to that of English, as illustrated in (1) and (2). English is an analytic language with an opaque orthography, whereas the African languages are agglutinating with transparent orthographies. Linguistic differences and similarities between English and the African languages which influence aspects of reading are seldom dealt with in teacher training programmes (Pretorius & Spaull 2016). Therefore, there is a lack of applied knowledge about how best to teach reading in the African languages, which is informed by linguistic principles. Furthermore, there is a complete absence of research on how differences in the disjunctive and conjunctive writing systems might engender different reading profiles or developmental trajectories, which has pedagogical implications for how best to teach reading in agglutinating African languages.
Word recognition, orthography and metalinguistic skills
The term 'metalinguistic skill' refers to the 'ability to identify, analyse and manipulate language forms' (Koda 2007:2). The two metalinguistic skills under investigation in this study are morphological awareness and phonological awareness. Morphological awareness is the readers' conscious awareness of the morphemic structure of words and their ability to reflect on and manipulate the meaningful parts of words (Kirby et al. 2012; McBride-Chang et al. 2005). Phonological awareness is the awareness that words can be broken down into units so that one can manipulate the individual sounds and syllables, which may not have meaning (Anthony & Francis 2005; Chard & Dickson 1999; Stahl & Murray 1994).
A number of studies have demonstrated that phonological awareness plays a fundamental role in reading success in alphabetic orthographies (Bradley & Bryant 1985; Castles & Colheart 2004; Stanovich, Cunningham & Cramer 1984). Phonological awareness is especially important in the early stages of literacy acquisition, when the regularity of phoneme-to-grapheme correspondence helps the reader recognise or decode new words. Wilsenach (2013) and Diemer, van der Merwe and de Vos (2015) show the significance of phonological awareness for reading in Northern Sotho and isiXhosa, respectively. In particular, Diemer et al. (2015) showed that learners perform much better at syllable awareness tasks than they do at phoneme awareness tasks. It must be acknowledged that while the syllabic nature of African languages might contribute to high levels of syllable awareness, this is not the only contributory factor. Children tend to do better at syllable awareness tasks than phoneme awareness ones as phoneme level tasks are more difficult. Therefore, younger children master syllable awareness more easily than phoneme awareness (Perfetti 1994; Shankweiler & Fowler 2004; Wilsenach 2013). In addition to this, phoneme awareness is influenced by learning of letter-sound relationships. It is for this reason that phoneme awareness generally correlates with reading success more than syllable awareness (Diemer 2015; Cunningham 1989; Godoy, Pinheiro & Citoler 2017). Furthermore, reading in the early years cannot be divorced from its classroom context. For example, much of what passes for early instruction in African language classrooms is the chanting of syllabic 'ba-be-bi-bo-bu' patterns of sounds. Learners are therefore very tuned into syllables. It is unsurprising that they do better on syllable-related tasks, given the syllabic nature of the African languages, but how does it impact on word and/or sentence reading?
Similarly, there is evidence that morphological awareness promotes literacy development in both early (Casalis & Louis-Alexandre 2000) and later literacy (Carlisle 2000), with correlations with comprehension, spelling and vocabulary (Carlisle 2003, 2000; Land 2015) and fluency scores (Rees 2016; Saiegh-Haddad & Geva 2007). Linking prefixes, suffixes and base words with an understanding of their meaning and function helps the reader recognise familiar words and access meaning (Carlisle & Stone 2005). Given the distinct morphological character of the Southern Bantu languages, the Bantu verb is of particular interest. Rees (2016) found a significant relationship (r = 0.61, p ˂ 0.0001) between morphological awareness and oral reading fluency (ORF) when she assessed 74 isiXhosa Grade 3 learners. According to her, having an explicit awareness of morphemes may help in processing the structure of agglutinating words while reading. This should, in practice, lead to comprehension in reading as readers rely on reading meaningful grain sizes. But to what extent does an awareness of the morpheme influence reading strategies? This has implications for early reading instruction and development, given that the different language groups' orthographies reflect morphological features in different ways.
Although evidenced in the literature that phonological awareness and morphological awareness are important for alphabetic literacy acquisition, what remains unclear is how the characteristics of orthography (conjunctivism vs. disjunctivism) and their relationship with the spoken language influence the development of literacy (Durgunog˘lu & Öney 1999). This is highly relevant given that the linguistic features of a language are reflected in its writing system. For example, the presence of phonological processes of vowel coalescence and elision in the Nguni language group make the use of a disjunctive script impractical (Louwrens & Poulos 2006). This is illustrated in example (3) below where two vowels 'a' and 'u' in sequence coalesce into 'o', making disjunctive transcription at odds with the phonetic pronunciation (Probert & De Vos 2016).
(2) Utata na umama
→ realised as: utata nomama
father and mother
According to Mattingly (1992:14), this is why the reader must acquire awareness of those linguistic features and he suggests that the orthography itself determines which aspects of representation are singled out for awareness. Both morphological and phonological features of the Southern Bantu language orthographies are thus relevant to the process of learning to read (Trudell & Schroeder 2006).
Word recognition is a foundation skill for reading (Aaron et al. 1999; Invenizzi & Hayes 2010; Snowling & Hulme 2005) and involves retrieving information about the spoken form and meaning of a word from its written form (Invenizzi & Hayes 2010; Snowling & Hulme 2005). Previous psycholinguistic studies have shown that word recognition can be influenced by orthography (Scholfield & Chwo 2005; Simon & Van Herreweghe 2010). Much of the research on word recognition and its interaction with orthography is guided by the orthographic depth hypothesis (ODH), originating with Katz and Frost (1992b). According to this hypothesis, the reading process is different for users of different orthographies, and these differences are usually because of their differing morphology and phonology. Readers of a shallow orthography rely more on phonological encoding - direct phoneme-to-grapheme mappings - whereas readers in a deep orthography rely more on orthographic processing - most likely a whole-word mapping. This 'strong' version of the ODH, however, gave way to a weaker version as it became apparent that readers of shallow orthographies rely not only on grapheme-to-phoneme correspondences but are also able to use the stored phonology from the lexicon, particularly when approaching unfamiliar or less transparent words (Katz & Frost 1992a; Probert & De Vos 2016). The weak ODH makes provision for the use of lexical decoding strategies by readers of shallow orthographies, as well as for the use of phoneme-to-grapheme mappings in deep orthographies. However, readers of deep orthographies cannot rely on phoneme-to-grapheme strategies alone (Probert & De Vos 2016). According to the hypothesis, the type of linguistic unit (grain size) that best predicts successful reading depends on the language and the characteristics of the orthography that children are learning (Goswami 2002; Share 2008).
The psycholinguistic grain size theory (PGST) was established to build upon the assertions of the ODH. 'Grain size' refers to the literacy processing units learners use to unpack words when reading (i.e. through the use of whole words, syllables, morphemes or phoneme-to-grapheme mappings). The PGST proposes that because languages vary in the consistency with which the phonology is represented in the orthography, there are developmental differences in the grain size of lexical representations (Ziegler & Goswami 2005). Differences in reading accuracy and reading speed found across orthographies reflect fundamental differences in the nature of phonological recoding and reading strategies that are developing in response to the orthography (Ziegler & Goswami 2005). The process of learning to read across different languages and orthographies involves a system of mapping the correspondences between symbols and sounds (Share 1995; Ziegler & Goswami 2006). Orthographies vary only in the degree to which they represent these. Alphabetic orthographies primarily aim at sequential representation of phonemes, but they also reflect linguistic features on the syllabic or morphemic level (Cook & Bassetti 2005).
The PGST describes the way in which a novice reader builds up the connections between print and speech at the very start of reading acquisition. The PGST explains that readers must solve three problems, phonological availability, orthographic granularity and consistency in order to learn to read. Children initially read by identifying larger units (i.e. the syllable) before smaller units (i.e. the phoneme). This is in line with the hierarchy model of word recognition (Anthony & Lonigan 2004; Scheule & Boudreau 2008; Ziegler & Goswami 2005). Research amongst Spanish readers aged 6-7 years has shown that languages with a simple phonological structure and a consistent orthographic representation display a lower association between phonemic awareness and reading, and higher associations between syllable awareness in early reading (Tolchinsky & Jisa 2017). This was attributed to the simplicity and saliency of the Spanish syllable structure and vowel system, which is reinforced by the consistency of the Spanish orthography. Learners were found to be significantly less proficient in phoneme isolation than in syllable deletion and were able to achieve reading success in Spanish without being able to explicitly segment words into phonemes (Tolchinsky & Jisa 2017). This accounts for a greater role that syllables play in reading at initial stages of literacy acquisition (Carraeiras & Perea 1998; Jiménez & Ortiz 2000). Readers of more phonologically transparent writing systems are therefore more likely to use strategies which focus on letter-phoneme conversion, and/or syllables (Cook & Bassetti 2005) than strategies of whole-word recognition or morpheme recognition when attempting to read at a young age.
The transparent nature of the Southern Bantu languages would thus yield the successful use of phonological decoding, in particular for correct pronunciation of the words, but it will not necessarily result in access to meaning. Given the agglutinating morpheme complexity found within the Southern Bantu languages, it would stand to reason that morphological awareness and morpheme recognition would be important in reading for meaning.
Therefore, linguistic factors which need to be considered in understanding reading in the African languages include the type of orthography, phonological and morphological features (see also Trudell & Schroeder 2007) and how these influence the grain size of word processing. Mindful of this, the main goal of this study was to investigate the effect of morphological and syllabic grain sizes on reading in conjunctive and disjunctive orthographies, respectively.
The following research questions are addressed in this article:
ORIGINAL RESEARCH
Profiles of public and private autism-specific schools in Gauteng
Sumari Erasmus; Alta Kritzinger; Jeannie van der Linde
Department of Speech- Language Pathology and Audiology, Faculty of Humanities, University of Pretoria, Pretoria
ABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: Despite inclusive education (IE) policies and legislation being introduced in South Africa (SA), learners with autism spectrum disorder (ASD) are still placed in autism-specific public and private schools. Limited data are available on who makes use of the two different types of schools. Results may provide information on the profiles and education of learners with ASD in Gauteng schools.
AIM: A quantitative, cross-sectional, comparative research design was used to compare the profiles of autism-specific public with autism-specific private schools and learners in Gauteng Province
SETTING: The research was conducted in two autism-specific public and two private schools.
METHODS: Two survey questionnaires were used to collect data from four principals of two autism-specific public and two autism-specific private schools and 150 caregivers of learners attending the participating schools.
RESULTS: Results showed that because of their size autism-specific public schools make a significant contribution to the education of learners with ASD in Gauteng, compared to autism-specific private schools. Autism-specific public schools offer more therapy services than the autism-specific private schools, despite lower fees than autism-specific private schools. Significantly more black learners attend autism-specific public schools than autism-specific private schools. Regardless of the differences in population groups across the participating schools, the mean age when caregivers became concerned about their child's development was similar across the two types of schools. Learners enrolled at the autism-specific private schools were diagnosed with ASD earlier than learners enrolled at the autism-specific public schools. Also, they commenced school earlier than the learners in the autism-specific public schools. Lastly, three of the four principals expressed a preference that learners with ASD be placed in autism-specific schools.
CONCLUSION: The results highlight the need to raise awareness of ASD symptoms among parents with young children in all communities and to determine the barriers that hinder IE for learners with ASD in SA.
Keywords: autism-specific schools; Gauteng; inclusive education; learners; private and public education.
Introduction
In South Africa (SA), educational placement for learners with autism spectrum disorder (ASD) is a pertinent topic in light of the inclusive education (IE) policy recommending that all learners should be educated in the least restrictive environment (Department of Education [DoE] 2001). The current state of education in SA could be attributed to the legacy of apartheid education policies (1948-1994) (Engelbrecht 2006:254). During the 46 years of apartheid, learners with disabilities were segregated twice according to their population group and disability (Donohue & Bornman 2014:2; Engelbrecht 2006:254). Under apartheid, white learners who experienced barriers to learning received high-quality special education with adequate resources and well-trained teachers. In contrast, black, Indian and mixed race children were educated in separate facilities from white learners and received relatively low-quality education from poorly trained teachers (DoE 2001). The Bill of Rights, included in the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa (Act No. 108 of 1996), declares that all South African citizens have the right to basic education, regardless of the barriers to learning. Key education legislation and policies introduced since 1994 simultaneously abolished discrimination and introduced IE (DoE 1995, 1996, 1997, 2010a, 2010b, 2014). Inclusive education is a system where the diverse needs of all learners are addressed by reducing the barriers to and within the learning environment (DoE 2001). Therefore, the intention was to follow the same trend of IE as in most other countries where learners who experience barriers are included in mainstream classes (DoE 2001; Engelbrecht 2006:260; Jones & Frederickson 2010:1102; Waddington & Reed 2017:139).
Barriers to the effective implementation of IE include a lack of teacher capacity, limited financial resources, poverty and the negative attitudes towards disability in general (Bornman & Rose 2010:7; Engelbrecht 2006:255). These barriers may contribute to certain discomfort about the concept of inclusion in SA (Donohue & Bornman 2014:3). Furthermore, although the IE policy in SA (DoE 2001) recommends that learners with barriers to learning should be included in mainstream schooling, learners with ASD are still being segregated in public and private special schools (DoE 2015; Pillay, Duncan & De Vries 2017; Statistics South Africa 2014). One of the reasons may be because learners with ASD experience increased difficulty adapting to mainstream school settings because their behaviour is often noticeably different from that of typically developing children (Whitman 2004). Another reason may be that the three levels of severity of ASD, as described by the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorder Fifth Edition (DSM-5), may differ significantly and therefore require various levels of support (American Psychiatric Association [APA] 2013). For example, a learner with ASD with a severity level of three requires 'very substantial support' (APA). These learners require very substantial support with social communication skills as they have severe deficits in verbal and nonverbal communication. Furthermore, they require very substantial support in their restricted and repetitive behaviours as they may experience consistent difficulty in coping with changes and inflexible behaviour (APA). However, a learner with ASD with level 2 severity requires considerable support because they present with marked deficits in verbal and nonverbal social communication and difficulty in coping with changes as their restricted and repetitive behaviour interfere with their functioning in various contexts (APA). Lastly, a learner with ASD with only level 1 severity requires minimal support. Should the learner not receive the necessary support, deficits in social communication may cause significant impairments, while inflexibility of behaviour may also cause interference with functioning in one or more contexts (APA). It is therefore important to ensure that learners with ASD are placed in a school meeting their support needs.
Currently, there are only a few autism-specific public schools in SA. Over the last 2 years, however, the Gauteng Department of Education (GDE) has opened 18 new ASD units in schools for learners with special educational needs (LSEN) (Evans 2016) to reduce extensive waiting lists (Clasquin-Johnson & Clasquin-Johnson 2018:4). It therefore seems that the GDE is perpetuating segregated placement for learners with ASD even though legislation and policy recommend inclusion in mainstream schools (DoE 2001; Evans 2016). According to Clasquin-Johnson and Clasquin-Johnson (2018:4), there are still many learners with ASD who are not benefiting from early childhood education (ECE) (age: birth to 9 years) as they are waiting for school placement. Also, the ECE sector does not have the capacity for early screening and intervention as personnel are either under- or unqualified (Human Sciences Research Council [HSRC] 2009). A further disadvantage of the autism-specific public schools is that they are largely limited to the urban middle- to high-income communities (Autism South Africa [ASA] n.d.), thereby excluding children with ASD from rural areas (Saloojee et al. 2006:233). As a consequence, there has been an increase in homeschooling children with ASD (Nhlapo 2018) as well as an increase in private schools accommodating learners with ASD and other developmental disabilities (ASA n.d.). While private schools are more costly than public schools, they provide an educational solution for families with limited options because of the lack of space in autism-specific public schools in SA. However, limited research has been conducted on the profiles of autism-specific schools and their learners in SA. When investigating learners with ASD in SA, it is clear that both public and private special schools should be considered. Results may provide information on the education of learners with ASD in Gauteng Province schools. The researchers expect that the comparison will reveal not only critical differences between the two types of schools, but also similarities. Because of limited space in autism-specific public schools and minimal progress in the implementation of IE for learners with ASD, there may also be similarities in learner profiles across the different types of schools.
Research methods
Aim and design
A quantitative, cross-sectional, comparative research design was used to compare the profiles of autism-specific public with autism-specific private schools and learners in Gauteng Province.
Setting
Although there are no official statistics available on how many learners with ASD are being accommodated for in autism-specific and mainstream schools, it seems that the majority school-going age children with ASD are accommodated in autism-specific schools (Evans 2016). These schools are therefore described as 'population-rich settings' (Evans 2016). Before the data collection, the researcher consulted ASA and requested a list of all the autism-specific public (government-funded) and private (independent) schools in Gauteng Province. Only autism-specific schools which existed for more than 10 years in the province were selected for the study because they have accumulated experience and are regarded as resource centres for training and research (ASA n.d.). At the time of data collection, there were three autism-specific private and three autism-specific public schools in Gauteng Province, but only two autism-specific private and two autism-specific public schools have been in existence for more than 10 years. The autism-specific private and public schools were also chosen according to approximate their founding dates [autism-specific public school 1 (1973) and 2 (2004); autism-specific private school 3 (1975) and 4 (2006)] to make comparisons.
Participants
The participants in the study included four principals of the autism-specific public and private schools and 150 caregivers of learners attending the participating schools. Convenience sampling was used to select the participants as only principals and caregivers who completed informed consent forms and a questionnaire could participate.
All four participating principals were female South African citizens with a post-secondary attainment level of either a degree or a postgraduate teaching qualification. All four principals had more than 25 years of teaching experience. The majority of the 150 caregivers in both the autism-specific public (86.5%) and private (79.2%) schools were mothers. Furthermore, 50.8% of the mothers in the autism-specific public schools and 83.3% of the mothers in the autism-specific private schools had a post-secondary attainment level of either a diploma or a degree, or a postgraduate qualification.
Data collection
Different questionnaires were distributed to the principals and the caregivers. The first questionnaire was completed by the four principals and the second questionnaire was distributed to the caregivers of the 541 learners attending the four designated autism-specific schools. To establish the reliability and validity of the two questionnaires, the researchers conducted a pilot study in an autism-specific school. Fifteen caregivers and one principal completed and returned the pilot questionnaires, and the necessary changes were made. The questionnaire to the principals focussed on information about the school and included questions about when the school was established, age ranges of the learners, admission criteria of the school, school fees, therapeutic services offered by the school, number of learners the school can accommodate, number of learners currently attending the school, number of names on the waiting list, teacher-learner ratio and the principal's preference regarding IE and autism-specific education. The caregiver survey included questions about gender, population group, age of child when parent became concerned about development, age when diagnosed and when admitted to school. We received the self-completed questionnaires back from the four principals and a total of 150 (27.2%) questionnaires from caregivers. Caregiver questionnaires were assigned to one of two groups according to the type of school the learner was attending: group 1 (public) (n = 126) and group 2 (private) (n = 24).
Data analysis
Comparisons between the two autism-specific public and two autism-specific private schools were descriptive in nature (questionnaire for principals). Data from the caregiver questionnaire were captured electronically and exported to IBM SPSS (Statistical Package for Social Sciences version 22) (IBM Corp 2013) for further analysis. Non-parametric tests, using a significance level of p < 0.05, were used to explore the existence of significant differences among different variables.
Ethical considerations
Ethical Clearance was obtained from the University of Pretoria (Reference number: 28024967 [GW20160702HS]) and written permission from the Department of Basic Education and the principals of the autism-specific public and private schools. Informed consent was obtained from principals and the caregivers of learners attending the schools during 2017. The researchers maintained anonymity and confidentiality of the participants and their schools throughout the research process.
Results
The results are presented according to the study objectives. Firstly, differences and similarities in the profiles of the participating autism-specific schools are depicted in Table 1. Secondly, the profiles of learners, with specific reference to the early management of ASD, in group 1 and group 2 are explained.
Profiles of participating autism-specific schools
Table 1 presents the comparison between two autism-specific public and two autism-specific private schools in Gauteng.
As can be seen in Table 1 (1.1), two of the autism-specific schools (public school 1 and private school 4) were established during the apartheid era (1948-1994), and the other two autism-specific schools after the democratic change of government in SA. During the 1970s, children with disabilities were entirely excluded from the mainstream education system worldwide (Inclusion BC 2014). The change towards IE in high-income countries (HICs) began in the late 1980s (Inclusion BC 2014). However in LMICs, such as SA, the transformation to IE only began in the early 2000s when IE policies were formulated and implemented (DoE 1995, 1996, 1997, 2010a, 2010b, 2014; Margia, McConkey & Myezwa 2014; UNESCO 1994). Our results show that even though legislation and policies stipulate that learners with disabilities, such as ASD, should be included in mainstream schools, the DoE is still establishing autism-specific schools, therefore perpetuating the IE legislation and policies (Evans 2016). Although there are no official statistics in SA, it seems that children with ASD are still placed in public and private special educational needs schools rather than in mainstream schools (ASA n.d.; DoE 2015; Pillay et al. 2017). Therefore, our results are in agreement with a systematic database study conducted in the Western Cape Province by Pillay et al. who found that of the 940 children with ASD enrolled in schools in that province, approximately 90% attended special education needs schools and only 10% were attending mainstream schools. A possible explanation might be that the educational implications of ASD are extensive and encompass many challenges for learners in mainstream schools. This also seems to be the trend in other countries such as Australia, the United Kingdom and the United States (Humphrey 2008:132; Roberts & Simpson 2016:1093; Simpson, De Boer-Ott & Smith-Myles 2003:130).
The autism-specific public schools accommodate very young and older learners (3-21 years), whereas the autism-specific private schools mostly accommodate learners only until the age of 10-11 years (see Table 1 [1.2]). Although the South African Schools Act (DoE 1996) compels children between the ages of 7 and 15 years to attend school, it seems that the autism-specific private schools do not accommodate learners older than 11 years. Therefore, learners attending the autism-specific private schools are often compelled to transition to other private special education needs schools or mainstream schools when they reach the school's age limit. Evidence suggests that learners with ASD experience significant and unique challenges in adjusting to new educational settings (Adreon & Durocher 2007:271; Cheak-Zamora, Teti & First 2015:557; Marsh et al. 2017:194). The learners experience enhanced anxiety levels when transitioning between schools which may be because of difficulty in dealing with new social situations, social communication and social interaction impairments, problems with adjusting to the new environment and responses to new sensory experiences (Hannah & Topping 2012:207). To prevent unnecessary changes, it is imperative that educational services accommodate learners with ASD who are older than 11 years.
In both the autism-specific public and private schools, the children are screened and assessed by the school's multidisciplinary team to determine whether they are candidates for the school. Firstly, the admission criteria in both the autism-specific public and private schools required candidates to be diagnosed with ASD by a professional. Secondly, in the autism-specific public schools, caregivers had to be working or living in the school's catchment area, whereas in the autism-specific private schools there were no limitations on where the family lives. Therefore, admission is determined by the caregivers' ability to pay the high monthly school fees. The admission criteria for autism-specific private schools differ from that of the autism-specific public schools as they are not accountable to the GDE in this regard (Basic education rights handbook, 2017, s. 27).
The results show that the monthly school fees in autism-specific private schools were significantly higher (p < 0.001), far more than double the amount than that of autism-specific public schools (see Table 1 [1.4]). A possible explanation may be that some private schools do not receive any subsidy from the government (Basic education rights handbook, 2017, s. 27). Furthermore, they are allowed to determine their school fees and rely on parents to pay these fees, endowments from the public and fundraising to cover their costs (Basic education rights handbook, 2017, s. 27). Our results are in agreement with a study conducted in Sweden who found that families raising children with ASD have significant costs related to their education (Jäbrink 2007:102).
Statistically significant differences were found when comparing the therapy services included in the school fees of the autism-specific public and private schools (p < 0.001). The results showed that even though the school fees in autism-specific private schools are higher than that of the autism-specific public schools, they offer fewer therapies that are included in the school fees. A reason could be that the allied health professionals, which include speech-language therapists, occupational therapists and psychologists, are employed by the GDE (Basic education rights handbook, 2017, s. 27). Therefore, the autism-specific public schools can offer a wider variety of therapeutic services. This may also be because allied health professionals usually work in private practice in SA and only offer their services at the autism-specific private schools, but are not employed by the school. According to the principals, the therapeutic services included in the autism-specific private schools' fees are usually limited to a few days per week or therapy is provided in groups. Learners requiring individualised therapy receive additional intervention either at school or in private practice, but caregivers are responsible for the costs. Future research is needed to determine the effectiveness of group therapy compared to individualised therapy for learners with ASD.
As can be seen in Table 1 (1.6-1.8), the autism-specific public schools can accommodate more learners than the autism-specific private schools. This is because autism-specific public schools have bigger buildings, while autism-specific private schools are usually housed in renovated houses. Although the autism-specific public schools can accommodate more learners, these schools are often overstretched (ASA n.d.). Both of the autism-specific public schools reported that at the time of data collection they had 16 names on the waiting list. The waiting lists could have been longer if the GDE did not open units for ASD in LSEN schools. On the contrary, the autism-specific private schools were able to accommodate a few more learners and were not overcapacity. The study by Pillay et al. (2017) also reported on the consolidated waiting list for children with ASD in the Western Cape Province. Therefore, although there were not as many names on the waiting list in Gauteng Province as in the Western Cape Province, there is a need to establish more educational services across SA to accommodate learners with ASD and to relieve the pressure on the existing schools and to reduce the teacher-learner ratios.
As was to be expected there were more teachers in the autism-specific public schools than in the autism-specific private schools (see Table 1 [1.9]). The teacher-learner ratio in both the autism-specific public and private schools was approximately the same (p < 0.910), ranging from 1:7 to 1:8.2. The teacher-learner ratio in autism-specific schools is lower than in mainstream schools because it has been widely reported that teaching one learner with ASD equals teaching six neurotypically developing learners (Clasquin-Johnson & Clasquin-Johnson 2018:a357).
Although no statistically significant differences were found when comparing the gender of the learners in the autism-specific public and private schools (p < 0.739), the majority of learners in the sample were males (see Table 1 [1.11]). The findings show that the male-to-female ratio in the autism-specific public schools (6.8:1) and autism-specific private schools (8.0:1) did not differ greatly. However, the gender inequality in our study was higher than that reported in a population-based cohort study (2001-2011) conducted in Stockholm, Sweden, where the male-to-female ratio was 4:1 (Idring et al. 2014:1769). Male dominance may merely reflect the difficulty of diagnosing ASD in females (New, Triebwasser & Charney 2008:654). Some variability in the ratio can be attributed to the clinical presentation of ASD, which is different in males in comparison to females, although available findings are inconsistent (Rivet & Matson 2011:966). Females with an ASD diagnosis and high intelligence quotient (IQ) are perceived as being more social and have higher language abilities (Halladay et al. 2015:2). Therefore, the presentation of their symptoms may be misinterpreted, and an accurate diagnosis might be delayed (Halladay et al. 2015).
The majority of learners in both the autism-specific public (89.7%) and private (62.5%) schools were black, which is consistent with the racial demographics in SA (Statistics South Africa 2011). The results also show that significantly more (p < 0.001) learners in the autism-specific private schools were white (25.0%) and Asian/Indian (12.5%) than in the public schools (white = 6.4%; Asian/Indian = 1.5%). A possible explanation why more white, Indian and Asian learners were able to attend the autism-specific private schools might be because they were able to afford the higher school fees. According to Statistics South Africa (2011), families from white, Indian and Asian population groups earn a higher average income than black families.
Profiles of learners attending the autism-specific schools
Table 2 shows the differences and similarities in the profiles of learners, with specific reference to the early management of ASD, for group 1 (n = 126) and group 2 (n = 24).
Results in Table 2 (2.1) indicate that the mean age (in months) when caregivers became concerned about their child's development in the autism-specific public and private schools was similar (p < 0.590). The greater SD in the autism-specific private schools indicates that some caregivers became concerned about their child's development earlier than caregivers in autism-specific public schools. Furthermore, the differences in the post-secondary education attainment level of the mothers (group 1 = 83.3%; group 2 = 50.8%) might have had an influence on the age when mothers became concerned. US studies found that higher educational levels are associated with earlier age of identification (Fountain, King & Bearman 2011:505; Goin-Kochel & Myers 2005:441). Despite the differences in population groups, all caregivers in our study became concerned about their child's development later than in other studies (Werner et al. 2000:158; Young, Brewer & Pattinson 2003:134). Studies on parental concerns about children who were later diagnosed with ASD have shown that caregivers from Australia and the United States were able to recognise atypical development between the ages of 8 and 12 months (Werner et al. 2000; Young et al. 2003). Our results show that caregivers may have limited knowledge about typical developmental milestones in young children and as a result were unable to identify developmental concerns at an early age (8-12 months). The findings also highlight the importance of supporting all caregivers by coordinated awareness raising and introducing early identification and intervention programmes for infants and young children with special needs.
No statistically significant differences were noted between the autism-specific public (on average 47.9 months) and private schools (on average 42.7 months) when considering the age of ASD diagnosis, but the mean age at diagnosis was later than in other studies conducted in SA (p < 0.368) (Springer et al. 2013:95). Results from our study are in close agreement with the age of ASD diagnosis (45-47 months) in LMICs such as Colombia, India, Jamaica, Jordan and Mexico (Samms-Vaughan 2014:30). A population-based study in the United States found that ASD can now be reliably diagnosed on average at the age of 15-24 months (Guthrie et al. 2013:589). A possible explanation why learners in our study were diagnosed later could relate to delayed parental concerns about their child's development. Caregivers might have limited knowledge of typical developmental milestones, limited awareness of developmental disorders such as ASD and limited access to diagnostic services.
Although no statistically significant differences were found between the age when caregivers became concerned about their child's development and the mean age of ASD diagnosis, the results in Table 2 (2.3) indicated that significantly more (p < 0.015) children in the autism-specific private schools (29.2%) were admitted to school before the age of 3.9 years than in the autism-specific public schools (9.5%). Therefore learners in the autism-specific private schools started attending school earlier than learners in the autism-specific public schools. The earlier age at school admission in autism-specific private schools may relate to no waiting lists and because the admission criteria of the private schools stipulate that they already accommodate children with ASD from the age of 2-3 years. Furthermore, it could be that caregivers of learners in the autism-specific private schools were able to afford the high monthly school fees and therefore enrol their child in autism-specific private schools without having to wait for placement. Evidence suggests that early intervention for children with ASD are predictors of success in intervention (Corsello 2005:81). It is therefore important that children with ASD are enrolled in ECE and early intervention programs as early as possible (Peters-Sheffer et al. 2012:1770). If children are to benefit from early childhood education and early intervention, it is essential that ASD is identified and diagnosed at an early age.
Principals' preferences towards the inclusion of learners with autism spectrum disorder in mainstream schools
Of the four schools, only one principal indicated that she preferred that learners with ASD be included in mainstream schools. This principal was of the opinion that learners with ASD will benefit from socially interacting with their typically developing peers, and show improved behaviour and academic performance (Kasari & Rotherham-Fuller 2007). In contrast, the other three principals preferred that learners with ASD be placed in separate autism-specific schools. Reasons given included that teachers are currently not adequately trained to support learners with ASD in typical classrooms and these learners often experience difficulty adapting in mainstream schools because they present with significant challenges in behaviour, social interaction and communication. The principals reported that there is an overall lack of support and training for teachers working with learners with ASD in mainstream schools and that there are many challenges related to IE policy implementation. Furthermore, learners with ASD often experience difficulty in adapting to mainstream schools because their behaviour is markedly different from that of typically developing peers. Also, learners with ASD may show particular interaction challenges in the classroom and a lack of theory of mind which may include low tolerance of their peer group, little or no empathy for others and dislike taking turns (Lamers & Hall 2003:94). Learners with ASD often present with communication challenges that are amplified in the classroom. The communication challenges include limited conversational skills, lack of communicative intent and limited understanding of the attempts of others (Lord 2000:393). Lastly, behavioural challenges displayed by learners with ASD are sometimes even more severe in the classroom than at home (Lord & Corsello 2014:96). Behavioural problems often include difficulties with the rigidity of thought, pretend play, repetitive play patterns and understanding the cause and effect of their behaviour (Lord & Corsello 2014). Our results are in agreement with early studies conducted before the full IE implementation in the United States, which found that principals prefer that learners with ASD be placed schools for special education needs instead of mainstream schools (Cook, Semmel & Gerber 1999:206; Praisner 2003:141). Our findings are in support of a study from SA that reported that there are many barriers related to the inclusion of learners with disabilities in mainstream schools. The preferences of principals from mainstream schools and other autism-specific schools towards IE of learners with ASD should be investigated further in SA, as such research may help identify factors that contribute the successful inclusion of learners with ASD and point to the support needs of all stakeholders. A recent study in Australia found that successful inclusion of learners with ASD is possible if all stakeholders receive adequate training, structural support, resources and funding from the government and if a collaborative approached is followed in the education process (Roberts & Simpson 2016:1084).
Limitations of the study
The study is subject to a few limitations. Firstly, the researchers relied solely on information obtained from the questionnaires completed by the caregivers of the learners in autism-specific public and private schools. Although data obtained from the questionnaires were not confirmed with the caregivers and principals through interviews, it should be noted that self-completed questionnaires are less biased than interviews. Furthermore, the participating schools were situated in urban Gauteng areas only, and therefore only a small sample was recruited for the study. Lastly, there was a low response rate from caregivers.
Implications or recommendations
Data obtained from this study can be used as reference for future studies to track changes in ASD education trends in SA or similar countries. Such research may improve early ASD management, determine how many children with ASD are in the mainstream and special educational needs schools and identify how to better support learners, caregivers, teachers and principals in autism-specific schools. Also, homeschooling for learners with ASD should be further investigated. It is important to promote targeted awareness about ASD among the general public by developing ongoing ASD information training programmes. The successful inclusion of learners with ASD and principals' preferences towards the inclusion of learners with ASD in mainstream schools should be investigated further in SA. It is essential that autism-specific public and private schools provide full service and mainstream schools with training and resources so that learners with ASD receive quality education. If older children are accommodated and school fees are reduced, more families will be able to afford to pay the school fees. Lastly, more educational services accommodating learners with ASD should be established in SA to relieve the pressure on the existing schools and to accommodate other children with ASD who are not receiving the ongoing specialised education they need.
Conclusion
In this article, we focussed on comparing the differences between autism-specific public and private schools. It is evident that the autism-specific public schools make by far the greatest contribution to education learners with ASD. Our results support the recent progress report on the implementation of WP6, which indicated that some children with disabilities, including ASD, are not receiving the specialised education they need (DoE 2015). Consequently, there is a need to establish more educational services accommodating learners with ASD in SA, but this does not necessarily imply segregated placement. Instead, learners with ASD should be placed in schools according to their level of severity and therefore meeting their educational needs. Overall, it is encouraging to note that both the public and private autism-specific schools in SA are now providing education to racially diverse children in SA. As a result of limited space in autism-specific public schools and minimal progress in IE for learners with ASD, some similarities were also found in the learner profiles across the different types of schools than differences. The results indicated that children in both public and private autism-specific schools were not benefiting from ECE. It seems that late identification sets a trajectory of late intervention. Therefore, if children are to benefit from ECE, it is essential that children with ASD is identified and diagnosed earlier than indicated in our study. Factors underlying the trajectory may be that caregivers were unfamiliar with early ASD symptoms, and the fact that there are limited diagnostic services and schools for children with ASD. It is important to focus on creating awareness about ASD among the general public by developing systematic training programmes. Lastly, the findings showed that principals preferred that learners with ASD should be placed in separate autism-specific schools rather than being included in mainstream schools. The current findings, therefore, highlight the need to determine the barriers that hinder IE of learners with ASD in SA.
Acknowledgements
The authors would like to thank the anonymous reviewers for their generous time and insightful comments.
Competing interests
The authors declare that they have no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced them in writing this article.
Authors' contributions
S.E. was the primary author and compiled the complete document based on doctoral degree research. A.K. was the supervisor and provided continuous input and internal review of this article. J.v.d.L. was the co-supervisor and provided continuous input and internal review of this article.
Funding information
This research was funded by the University of Pretoria Postgraduate Bursary.
Data availability statement
Data are available upon request from the corresponding author.
Disclaimer
The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the authors.
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Correspondence:
Sumari Erasmus
sumsievb@gmail.com
Received: 28 Aug. 2018
Accepted: 21 May 2019
Published: 02 Oct. 2019
ORIGINAL RESEARCH
Providing remedial support to primary school learners within their zone of proximal development
Simon G. Taukeni
Department of Educational Psychology and Inclusive Education, University of Namibia, Rundu, Namibia
ABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: One of the methods receiving the current attention in addressing poor performance and low learning achievements among lower primary school learners is through remedial teaching. The approach to provide remedial support was informed by Vygotsky's social development theory.
AIM: The objective of this study was to support primary school learners who failed with ungraded symbols in their first school term to obtain better passing symbols at the end of Term 2 and Term 3
SETTING: An intervention was carried out in 2016 academic year to provide remedial support to learners who were enrolled at Catholic AIDS Action Tonateni Centre in Oshakati town, Namibia.
METHODS: Quantitative approach and descriptive design methods were used in this study. The first school term results were used as a baseline. A total of 12 learners (five boys and seven girls) from Grades 1 to 7 were randomly selected to participate in the remedial class. Data collection instruments included learners' school reports, homework books, class exercise books and test books. Statistical Package for Social Sciences was used to analyse descriptive statistics, namely, frequencies and percentages.
RESULTS: Results showed that the participating learners obtained better passing symbols in the three identified subjects: Oshindonga first language, English second language and mathematics as depicted in their Term 2 and Term 3 school reports.
CONCLUSION: Remedial support demonstrated that learners who performed with poor symbols at the end of their first school term could still obtain better passing symbols in the second and third term provided they are supported to improve in their areas of learning difficulties.
Keywords: academic performance; English second language; Oshindonga first language; mathematics; remedial teaching; zone of proximal development.
Introduction
A country's successful development trajectory depends exclusively on its well-educated citizenry (Ganimian & Mumane 2014). Namibia has achieved a noticeable increase in the enrolment rate in the early childhood education after it became independent in 1990. This significant advancement towards universal primary enrolment was confirmed by United Nations International Children's Emergency Fund (UNICEF) that by the end of 2009, the net primary enrolment (Grades 1-7) rate has reached 98% in 1992. The survival rate to Grade 8 also steadily increased from 52% in 1992 to 77% by 2008. Even though there has been consistent increase in both enrolment and survival rates, the repetition rates have also been on increase for Grades 1, 5 and 8. The highest repetition rate was recorded at Grade 5 with 25.7% in 2007 from the lowest level of 20.5% in 2004 (UNICEF 2011).
Educational attainment levels are often quite low and even when learners are attending schools, sometimes very little is learned in most African developing countries (Pritchett 2013). Boone et al. (2015) suggest that to deal with low learning attainment, communities should provide remedial after-school classes to support learners whose academic achievements are low. Research supported evidence of different methods being used in developing countries addressing these low learning achievements. However, there have been reports of difficulties in implementing public policy (Kremer & Holla 2009), which posed a great concern to effect the necessary progress in children's learning. The provision of remedial support to struggling learners after the normal school day has been shown to work in several settings (Muralidharan 2013). It was on that basis that a psychologist volunteered to provide remedial support to children who were being enrolled at Catholic AIDS Action Tonateni Centre in Oshakati town, Namibia.
In their article, Sahito et al. (2017:2) assert that remedial support means 'providing a remedy or cure' to where is most needed. Therefore, the main aim of the remedial support was to provide a remedy based on the lack of competencies and skills identified from the learners' homework books, class exercises and test books. The remedial support was primarily aimed to support learners to improve in the areas where they lacked necessary competencies and skills considering their zone of proximal developments (ZPDs). Informed by Vygotsky's ZPD, the remedial support aimed at identifying what the children could do on their own without any assistance from the teacher and what they could not do without support (Vygotsky 1978).
Zone of proximal development
The concept ZPD was introduced by Lev Vygotsky during the late 1920s and developed it further until in 1934. According to Vygotsky in Shabani, Khatib and Ebadi (2010), ZPD means:
[T]he distance between the actual development level as determined by independent problem solving and the level of potential development as determined through problem solving under adult guidance or in collaboration with more capable peer. (p.86)
In other words, Vygotsky described ZPD as the difference between the actual level of development of what a child can do without support and the next level of development a child needs to attain with the support from the capable adult or peers.
Zone of proximal development concept is deep rooted in the social theory of learning that learners learn best with others collaboratively and cooperatively, and it is through such collaborative activities with more skilled persons that learners learn and internalise new ideas and skills (Shabani et al. 2010). It was for that understanding the volunteer used the learners' homework books, class exercise books and tests to have a better understanding of the learners' current and actual developments. Because the learners came from different schools, using their different homework activities and exercise books provided a great opportunity of sharing new ideas and methods from one another.
Roosevelt (2008) asserts that education based on ZPD perspective seeks to support learners by providing them with problem-solving tasks that are more challenging their actual level of development to work together with a more competent peer or teacher to finish the task. The idea behind is that after completing the task collaboratively with other peers or teacher, the learner would have acquired the necessary skills to complete the same task individually next time because his or her ZPD for that particular task would have been raised (Shabani et al. 2010).
Scaffolding learners in Oshindonga first language
When Namibia gained independence in 1990, the new Ministry of Education and Culture by then developed a new language policy for schools detailed in a document entitled: The language policy for schools: 1992-1996 and beyond (Ministry of Education and Culture [MEC] 1993). The policy directed learners to be taught primarily in their home language in Grades 1-3. English was to be a compulsory subject starting in Grade 1 and then become the main medium of instruction from Grade 4 and onward. According to MEC (1993), the goals of language policy were to utilise education as a tool to enhance learners' language and cultural identity, and to help learners become competent in English by the end of their 77-year primary education cycle. Namibia has 13 indigenous recognised languages, 10 African languages and three European languages (Frydman 2011).
Twelve learners recruited to receive remedial support in this study were all doing Oshindonga first language at their respective schools. The importance of the indigenous language in second-language achievement has been reported widely and there is strong support that children who are not taught in their indigenous language at lower school levels are likely to face challenges in mastering reading skills later in school (Prinsloo 2007; Wolfaardt 2005). It was for that reason the language policy in Namibia instructed learners to be taught in their indigenous languages during the first 3 years of their primary school education and from Grade 4 the medium of instruction should be changed to English (MEC cited in Mostert et al. 2012).
Efforts to transform education and empower the youth of the country to reach their full potential by embracing their cultural identity (Chavez 2016) have been initiated. One of the primary school teachers in the interview revealed that there is a general understanding in their community that Oshindonga teachers are less educated and therefore sometimes regarded as incompetent teachers, while those who know English are regarded as the highest qualified ones (Legere cited in Chavez 2016). Because of little motivation, there are only few teachers who qualified to teach in indigenous languages (Chavez 2016).
A number of challenges were noted as with regard to the full implementation of the language policy in Namibia. Of those challenges, schools were unable to provide indigenous language medium of instruction because of the lack of necessary teaching materials such as books. Another issue was the fact that Namibia is a diverse and inclusive nation where many learners with diverse indigenous languages were found in the same classroom and it became a challenge in selecting one indigenous medium of instruction. In an attempt to overcome these challenges, some schools have opted for English as medium of instruction from Grade 1 and as a result ended up neglecting one of the indigenous language (cited in Chavez 2016). All the learners who took part in the remedial class were doing Oshindonga as first language at their respective schools.
The teaching and learning process of indigenous languages, such as Oshindonga, faced noticeable challenges. In most cases, schools that strive for better indigenous language best practices lack the resources to do so. That is one of the reasons Brock-Utne and Holmarsdottir (2001) observe that the choice of languages offered by a school is most of the time because of financial reason rather than pedagogical one. It seems that international donors tend to support European languages than African languages and as a result there are more teaching and learning resources available in English than in the indigenous languages (Chavez 2016).
Many linguistic researchers emphasise the importance of the indigenous language, not only for second-language acquisition but also for general school achievement. For instance, Heugh (2005) argues that learners who are not taught in their indigenous language during early phases are likely to obtain poor grades and become underachievers in their later years in school. They will also likely find it difficult in other content-based subjects such as history and science. It was also observed with a concern in the reports of learners recruited for remedial class that many of them did not perform very well in Oshindonga first language.
Scaffolding learners in English second language
English is the second most widely spoken European language in the world, spoken by more than 350 million people, and the most widely taught as international language in schools (Sahito et al. 2017). In Namibia, English is taught in both private and public schools as a first and second language. It is also an official language used in Namibia. In 2008, about 243 schools had received permission from the Ministry of Education to use English as a medium of instruction from Grade 1 and onward. More schools had since adopted an English-only policy, partly because of the increase in parents who took their children out of schools that used indigenous language as a medium of instruction and enrolled them in schools that used English as medium of instruction (Tötemeyer 2010).
Even though English is given higher status, a test compiled and evaluated by the University of Namibia in 2011 revealed that 98%of teachers in Namibia were not sufficiently proficient in Basic English. However, nearly 63% junior secondary teachers had poor knowledge of English, which was hampering teaching and learning process. The test further showed that about 70% of the teachers in senior secondary schools could not read and write Basic English (Kisting 2012). Teachers' lack of basic knowledge could be because of the fact that most of them had gone through a different education system, which did not use English as a medium of instruction. However, their lack of knowledge in English had disadvantaged some learners (Ministry of Basic Education, Sport and Culture 2003). It was also clear from the performance of the learners who took part in remedial class that many of them lack basics. Their Term 1 results showed that none of the learners obtained an A or B symbol in their reports and five of the learners had failed with ungraded symbol in English.
Scaffolding learners in mathematics
The use of differentiated instruction method based on summative and formative assessment results by teachers to support their learners in mathematics is well documented. Differentiated instruction is a method of developing instruction based on learners' learning styles and needs (Beecher & Sweeny 2008). The intervention was informed by the summative and formative assessment results of the learners. All remedial support activities were based on the assessment results; the aim was to identify their strengths and improve on their weaknesses to do better in the next two school terms.
Mathematics performance for struggling learners was linked to some of the psychological factors, namely, motivation, self-efficacy and engagement (Zhao et al. 2011). Other problems facing struggling mathematics learners include fluency in basic computation (Berg & Hutchinson 2010), number sense concepts (Geary, Bailey & Hoard 2009), fractional concepts (Courey et al. 2012) and mental arithmetic skills (Lee et al. 2011). Nearly all these problems were observed facing learners who took part in the remedial class. However, remedial support had somewhat helped many of the learners to develop basic skills needed to solve mathematical problems. DeFilippis (2014) suggests that teachers should advance proficient level in mathematics beyond the traditional lecture-based teaching and adopt an inclusive approach such as individualised approach to meet all learners' needs.
Research methodology
Quantitative approach and descriptive research design were used to carry out the research. Chudleigh and Smith (2015) list quantitative approach to include the following designs: descriptive, correlation, quasi-experimental research and experimental research design. The overall methodological approach was to describe the current status of children who took part in the remedial class by using first school term results as a baseline and consequently the second and last term that would depict their current status. Descriptive design was more appropriate for this research whose main aim was to support primary school learners who failed with ungraded symbols in their first school term to obtain better passing symbols at the end of Term 2 and Term 3 and assess the effectiveness of the intervention (LoBlondo-Wood & Haber 2014). It was further appropriate because descriptive design seeks for the development of future quantitative research hypothesis (Burns & Grove 2011).
Population and sample
The target population of the intervention consisted of all learners who failed with ungraded symbols in their first school term. A sample consisted of 12 learners (five boys and seven girls) from Grades 1 to 7. Further justification of how sample was selected is discussed in the section 'Sampling technique'.
Sampling technique
Learners were randomly selected based on the Term 1 performance, as shown in their school reports. Subjects were only picked because learners scored with ungraded symbols and other poor symbols. Therefore, the remedial support was only focusing on scaffolding learners' learning needs on the three school subjects: Oshindonga first language, English second language and mathematics of which learners performed poorly. It was a requirement for all the registered learners at the centre to provide their school reports at the end of every school term. Learners who underperformed and failed with ungraded symbols as indicated in their reports were invited to form a remedial class. About two learners who performed well were purposively invited to join the class and serve as capable peers to assist other learners.
Remedial aim, timeline and duration
The remedial support was facilitated by a volunteer, who is a psychologist, together with some capable peers to support other learners who performed poorly in their first school term. The remedial support was seeking to improve learners' learning needs in Oshindonga first language, English second language and mathematics. These subjects were purposively selected because none of the learners obtained an A symbol in Term 1 as a baseline. The intervention sought to at least assist some learners to gain an A symbol in the identified subjects.
Remedial support was aimed to scaffold learners according to their identified learning needs. Documents analysed revealed the learning needs in terms of reading and writing both in Oshindonga and English. Therefore, remedial activities for Grades 1-3 covered supporting learners about learning alphabetical letters and numbers. Learners were also given tasks to write and read short stories in both languages. The main aim was really to build learners' vocabulary, and to improve their comprehension and the use of tenses. Both the volunteer and capable peers provided necessary assistance and corrections during the tasks.
Activities for learners in Grades 4-7 were mainly about addressing the lack of writing skills as reflected in the participating learners' Oshindonga and English homework and class activity books. Learners wrote different stories based on the given themes during the remedial class. They were also given activities on grammar especially to complete the sentences using tenses for comprehension purposes. In mathematics subject, the remedial support included tasks that they were doing at school, namely, addition, subtraction, multiplication and division. Fractional concept and basic computational tasks were done during the remedial class.
The intervention was carried out for only 2 months per term. The timeframe was informed by the school term calendar of 2016 academic year. It started in the second school term from June to July 2016 and in third term from September to October 2016. The class was facilitated from Monday to Wednesday from 15:00 to 16:00 for children in Grades 1-3 and 16:00 to 17:00 for children in Grades 4-7. Usually, time from 13:00 to 15:00 was reserved for children to arrive at the centre from school and to finish eating their meal of the day. Remedial support timetable is presented in Table 1.
Data collection
The researcher used document analysis, including learners' school reports, homework books, class exercise books and test books to collect data. These instruments provided information regarding the participating learners' areas of difficulty. As a facilitator, there was a need to identify what each learner could do and what he or she could not do, and that information was obtained from the learners' homework books, class activity books and test books as part of their formative assessment.
Data analysis
Descriptive statistics in terms of frequencies and percentages were analysed with Statistical Package for Social Sciences and presented in tables. Data analysis included participants' demographical details and performance in the three subjects: Oshindonga, English and mathematics per each school term.
Ethical considerations
A researcher wrote consent letters for every invited child to take to their parents and caregivers for signature. Only children whose parents had signed and given consent were allowed to partake in remedial class activities. All participating learners agreed to attend every class after school and they were all informed about their voluntary participation in the remedial class.
This is the scholarly work of the author. Where other people's work has been used (e.g. from printed sources, Internet or any other source), this has been properly acknowledged and referenced. This research study has never been published or sent anywhere for publication. Participants' personal identity remains strictly confidential.
Results
Demographical details of learners are the first to be presented in Table 2 followed by the results of learners' performance from Term 1 to Term 3, as presented in Tables 3-5.
Table 2 shows that learners who took part in the remedial class, the majority (80%) were male of 6-8 years old and only a few (20%) male were of 9-12 years old. As with regard to female in the remedial class, more than a half (57.1%) were of 9-12 years old and about 42.9% were of 6-8 years old.
Results per subjects
The main objective of this research was to describe the difference between variables to develop hypothesis that could be tested in further quantitative research studies. The aim of the study was to describe how participating learners had performed in Term 2 and Term 3, which they performed poorly in Term 1. Table 3 presents results of Oshindonga first language.
Table 3 shows that using Term 1 as a baseline, one could see that there has been a positive consistent improvement in Oshindonga first language in general. The notable improvement was achieved with the increase of B symbols from 16.7% to 33.3% in Term 2. One major concern, however, observed was that none (0%) of learners obtained an A symbol in their own mother tongue in all the three school terms. Table 4 presents results for English second language.
Using Term 1 as a baseline, Table 4 shows that the majority of learners obtained C and D symbols in both Term 2 and Term 3. There has been a positive improvement on the number of learners who failed English second language with an ungraded symbol from 41.7% to only 8.3% in Term 3. Clearly, there has been improvement in both Term 2 and Term 3. In general, the result shows that not a single learner managed to obtain either an A or B symbol in all three terms. Table 5 presents results of how learners performed in mathematics
Table 5 reports a significant improvement on the number of learners who obtained an A symbol in mathematics from 0.0% to 25.0% in Term 2 and 16.7% in Term 3. Interestingly, there was no change recorded on the number of learners who obtained a B symbol; they all maintained 16.7% in all three terms. Even though the intervention has produced positive results in general, one of the learners could not obtain a passing symbol in Term 3.
Discussion
The descriptive results showed that the participating learners performed significantly well in mathematics subject in Term 2 and Term 3 than in Term 1. The differences were also recorded in Oshindonga first language both in Term 2 and Term 3 as compared to Term 1. It seemed, however, that both Oshindonga and English need more improvement to at least ensure that learners could obtain an A or B symbols. It was, however, surprising to note that not even a single learner managed to obtain an A or B symbol in English second-language. Learners' general performance in Oshindonga first language was also not satisfactory. Mostert et al. (2012) found that teaching materials are important for the development of the language in schools. If these resources (e.g. textbooks, technological resources, any print materials) are lacking at schools, there is no doubt that the learning of any subject (whether language or content) becomes difficult if not impossible to learners.
This study confirmed a concern pattern of poor performance in English, Oshindonga and mathematics for primary education learners (Chavez 2016). Because of its limited focus, the study did not investigate why learners performed poorly in the stated school subjects. It would be important for further research to be carried out to determine the root causes of poor performance in English, Oshindonga and mathematics in Namibian schools. Clearly, this research only focused on the results based on scaffolding effort that was provided to a small sample of learners enrolled at Tonateni Centre only.
In mathematics, learners had improved their symbols in the second and third terms. However, one of the learners did not pass the subject at the end of the third term. Van Steenbrugge, Valcke and Desoete (2010) observed that there are some curriculum topics present difficulties in mathematics, namely, fractions, long division, time, numerical proportions, scale and metric system. Most of the participating learners in the remedial class experienced difficulties in most of those listed curriculum topics, as seen in their homework books, class activities and test books.
Even though there could have been some other interventions, for example, at school or home, the results of remedial support had shown some positive improvements in the targeted three subjects. These positive improvements could be attributed to the fact that the activities given to the learners at school could have fallen outside their ZPD and these learners could not get support from the teacher or from one of their capable peers or support from home to complete their work. However, Shabani et al. (2010) state that the focus of teaching should be on school activities inside the ZPD of which the learner can do or cannot do by him or herself but has the potential to accomplish the task with the guidance of others. Cole and Cole (2001) agree that the concept of proximal development demonstrates the need of support to go slightly beyond the learner's current ability and developing his or her existing ability even further. This idea was clearly demonstrated and confirmed by participating learners in the remedial class. Many of the participating learners showed the need of support to complete their schoolwork and that came out in their results from Term 1 to Term 3.
Strengths and limitations
The strengths of this study were demonstrated by the use of summative and formative assessment results that provided a baseline to track the progress of the participating learners from Term 1 to Term 3. This simply means that without summative and formative assessment, the research could not have been carried out. Specifically, formative assessment results guided the remedial support activities and provided clearly the learners' areas of difficulty. It was clear to assess what learners were good at and what they were still in need of support to overcome the specific learning difficulty. This research also contributed scientific knowledge on the importance of remedial teaching to scaffold learners who seemed left behind. This research provided a good base for future quantitative research studies to explore more on the remedial teaching intervention.
Finally, some limitations of this research are that results should not be generalised to the entire population of learners who were enrolled at Tonateni Centre; this is simply because of the small sample size that only included 12 learners who were specifically selected to be part of remedial class. Generally speaking, as a faith-based organisation, the idea behind creating a remedial class was only to support our vulnerable children and to see them progressing in their education. The scaffolding effort assisted the targeted children to move on to the next grade and that was very important to the organisation as part of its social responsibility.
Implications
Results of the remedial class demonstrated that learners who performed below average had the potential to perform much better given the necessary support from a capable adult and peers. Results implied that either teachers used to give learners tasks without scaffolding them or the tasks were not within the learners' ZPDs. Ball, Lubienski and Mewborn (2001) concur that teachers should try to understand the content area of difficulties facing their learners and provide support to those learners who most need it. The implication of this intervention was that what a learner performed with support helped the learner to do better on his or her own in the next terms (Shabani et al. 2010). Results further implied that teachers were either not implementing remedial teaching at their respective schools or they were not doing enough to support learners who needed support the most. Like what Vygotsky (1978) suggested that by creating a learner's ZPD we are helping the learner's current and future learning.
Conclusion
The study was carried out to scaffold learners who performed with ungraded symbols in Term 1 in the subjects such as Oshindonga first language, English second language and mathematics. The intervention has demonstrated that learners who performed with ungraded and poor symbols at the end of their first school term had improved their performance in Oshindonga, English and mathematics in Term 2 and Term 3. If well planned and implemented, remedial support could make a big difference in terms of addressing learners' learning needs. Further comparative research of two groups (comparative and control groups) is recommended.
Acknowledgements
The author wishes to thank the Catholic AIDS Action, in particular, Tonateni Centre in Oshakati for the support granted during remedial classes with the participants. In the same vein, the participation of all selected children is highly acknowledged.
Competing interests
The author declares that he has no financial or personal interest that may have inappropriately influenced him in writing this article.
Authors' contributions
S.G.T. was responsible for the entire article. The article is part of the author's community service.
Funding information
The author acknowledges the support provided by the Catholic AIDS Action under the After-School Program in terms of stationeries, a venue and other related materials to conduct the remedial support to the learners.
Data availability statement
Data for this study are available from the author upon request.
Disclaimer
The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the authors.
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Correspondence:
Simon Taukeni
staukeni@gmail.com
Received: 13 Apr. 2018
Accepted: 05 June 2019
Published: 03 Oct. 2019
ORIGINAL RESEARCH
A comparison of the early reading strategies of isiXhosa and Setswana first language learners
Tracy N. Probert
Department of English Language and Linguistics, Rhodes University, Makhanda, South Africa
ABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: A large amount of evidence highlights the obvious inequalities in literacy results of South African learners. Despite this, a sound understanding of how learners approach the task of reading in the African languages is lacking.
AIM: This article examines the role of the syllable, phoneme and morpheme in reading in transparent, agglutinating languages. The focus is on whether differences in the orthographies of isiXhosa and Setswana influence reading strategies through a comparative study of the interaction between metalinguistic skills and orthography.
SETTING: Data was collected from Grade 3 first-language and Grade 4 Setswana home-language learners attending no fee schools in the Eastern Cape and North West Province respectively.
METHODS: Learners were tested on four linguistic tasks: an open-ended decomposition task, a phonological awareness task, a morphological awareness task and an oral reading fluency task. These tasks were administered to determine the grain size unit which learners use in connected-text reading.
RESULTS: The results indicated that syllables were the dominant grain size in both isiXhosa and Setswana, with the use of morphemes as secondary grains in isiXhosa. These results are reflected in the scores of the metalinguistic tasks.
CONCLUSION: This research contributes to an understanding of how linguistic and orthographic features of African languages need to be taken into consideration in understanding literacy development.
Keywords: early literacy; reading strategies; isiXhosa; Setswana; grain size in word recognition; metalinguistic skills; conjunctive versus disjunctive orthography.
Introduction
South African education continues to be crippled by a literacy crisis. This is highlighted by ongoing school literacy evaluations. For example, according to the most recent Progress in International Reading Literacy Study (Howie et al. 2017), 78% of South African Grade 4 learners do not have basic reading skills and are at least 6 years behind the top performing countries, with 8 in 10 children unable to read for meaning (Howie et al. 2017). Reading performance in the African languages was particularly low, with 90% of Grade 4 learners tested in Setswana unable to read for meaning, with a similarly large percentage in isiXhosa learners, 88% (Howie et al. 2017). This has implications for later academic success for these learners, as they are constantly playing catch-up and this further entrenches inequalities in early literacy, which are evident in the current literacy results. The sources of the problem of the literacy crisis are multifaceted, with the majority of the studies on educational inequality focusing on social, historical and political issues.1 In addition, there are linguistic dimensions that need to be considered, such as the unique structure of the Southern Bantu languages, the different writing systems which they employ and decoding challenges associated with these orthographies. This is important in that the type of linguistic unit that best predicts successful reading depends on the language and the characteristics of the orthography in which children are learning to read (Goswami 2002; Ziegler et al. 2010), which, in turn, has pedagogical implications for early reading instruction.
One of the reasons why South African readers are listed as some of the poorest in the world (Howie et al. 2008, 2012, 2017) is that very little is known about how reading works in the African languages. Attempts at reducing inequalities through literacy depend to a large extent on understanding the factors that promote success in reading in these languages. Appropriate pedagogical methodologies which are based on the unique features of the African languages will prove immensely advantageous for improving literacy levels and empowering speakers of these languages.
Orthography and word structure in isiXhosa and Setswana
IsiXhosa and Setswana fall within the Southern Bantu language family, more specifically the Nguni language group (which includes isiXhosa, isiZulu, isiNdebele and SiSwati) and the Sotho language group (Setswana, Southern and Northern Sotho), respectively. The Southern Bantu languages2 in South Africa are agglutinating languages with mostly transparent orthographies. A word in the Southern Bantu languages includes rich, overt morphology. Nouns include noun class prefixes as well as stems, whereas verbs include morphological reflexes of subject marking, object marking, tense, aspect, mood, causativity and negation amongst others (Nurse & Phillipson 2003). Therefore, what is said to constitute a word in the Southern Bantu languages (specifically in the Nguni languages) tends to be much longer than what would be said to constitute a word in English:
(1) (a) star (English)
~ inkwenkwezi (isiXhosa)
NC9.star
(b) to use (English)
~ ukusebenzisa (isiXhosa)
INF.use.CAUS.FV
Furthermore, linguistic structure is mediated through orthography (Probert & De Vos 2016). Both isiXhosa and Setswana are agglutinating languages containing long, multimorphemic words; however, the Sotho group tends to have a disjunctive orthography,3 while the Nguni group has a conjunctive orthography. The examples below show that in isiXhosa, the morphological word coincides with the orthographic word (2a), but that in Setswana, the morphological word is represented by several orthographic words in that blank spaces are placed between the morphemes that make up the word (2b). The morphological word refers to the piece of speech which behaves as a unit of pronunciation as well as meaning in context, and as a domain for linguistic procedures, while the orthographic word refers to a written sequence bounded by spaces at each end (Trask 2004). It is the correspondence between orthographic and morphological words which distinguishes conjunctive orthographies from disjunctive orthographies:
(2) a. Ndiyababona SM1.SG.PRES.OM2.see.FV4
'I see them' (isiXhosa)
(one morphological word and one orthographic word)b. Ke a ba bona
SM1.SG.PRES.OM2.see.FV
'I see them' (Setswana)
(one morphological word and four orthographic words)
When learning to read, a reader is faced with language-specific processing challenges when attempting to recognise words in a particular language which, in turn, presupposes language-specific reading strategies. This leads one to the question of how readers unpack words in the Southern Bantu languages where the notion of what constitutes a 'word' differs across the different language groups. This is important for reading instructional methods and materials, as there is no one-size-fits-all approach to fluent reading across languages (Probert & De Vos 2016).
Current methods used to teach reading in the African languages often fail to consider the unique linguistic characteristics of these languages (Probert & De Vos 2016). Much of the current instructions used in South African classrooms is borrowed from the teaching of early reading in English (Pretorius & Spaull 2016). This is not necessarily the best way to teach early reading in African languages, given that the writing systems of the African languages are different to that of English, as illustrated in (1) and (2). English is an analytic language with an opaque orthography, whereas the African languages are agglutinating with transparent orthographies. Linguistic differences and similarities between English and the African languages which influence aspects of reading are seldom dealt with in teacher training programmes (Pretorius & Spaull 2016). Therefore, there is a lack of applied knowledge about how best to teach reading in the African languages, which is informed by linguistic principles. Furthermore, there is a complete absence of research on how differences in the disjunctive and conjunctive writing systems might engender different reading profiles or developmental trajectories, which has pedagogical implications for how best to teach reading in agglutinating African languages.
Word recognition, orthography and metalinguistic skills
The term 'metalinguistic skill' refers to the 'ability to identify, analyse and manipulate language forms' (Koda 2007:2). The two metalinguistic skills under investigation in this study are morphological awareness and phonological awareness. Morphological awareness is the readers' conscious awareness of the morphemic structure of words and their ability to reflect on and manipulate the meaningful parts of words (Kirby et al. 2012; McBride-Chang et al. 2005). Phonological awareness is the awareness that words can be broken down into units so that one can manipulate the individual sounds and syllables, which may not have meaning (Anthony & Francis 2005; Chard & Dickson 1999; Stahl & Murray 1994).
A number of studies have demonstrated that phonological awareness plays a fundamental role in reading success in alphabetic orthographies (Bradley & Bryant 1985; Castles & Colheart 2004; Stanovich, Cunningham & Cramer 1984). Phonological awareness is especially important in the early stages of literacy acquisition, when the regularity of phoneme-to-grapheme correspondence helps the reader recognise or decode new words. Wilsenach (2013) and Diemer, van der Merwe and de Vos (2015) show the significance of phonological awareness for reading in Northern Sotho and isiXhosa, respectively. In particular, Diemer et al. (2015) showed that learners perform much better at syllable awareness tasks than they do at phoneme awareness tasks. It must be acknowledged that while the syllabic nature of African languages might contribute to high levels of syllable awareness, this is not the only contributory factor. Children tend to do better at syllable awareness tasks than phoneme awareness ones as phoneme level tasks are more difficult. Therefore, younger children master syllable awareness more easily than phoneme awareness (Perfetti 1994; Shankweiler & Fowler 2004; Wilsenach 2013). In addition to this, phoneme awareness is influenced by learning of letter-sound relationships. It is for this reason that phoneme awareness generally correlates with reading success more than syllable awareness (Diemer 2015; Cunningham 1989; Godoy, Pinheiro & Citoler 2017). Furthermore, reading in the early years cannot be divorced from its classroom context. For example, much of what passes for early instruction in African language classrooms is the chanting of syllabic 'ba-be-bi-bo-bu' patterns of sounds. Learners are therefore very tuned into syllables. It is unsurprising that they do better on syllable-related tasks, given the syllabic nature of the African languages, but how does it impact on word and/or sentence reading?
Similarly, there is evidence that morphological awareness promotes literacy development in both early (Casalis & Louis-Alexandre 2000) and later literacy (Carlisle 2000), with correlations with comprehension, spelling and vocabulary (Carlisle 2003, 2000; Land 2015) and fluency scores (Rees 2016; Saiegh-Haddad & Geva 2007). Linking prefixes, suffixes and base words with an understanding of their meaning and function helps the reader recognise familiar words and access meaning (Carlisle & Stone 2005). Given the distinct morphological character of the Southern Bantu languages, the Bantu verb is of particular interest. Rees (2016) found a significant relationship (r = 0.61, p ˂ 0.0001) between morphological awareness and oral reading fluency (ORF) when she assessed 74 isiXhosa Grade 3 learners. According to her, having an explicit awareness of morphemes may help in processing the structure of agglutinating words while reading. This should, in practice, lead to comprehension in reading as readers rely on reading meaningful grain sizes. But to what extent does an awareness of the morpheme influence reading strategies? This has implications for early reading instruction and development, given that the different language groups' orthographies reflect morphological features in different ways.
Although evidenced in the literature that phonological awareness and morphological awareness are important for alphabetic literacy acquisition, what remains unclear is how the characteristics of orthography (conjunctivism vs. disjunctivism) and their relationship with the spoken language influence the development of literacy (Durgunog˘lu & Öney 1999). This is highly relevant given that the linguistic features of a language are reflected in its writing system. For example, the presence of phonological processes of vowel coalescence and elision in the Nguni language group make the use of a disjunctive script impractical (Louwrens & Poulos 2006). This is illustrated in example (3) below where two vowels 'a' and 'u' in sequence coalesce into 'o', making disjunctive transcription at odds with the phonetic pronunciation (Probert & De Vos 2016).
(2) Utata na umama
→ realised as: utata nomama
father and mother
According to Mattingly (1992:14), this is why the reader must acquire awareness of those linguistic features and he suggests that the orthography itself determines which aspects of representation are singled out for awareness. Both morphological and phonological features of the Southern Bantu language orthographies are thus relevant to the process of learning to read (Trudell & Schroeder 2006).
Word recognition is a foundation skill for reading (Aaron et al. 1999; Invenizzi & Hayes 2010; Snowling & Hulme 2005) and involves retrieving information about the spoken form and meaning of a word from its written form (Invenizzi & Hayes 2010; Snowling & Hulme 2005). Previous psycholinguistic studies have shown that word recognition can be influenced by orthography (Scholfield & Chwo 2005; Simon & Van Herreweghe 2010). Much of the research on word recognition and its interaction with orthography is guided by the orthographic depth hypothesis (ODH), originating with Katz and Frost (1992b). According to this hypothesis, the reading process is different for users of different orthographies, and these differences are usually because of their differing morphology and phonology. Readers of a shallow orthography rely more on phonological encoding - direct phoneme-to-grapheme mappings - whereas readers in a deep orthography rely more on orthographic processing - most likely a whole-word mapping. This 'strong' version of the ODH, however, gave way to a weaker version as it became apparent that readers of shallow orthographies rely not only on grapheme-to-phoneme correspondences but are also able to use the stored phonology from the lexicon, particularly when approaching unfamiliar or less transparent words (Katz & Frost 1992a; Probert & De Vos 2016). The weak ODH makes provision for the use of lexical decoding strategies by readers of shallow orthographies, as well as for the use of phoneme-to-grapheme mappings in deep orthographies. However, readers of deep orthographies cannot rely on phoneme-to-grapheme strategies alone (Probert & De Vos 2016). According to the hypothesis, the type of linguistic unit (grain size) that best predicts successful reading depends on the language and the characteristics of the orthography that children are learning (Goswami 2002; Share 2008).
The psycholinguistic grain size theory (PGST) was established to build upon the assertions of the ODH. 'Grain size' refers to the literacy processing units learners use to unpack words when reading (i.e. through the use of whole words, syllables, morphemes or phoneme-to-grapheme mappings). The PGST proposes that because languages vary in the consistency with which the phonology is represented in the orthography, there are developmental differences in the grain size of lexical representations (Ziegler & Goswami 2005). Differences in reading accuracy and reading speed found across orthographies reflect fundamental differences in the nature of phonological recoding and reading strategies that are developing in response to the orthography (Ziegler & Goswami 2005). The process of learning to read across different languages and orthographies involves a system of mapping the correspondences between symbols and sounds (Share 1995; Ziegler & Goswami 2006). Orthographies vary only in the degree to which they represent these. Alphabetic orthographies primarily aim at sequential representation of phonemes, but they also reflect linguistic features on the syllabic or morphemic level (Cook & Bassetti 2005).
The PGST describes the way in which a novice reader builds up the connections between print and speech at the very start of reading acquisition. The PGST explains that readers must solve three problems, phonological availability, orthographic granularity and consistency in order to learn to read. Children initially read by identifying larger units (i.e. the syllable) before smaller units (i.e. the phoneme). This is in line with the hierarchy model of word recognition (Anthony & Lonigan 2004; Scheule & Boudreau 2008; Ziegler & Goswami 2005). Research amongst Spanish readers aged 6-7 years has shown that languages with a simple phonological structure and a consistent orthographic representation display a lower association between phonemic awareness and reading, and higher associations between syllable awareness in early reading (Tolchinsky & Jisa 2017). This was attributed to the simplicity and saliency of the Spanish syllable structure and vowel system, which is reinforced by the consistency of the Spanish orthography. Learners were found to be significantly less proficient in phoneme isolation than in syllable deletion and were able to achieve reading success in Spanish without being able to explicitly segment words into phonemes (Tolchinsky & Jisa 2017). This accounts for a greater role that syllables play in reading at initial stages of literacy acquisition (Carraeiras & Perea 1998; Jiménez & Ortiz 2000). Readers of more phonologically transparent writing systems are therefore more likely to use strategies which focus on letter-phoneme conversion, and/or syllables (Cook & Bassetti 2005) than strategies of whole-word recognition or morpheme recognition when attempting to read at a young age.
The transparent nature of the Southern Bantu languages would thus yield the successful use of phonological decoding, in particular for correct pronunciation of the words, but it will not necessarily result in access to meaning. Given the agglutinating morpheme complexity found within the Southern Bantu languages, it would stand to reason that morphological awareness and morpheme recognition would be important in reading for meaning.
Therefore, linguistic factors which need to be considered in understanding reading in the African languages include the type of orthography, phonological and morphological features (see also Trudell & Schroeder 2007) and how these influence the grain size of word processing. Mindful of this, the main goal of this study was to investigate the effect of morphological and syllabic grain sizes on reading in conjunctive and disjunctive orthographies, respectively.
The following research questions are addressed in this article:
ORIGINAL RESEARCH
Barriers and bridges between mother tongue and English as a second language in young children
Nora E. Saneka; Marike de Witt
Department of Psychology of Education, University of South Africa, Pretoria, South Africa
ABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: Social and economic aspirations held by parents can reflect a desire for their children to learn English as a second language. Bilingual education has the potential for empowering traditionally disadvantaged groups, particularly through competence in English, a language that positions identity with power, privilege and status, thus being a political and an economic issue.
AIM: The aim was to look critically at the language development of young second-language learners within their social context
SETTING: An early childhood centre in Durban, South Africa.
METHODS: Methodologically, a qualitative praxeological framework was used. Parent partnership in sustaining the mother tongue was sought and explored in focus group interviews, using an action-reflection cycle to understand the dilemma of young second-language learners in South Africa. Ways of overcoming language barriers using the strengths of the child were explored using persona dolls. These methods helped to develop sustained, shared thinking between children, their parents and the researcher.
RESULTS: Young children found their own means of engaging in meaning-making processes both at home and at school. The issue of linguicism was tackled by encouraging parental participation in sustaining the mother tongue while children learned English as a second language
CONCLUSION: As long as English means access to improved economic opportunities, there will be a bias against those whose home language is not English. The dilemma of the young English language learner remains an issue of equity, access and redress for past injustices.
Keywords: parent participation; the young second-language learner; the right to participation; socio-constructivism; critical constructivism; praxeological research.
Introduction
The purpose of this research was to look critically at the language development of young second-language learners within their social context, in relation to theory and practice (praxis). Language and communication are seen as fundamental to the child's right to participation, according to the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989). Young children, seen as agents of their own life, find their own means to engage in meaning-making processes both at home and at school. In this research, different ways were explored to overcome language barriers using this strength of the child, in the process documenting the child's capabilities to share with the parents and in discussion with them, to build up an image of identity of each child. The research became a means of encouraging parent participation in sustaining the mother tongue while the child learned English as a second language, that is, additive bilingualism.
Social and economic aspirations held by parents for their children can reflect a desire for their children to learn English as a second or additional language. Robb (1995:19) argues that bilingual education has the potential for empowering traditionally disadvantaged groups, particularly through competence in English, a language that positions identity in relation to power, privilege and status. Therefore, it is not just a political issue but also an economic issue.
The dilemma of the young English language learner from a lower socio-economic environment is that additive bilingualism means more; however, the mother tongue tends to be subtracted in favour of English. This results in what is known as subtractive bilingualism - to the detriment of the young child. Additive bilingualism can add complexity of thought; the young child can think conceptually beyond the restrictions of the one right word to multiple perspectives. Added vocabulary can also add a richness and complexity to thought. However, this type of intellectual development, mediated through more than one language and culture, is seen in elite bilingualism as additive bilingualism. Elite bilingualism develops within higher socio-economic classes where families provide books in both languages and have the leisure time to support the mother tongue as well as the additional language(s). In such families, high levels of conceptual skills are encouraged in both English and the mother tongue. However, children from lower socio-economic communities tend to have parents who are faced with many challenges including a lack of formal education, the low social status of their mother tongue and a lack of time if they work long hours away from their children. Their mother tongue may also not have a value within the formal education system or the economy. Common bilingualism as subtractive bilingualism or semilingualism tends to develop (Toukomaa 2000:215). The child may have acquired basic interpersonal communication skills in the second or additional language of English, but finds difficulty with cognitive academic language proficiency (Cummins 1979). This is the dilemma of the young second or additional language learner.
Children can also develop an arrogance when they use English because language use reveals social positioning. This can manifest in what has been termed 'linguicism' (Phillipson 2007). When children become more schooled than their parents or grandparents (in South Africa this schooling would be in English), this can lead to an intergenerational breakdown in communication. Wong Fillmore (1991:323-346) describes the resulting lack of respect of children for their older family members and loss of traditional family values or the wisdom of the elders.
Therefore, linguicism refers to the hegemony of language, the language spoken by the dominant social class. In South Africa, this tends to be English, possibly left over from the colonial era, where English has become a language seen as holding status and power. A family's mother tongue does not have this advantage. In spite of the Constitution, not much happens at grassroots level to enforce indigenous language use in South Africa. Children become aware of subtle social cues and see the power in language from their parents and are aware of non-dominant languages. Language ties in with race, ethnicity and social class which in turn reflect unequal access to resources in terms of job opportunities, social status and political power. English has its power in being the language of global communication.
Active collaboration between school and home becomes important, especially when the teachers do not speak the home language(s) or mother tongue. The early years are a vital period of time, but in this research the English language learner was already showing a choice to speak English in preference to the home language(s) or mother tongue. It was also seen that some parents encouraged their children to speak English as a home language even when their own spoken English was very limited (Saneka 2014:128).
Similar results have been found from research in other countries: '… they may refuse to use their home language anymore as it is difficult to use both, and English may have greater status in the children's eyes' (Gordon & Browne 2008:490). Wong Fillmore (1991) went so far as to suggest that learning a second language means losing the first.
The Republic of South Africa's (1997) language-in-education policy is that of additive bilingualism. The particular pre-primary school used in this research has been registered under the South African Department of Basic Education. It follows the curriculum and has both Zulu- and Xhosa-speaking teachers as well as English-, French- and Afrikaans-speaking teachers. However, as there is a need for children to be prepared for English-medium primary school education, English is the language of learning and teaching. Therefore, English is spoken by the teachers and English is the language the children are encouraged to use in response. The children are also free to converse with each other during free play in whichever language they prefer.
Issues arise for the mother tongue, particularly for children who come from disadvantaged backgrounds. This is especially the case when, according to Heugh (1995:179), the young English language learner receives such a strong, positive message about English in contrast to that of his or her mother tongue. Therefore, this research sought ways of encouraging the parents of young children to sustain mother tongue practice in the home while their child learned English as a second language in an early childhood centre situated in a lower socio-economic area.
Research methods and design
The setting for this study was an early childhood centre in a lower socio-economic area in Durban, South Africa. At the time of this research, 90 children within the age range 2-6 years old attended this centre and were educated at Grade 000, 00 and 0 (or R, the reception year) levels in preparation for entering school at the Grade 1 level. In terms of the nature of the research approach used, these children together with their parents and five teachers formed an inclusive purposive sample.
The researcher as a practitioner in the early childhood centre used a participatory action research methodology within a praxeological conceptual framework, using a socio-cultural and critical theoretical framework to examine practice (praxis). She used this methodology to explore the interface between the role players, the socio-cultural language context and interventions which could affirm the importance of sustaining the mother tongue of the young child while he or she was learning English as a second language. Parent partnership in sustaining the mother tongue was sought and explored in focus group interviews, with an action-reflection cycle used to understand the dilemma of the young second-language learner in South Africa. While participation was open to all parents, there were 16 who participated in the first round of focus group interviews and 8 in the second round 5 months later.
The inclusion of children as participants was motivated by the right to participate (United Nations General Assembly 1989), where participation was seen as a lens through which to critically examine values and beliefs. As Carla Rinaldi (2006:101) says: 'It is the value of research, but also the search for values'. Aims (reflecting our values) and methods (pedagogical practice) can be conceived of as closely interlinked. These aims and methods are socio-cultural in nature and therefore reflect how the norms and values of language practice are shaped and developed within a social and historical context.
In working with the children and their teachers, different methods were used in the research process to explore ways of overcoming language barriers using the strengths of the child. These methods, as '100 ways of listening to children' (Clark 2007:77) ultimately helped to develop 'sustained, shared thinking' between the children, their parents and the researcher and co-construction of knowledge around language practices (Siraj-Blatchford et al. 2002:10). Specifically, for this research, persona dolls were used (Saneka 2014):
Persona dolls are used as a 'tool' for the implementation of anti-bias education and are a means to 'narrate and create' the persona doll's life-story, in dialogue with the children. Each doll has its own 'persona', family history and individual identity. This is seen as a non-threatening way to include issues of language, identity, culture, race, class, and other anti-bias issues. The story of each doll is recorded in their 'I.D. Book' which can also be a type of 'journal' of the events in that doll's life as it is a record of the dialogue between the doll and the insights of the children. Children's participation (the dialogue between the 'persona doll' and the children) enables the story of the doll's life-situation to unfold in terms of how she/he (the persona doll) reacts and responds to the events in his/her life, with questions, suggestions and advice from the children. Each time he or she visits the children and 'chats' to them, the persona doll gives the children a 'voice' to express their thoughts and fears, hopes and struggles, leading the children from interpersonal awareness to intrapersonal awareness. The doll can become a 'mirror' to reflect the children's life-situation back to them, in order for them to reach a deeper understanding of their own thoughts and feelings and learn to empathize with the feelings of others, including the persona doll. (pp. 110-111)
Data were obtained from observing the behaviour of the children when interacting with the persona dolls. A picture of the persona dolls may be seen in Figure 1.
The research followed a praxeological methodology to discern the principle of the best interests of the child in relation to the right to participation and language practice at home and school (United Nations General Assembly 1989). Praxeology can lead to critical reflection on practice, particularly when using dialogue with others on subjective perceptions and values in relation to knowledge and experience (Pascal & Bertram 2012:480-486). According to Saugstad (2002:380-381), the Aristotelian description of knowledge is not just episteme ('factual knowledge' or 'universal, certain, eternal, general, non-contextual and abstract knowledge') but knowledge developed through praxis, incorporating values and ethics. Phronesis, through 'knowledge of political, social and ethical practice' becomes 'an ability to act morally correctly on the basis of the correct deliberations' (Saugstad 2002:380-381). Similarly, Pascal and Bertram (2012:486) outlined six principles for praxeological research, namely that it is ethical, democratic, critical, subjective, systematic and action based. These can all be seen as relevant to research on language practice, as the research could then explain the social and cultural context within which meaning-making develops, as well as provide the means of enquiring into the dilemma of the young second-language learner, with a view to transformative action to motivate and support parents.
Ethical considerations
This research received ethical clearance from the University of South Africa College of Education Research Ethics Committee (Reference Number 2013 MAY 4056485/CSLR).
Results
There were four broad sets of results, namely observations from interaction with the teachers, the first focus group interview, the second focus group interview and observations from the use of the persona doll. These findings are presented briefly here and explored in more depth in the discussion.
The interaction with the teachers is provided as anecdotal and used for background purposes as the teachers did not sign consent for participation in this research at this stage. There were weekly review meetings to discuss concerns and plan interventions. Concerns raised included observations that languages have different dialects, with Zulu being no exception. With its different dialects, the question of what pure Zulu is was raised. Some dialects can sound like slang. Thus, the purity of the mother tongue was challenged. Further challenges were noted where parents chose not to speak their mother tongue to their children, as well as children opting to speak English in preference to their mother tongue.
The first focus group interview with 16 parents was able to identify the advantages of English easily. It was argued that English is a universal language and makes it easy to communicate throughout the world. They also felt that English was necessary in education, particularly at tertiary level, as concepts are not easily translatable. Furthermore, they noted that there are not enough books available in the mother tongue. Additionally, the mother tongue became problematic when trying to communicate with their children on a number of levels - it was useful for discussing problems when children were younger than 4 years old, but older children would respond in English. The breakdown of communication also became intergenerational - when children went back home to the rural areas, they could not communicate with their grandparents who now saw their grandchildren as having a 'white' education and the grandparents doubted the value of this. Children would be labelled terms like 'coconut' (black on the outside and white on the inside). The parents noted that their children understood their mother tongue but refused to speak it to parents because of the school environment with much exposure to English. Finally, the parents were concerned about their children being isolated and bullied if they spoke only one language against a majority who spoke another language. They felt one language alone was incomplete and another was needed for better understanding.
There was a conceptual shift in the second focus group interview with 8 parents which took place 5 months later. It was noted that children isolated themselves from other Zulu-speaking children in the townships and would not play with them. English became the language of choice even if they were spoken to in an indigenous language such as Zulu. As the children were attending the centre in a lower socio-economic area, there was also the issue of exposure to 'street English' where the language usage would come across as rudeness and was seen as a culturally unacceptable way of speaking, for example, swearing. Thus, English was seen as not all good, especially when sounding disrespectful. It was necessary to promote the mother tongue home language, such as in having more story books available in other languages. It was difficult to reprimand in the second language as children could ignore their own language or block it out. Therefore, it was important to hold on to identity and family values, and language was tied to identity and power.
The use of the persona dolls with the children was a useful way to dialogue with them where they could identify on common ground, develop empathy and develop friendship, thus being able to discuss problems and situations. Thus, the dolls gave the children a chance to be heard, thereby also helping parents to communicate with their children, and the children would not be excluded by language. Specific instances of persona doll interactions are explored in depth in the next section.
Discussion
Children reached out intentionally to others seeking information and through gesture and language, used different modes and means of expression. They showed their curiosity: they investigated, expressed their ideas and feelings and wanted to be taken seriously (United Nations General Assembly 1989, Article 12). Some of the modes and means of expression in the research included painting and drawing, wooden block construction and outdoor play with water and sand. They also took their own photographs to show what their likes and dislikes were in their school environment. The research broadened the idea of participation from mere consultation to ways of listening to children for adults to understand their point of view. As Lansdown (2005) points out, a culture of listening to children is not generally the norm for adults (cited in Morrow & Richards 1996:97).
A central concern in the research was that children who are learning in a second or additional language can be silenced in many ways. This is why using the right to participation and children's rights as a lens for critical reflection on the research process emphasised the right to seek, receive and impart information, share experiences and ideas (United Nations General Assembly 1989, Article 13) and hold one's own opinion on matters (United Nations General Assembly 1989, Article 14). Of course, these rights are dependent on respectful and inclusive adult support and guidance (Lansdown 2004:5), as well as taking into account the evolving capacities of the child, as discerned by the adults (United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child 2005:42). The challenge for adults was to take account of the abilities, strengths and ways children expressed their own ideas, including the culture of childhood. In actualising these rights, we are informed that we have a duty to consider 'the best interests of the child as a primary concern' (Organization of African Unity (OAU) 1990, Article 3, (1) and Article 4; United Nations General Assembly 1989). However, there may be differing cultural and social perspectives on the value of the mother tongue or home language(s) in relation to English - a language of power. Therefore, the 'best interests' principle can become a matter of interpretation, contestation and debate between parents, children and teachers. In the post-apartheid situation, additive bilingualism is also a political question of equity and access.
Language as co-construction of meaning, but also of self-expression or identity, is shaped by the socio-cultural context. Affirming the child's emotions in the mother tongue as well, English becomes an important way for the child to develop empathy with others (Saneka 2014:131): 'Through others, we become ourselves' (Vygotsky 1931). This resonates with the deep African philosophical value of uBuntu, showing humanity, expressed as 'umuntu, ngumuntu, ngabantu'. This is translated as 'a person is a person because of other people'. In Africa this can be seen as expressing both humaneness as care or empathy for the other, and social solidarity. This can challenge us to ask the question about what kind of society we want and how our actions realise the values of that society. Many of the children in this research were enrolled in the early childhood centre to learn English because of the perceived social and economic advantage, but could become 'an English-speaking someone' which would cause a barrier between themselves and their friends at home (Saneka 2014:283).
The results of the research in the second focus group discussion revealed a perceived powerlessness experienced by the parents in the face of what seemed to be this choice or option for English made by their children, even when they spoke the mother tongue to them (Saneka 2014:159), and, in the case of one child, when he had had a Zulu-speaking teacher for the past 2 years (Saneka 2014:162). However, by the end of the research both the parents and the teachers were more aware of the issues in relation to language, power and identity. At the second focus group discussion, which concluded the research, a parent stated emphatically: 'The children must not lose their identity, but cling onto it and carry on with everything else. They must plant that one tree, then grab whatever they can, from everything else!' (Saneka 2014:294). Article 29 (c) of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (AOU 1989) stipulates the critical importance of:
… the development of respect for the child's parents, his or her own cultural identity, language and values, for the national values of the country in which the child is living, the country from which he or she may originate, and for civilizations different from his or her own. (p. 9)
The sense of belonging, which can come through interactions with peers, family or their teachers, is said to be a way to create 'a caring community of learners' (NAEYC 2009:16). A sense of belonging is essential for an infant to thrive and later for the well-being of the young child, as seen in attachment theory (Richter 2004:15). However, those who are perceived as not belonging may experience discrimination, bullying or teasing and the child may feel forced to conform to peer pressure, including in language practices.
The problem of linguicism
A crucial factor in the child's language development is the child's attitude towards the second or additional language(s), the value given to these languages by the parents and motivation to use the mother tongue. As an illustration, in the research process a newly enrolled Zulu-speaking child was observed by teachers in the fantasy play area, which they said was like a 'mother tongue nest', playing silently on the old computer while the other children were chatting to each other in their mother tongue, Zulu. In going through what has been termed the initial silent period while learning English, she was silent even in the midst of this busy hive of activity, surrounded by children speaking her mother tongue. Over the next couple of months at her school, single words in English and Zulu slowly started emerging and she proved to be highly verbal.
Some of the parents from the Congo were also choosing to speak English to their children at home, rather than their own mother tongue or French, another international language, even though their own proficiency in English was limited. Their children were identified as 'inventing imaginary words' or 'using formulaic speech to fill the gap' (Saneka 2014:128, 238).
Children were also seen to get the message that a way of speaking, an accent or certain language including English but not limited to English, is of higher prestige than others. However, this can create a barrier. For example, some of the teachers who spoke the mother tongue or home language(s) tended to use it for the discipline or correction of the child (Saneka 2014:129) and not for 'sustained shared thinking' (Siraj-Blatchford et al. 2002:10). Interactive conversation, playful exchanges of ideas, storytelling and other teaching situations were all in English, which seemed to reinforce the authority of English with the authority of the teacher (Saneka 2014:285). A parent also reported reprimanding his son in the mother tongue, before switching to English (Saneka 2014:279). Therefore, this encouraged a negative association with the mother tongue or home language(s). However, a parent also reported that her son only listened to her if she reprimanded him in English, instead of the mother tongue (Saneka 2014:286), '[b]ecause it's about power, and children love power' as the parent explained.
In one example, which was discussed by a parent at the first focus group discussion, his child had started testing adult attitudes to social norms of communication, in order to see how his parent would respond. The parent experienced difficulties with the child's lack of cooperation, especially when his child showed defiance. He was upset when his child shouted at him: 'No, no!', as that was interpreted as showing disrespect as it went against his social norms and values (Saneka 2014:268). Some of the other children also tested the limits by deliberately blocking out words in the home language with white noise, and one parent reported her child as saying 'Blah, blah, blah' while she attempted to talk to her (Saneka 2014:282) and showed selective hearing to avoid responding to her parent. Language use also revealed insiders and outsiders and a type of power play between the children as a form of linguicism (Saneka 2014:261).
The following two examples from the research are illustrative of this linguicism (Saneka 2014:151-154):
^rND^1A01^nRamashego S.S.^sMphahlele^rND^1A01^nRamashego S.S.^sMphahlele^rND^1A01^nRamashego S. S^sMphahleleORIGINAL RESEARCH
Exploring the role of Malaguzzi's 'Hundred Languages of Children' in early childhood education
Ramashego S.S. Mphahlele
Department of Early Childhood Education, University of South Africa, Pretoria, South Africa
ABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: In the history of early childhood education (ECE), language is viewed as key in teaching and learning. Children in the ECE are mostly confined to verbal communication which, to a certain extent, restricts their imagination and inventive ability. Loris Malaguzzi, the founder of the Reggio Emilia educational philosophy, initiated the Hundred Languages of Children (HLC) as a pedagogical approach to enable children to interact and communicate.
AIM: This study aims to explore the role of HLC through the experiences and views of the four ECE practitioners in the Gauteng province. Drawing on Gardner's theory of multiple intelligences, the author argues that ECE children possess different kinds of minds, and therefore they learn in different ways.
SETTING: Two Early Childhood centres in the Gauteng Province of South Africa were selected for this study because they had adopted Malaguzzi's HLC approach to constructing concepts to help children structure knowledge and organise learning.
METHODS: The author used one-on-one interviews to get ECE practitioners' experiences on using Malaguzzi's HLC. To corroborate the interviews' data, the author conducted classroom observations and document analysis.
RESULTS: The participants viewed Malaguzzi's HLC as an enabler to meet the requirement of the two sets of curricula from the Department of Social Development (the National Curriculum Framework for children from 0 to 4 years) and from the Department of Basic Education (the Curriculum Assessment and Policy Statement for 5-year-old children.
CONCLUSION: The findings show a paradigm shift, as children become active constructors of their own knowledge.
Keywords: documentation; early childhood education; Hundred Languages of Children; multiple intelligences; Reggio Emilia Pedagogical Approach.
Introduction
Language is an important component of any education system, because it plays a key role in the implementation of teaching and learning activities. This statement is supported by the study conducted by Pinnock and Vijayakumar (2009) which explored the role played by school language in educational success or failure. There is some evidence to indicate that language has been the subject of many definitive studies in early childhood education (ECE) such as Conti-Ramsden and Durkin (2012) and Hoff (2009), who have shown that early literacy is closely linked to language development in preschool. Law (2015) also confirms the importance of language in ECE by pointing out that it affects a child's experiences both at home and at school. He further theorises that language introduces a child to the social world and to the formation of relationships, helping them to develop the capacity to interact with others and, of course, to learn.
The study reported in this article aims to explore and describe the role of Malaguzzi's HLC1 as a pedagogical approach which enables children to interact and communicate with others and within their environment. To achieve this aim, the following objectives were set to explore the use of Malaguzzi's Hundred Languages of Children (HLC) to support curriculum implementation; to identify successes and challenges in the use of Malaguzzi's approach to support learning; and to reflect on the importance of Malaguzzi's approach in curriculum implementation.
The HLC, as a concept, was initiated by Malaguzzi as part of Reggio Emilia's pedagogical approach. According to Slipp (2017), the Reggio Emilia pedagogical approach puts the natural development of children as well as the close relationships that they share with their environment at the centre of its philosophy. More importantly, Malaguzzi's HLC approach is viewed as a tool that encourages children to explore their environment and express themselves through multiple paths and all their languages including the expressive, communicative, symbolic, cognitive, ethical, metaphorical, logical, imaginative and relational (Edwards, Gandini & Forman 2012). For Edwards et al. (2012), Malaguzzi's HLC helps children to recognise the enrichment that comes from the negotiation of ideas and actions, to see the value of sharing and exchanging points of view and the growth in organisational abilities, knowledge and linguistic and communicative skills.
With that in mind, it can be concluded that Malaguzzi's HLC is a key principle of the Reggio Emilia approach. This article focuses on Malaguzzi's HLC approach. This is because the latter approach is viewed as a way in which children are able to express their ideas, thoughts, feelings, questions and emotions. These could be performed through drawing, painting, making, singing, dancing, acting and becoming; by using their bodies to touch, smell, taste, listen to, move, stroke, feel or envelop; by not being limited to words, and by using paintbrushes, pencils, chalk, paint, clay, mud, stones, mirrors, spades and strings (Smidt 2013).
A large and growing body of literature has investigated Malaguzzi's HLC approach, with some studies such as Thornton and Brunton (2015) and Gandini (2004) describing HLC as a theory linking language with developing thinking because it is believed that language determines thought. Supporting this statement, Olsson (2009) verifies that, when using different languages, our thoughts are put into a state of continual movement and evolvement. Furthermore, research by Millikan (2003) has shown that Malaguzzi's HLC approach is dependent on three aspects: (1) resources and experiences, (2) opportunities to express different ways of thinking and (3) adults taking children seriously and listening to them respectfully. Similarly, a study by Hall (2013) confirms that Malaguzzi's HLC approach can be implemented by ECE practitioners who recognise the importance of children's ability to communicate and connect with others, and to conceptualise and impart their ideas, skills and understanding of the world in which they live, in many different ways. Malaguzzi (1994) argues that children are mostly confined to non-verbal communication which, to a certain extent, restricts their competence, resourcefulness, curiosity, imagination and inventive ability. He encourages children to portray their understanding through different symbolic languages that require new interpretations from adults.
Choo (2015) presented inspiring stories of children in Eton House International Education Group preschools in Singapore, China or Korea, Japan, Indonesia and India. What stood out from the children's experiences was that when they are painting, sculpting and writing, they express their thinking and understanding of the world around them. For Choo, using Malaguzzi's HLC promotes the myriad ways in which children interpret and represent their ideas, circumstances and the problems they face growing up. Similarly, Gates of Discovery (2013) also documented the experiences of 2- and 3-year-old children from the Rose and George Teller preschool using Malaguzzi's HLC. From their experiences, they shared their beliefs as follows:
Theoretical foundation
The theoretical base through which this study was conceived is located in Howard Gardner's theory of multiple intelligences which stresses the existence and the importance of mental powers (Gardner 1988). Gardner proposed that there are eight intelligences, namely visual-spatial, linguistic-verbal, logical-mathematical, bodily-kinaesthetic, interpersonal, intrapersonal and naturalistic, and has suggested the possible addition of a ninth intelligence known as 'existentialist intelligence'. In this theory, Gardner argues that one form of intelligence is not better than another; they are equally valuable and viable. With that in mind, the link between his theoretical framework and this study is the fact that the theory of multiple intelligences as denoted by Austin (2017) recognises that many talents (if not intelligences) are neglected in teaching and learning situations. More than two decades ago, Diamond (1988) made a similar discovery and noted that caregivers and practitioners need to redirect their attention to three specific areas to enrich the children's intelligence: firstly, to the environmental conditions and messages they provide children; secondly, to the kind of support and relationships they develop between themselves and children; and thirdly, to the need to match what they know about the ways in which children are intelligent and learn with teaching strategies designed to maximise the full development of each individual child.
The HLC according to Edwards (1998) fosters children's intellectual development through a systematic focus on symbolic representation because children are encouraged to explore their environment and express themselves through all available expressive, communicative and cognitive languages. Drawing from Gardner's argument that the multiple intelligences are equally valuable and viable, it is safe to conclude that Malaguzzi's HLC also recognises these intelligences in any form of expression that children use to communicate. In addition, Kumbar (2016) highlights that Malaguzzi's HLC emphasises that children in the ECE phase possess different kinds of minds, and therefore, they learn, remember, perform and understand in different ways. The application of Gardner's theory of multiple intelligences in this study helped with the research design and the selection of the data collection tools because the interview questions and observed variables focused mainly on the three fundamental components of Gardner's theory of multiple intelligences as outlined by Smith (2008), namely:
Research design
In light of the theoretical framework explained above, constructivism is considered to be the appropriate paradigm for this study, because it is a concept that attempts to understand the world as others experience it. In this study, ECE practitioners interpreted the many languages that children used to understand what they were communicating to them. Drawing from Pitsoe's (2008) views on the foundation of constructivism, this article argues that constructivism accentuates discovery, experimentation and open-ended problems that have been successfully applied in teaching and learning. The social component of constructivism as described by Von Glasersfeld (1989) emphasises the child's construction of schemata in the learning process which takes place in the experiential environment to a much greater extent than other recurrent items of experience, such as playing which makes interaction unavoidable.
This study employed a phenomenological design to explore the experiences of ECE practitioners who used Malaguzzi's HLC approach in their teaching and learning activities. A phenomenological design was selected because, according to Smith (2018), it studies the structure of various types of experience ranging from perception, thought, memory, imagination, emotion, desire and volition to bodily awareness, embodied action and social activity, including linguistic activity. The relevance of phenomenological design in this study is found in the main aim which is to explore the role of HLC through the experiences and views of the ECE practitioners.
Research questions
The following research questions were formulated to determine the relevant methods of data collection for this study:
Study site and sample
The sample for this study was drawn from ECE centres that accommodate children from birth to 5 years, using the Reggio Emilia pedagogical approach. Some of the children enrolled in these centres come from informal settlements where there is an unemployment rate of about 40% and households with an average income of R4000.00 per month. Parents are mostly self-employed as hawkers and street vendors with a few employed by nearby companies.
The participants (ECE practitioners) were purposively sampled from the selected centres, which were chosen because they had advised the Gauteng Department of Education (GDE) and Gauteng Department of Social Development that they employed the Reggio Emilia pedagogical approach, with the emphasis on Malaguzzi's HLC approach. Data needed to be collected from two ECE practitioners per centre to conduct one-on-one unstructured interviews. The letters requesting permission to conduct the research in the centres were sent to the principals, with a request to send the names of practitioners who were willing to participate in the study. From centre A, eight names were forwarded to me, and from centre B, seven names were forwarded. The names of the practitioners from centre A were cut out from a list and put in a container and the author randomly selected two names from the list. The process was repeated for centre B. The classrooms of the four ECE practitioners selected for the interviews were automatically selected for observations as well.
Data collection methods
Data were collected qualitatively through one-on-one unstructured interviews which were audio-recorded to explore the experiences of ECE practitioners in using Malaguzzi's HLC to support children's learning. As the interviews were used to collect the ECE practitioners' views and perceptions, the author observed a need to corroborate this data with reflections from classroom observations and data from document analysis. The observation schedule was designed in line with Gardner's theory as a theoretical framework to explore how Malaguzzi's HLC was used to support children's learning. The same ECE practitioners who were interviewed and observed were requested to furnish their observation sheets and progress reports for analysis.
Data analysis
As this study employed a phenomenological research design, it was safe to use phenomenological analysis to unpack the interview responses, reflections and experiences of the ECE practitioners. Firstly, the researcher performed a phenomenological reduction by refraining from making suppositions or a priori assumptions, as recommended by Moustakas (1994). A number of steps were followed to analyse the data: the data were prepared for analysis by transcribing the audio-data and using labels on the transcripts. The data were uploaded onto Atlas-Ti. The Atlas-Ti to explore the data by creating memos and a qualitative codebook were used. Codes were created and grouped into family codes (themes or categories). Because the data were not extensive, there was no need to break the themes down into sub-themes.
Ethical considerations
The author requested ethical clearance from the Gauteng Department of Education because the data for the article were collected before she worked for the University of South Africa (Ethical Clearance number: 8/4/4/1/2).
To adhere to ethical requirements, ethical clearance was obtained beforehand from the Education Research and Knowledge Management (ER& KM) a sub-directorate of the GDE. Before the interviews and observations too place, participants were given information sheets with informed consent forms attached, and they were requested to complete the informed consent forms after reading the information sheet. For the classroom observations including the children's' progress reports and observation sheets, the author requested the ECE principals to give parents the information sheets as well as informed parental consent forms. The parents were also requested to give consent for the taking of pictures and viewing of the documentations and previously taken videos. The information sheet provided the background to the study, aims and objectives and the limitations. Furthermore, the author used member checking for trustworthiness, and triangulation to control bias and establish valid propositions. Triangulation was possible because of the fact that three qualitative data collection strategies were employed. To protect the anonymity of the participants, pseudonyms were provided as follows:
Results
In this section, it explains the ECE practitioners' self-reported views and perceptions of using HLC to support the children's learning, my reflection of what was observed in the classrooms and the data from the documents that were analysed.
The early childhood education practitioners' views and perceptions on the use of Malaguzzi's Hundred Languages of Children
From the responses of the four ECE practitioners on the question of the use of Malaguzzi's HLC, it could be established that they all applied it in the children's learning activities. Some of their reasons for using Malaguzzi's HLC related to the first fundamental component of Gardner's theory of multiple intelligences (i.e. provision of opportunities to engage in experiences across a range of intelligence domains) in that they wanted to use the most effective and efficient methods in their teaching to engage the children and most importantly to give them freedom to explore. The ECE practitioners attested that they saw the children as individuals and as a result, they provided an enabling environment for them to be able to communicate their unique abilities in different ways. During the classroom observations, the author noticed that there was a variety of natural resources in the classrooms such as stones, shells, wooden blocks, plants and flowers, and they mentioned that the integration of Malaguzzi's HLC in their teaching helped to make their curriculum implementation hands-on.
When interviewing ECE practitioners in the ECE centre A, one of them brought up the term provocation, meaning that she designed the learning environment in such a way that learners were provoked to think, explore, ask questions and become creative. When the observations were conducted in her classroom, the practitioner showed what she called 'a provocation table'. The table was set up with wild and domestic animals which were made from wood. At one corner of the table, there was a box designed to represent a zoo and another corner had a box that represented a homestead. Some time was spent watching the children playing with the animals, talking to each other and also asking the ECE practitioner if they could put some of the animals in the zoo or the homestead boxes. The ECE practitioner responded with questions such as 'why do you want to put a sheep in the zoo box?' As the activity for that day was about animals, in another corner of the classroom, the ECE practitioner put the animals on the provocation table and let the children use clay to make animals of their choice (illustrated in Figure 1).
When looking into their observation sheets and progress reports, there was limited information recorded and the practitioners clarified that they mostly used documentation as part of their records. With documentation, they recorded children's activities mostly by taking pictures and videos and translated them as children's experiences, memories, thoughts and ideas. They showed their documentation which included samples of the children's work, pictures of children doing different activities, ECE practitioners' comments and transcriptions of the children's discussions and individual verbal responses. The practitioners wrote quite extensive explanations about the intentions and outcomes of the activities.
When answering the question which probed the relationship between Malaguzzi's HLC with curriculum implementation, the ECE practitioners compared it with music and dance. They opined that Malaguzzi's HLC became more visible when children were playing. They further indicated that, in the ECE, play is a fundamental requirement for children's development. In the classrooms, there were different resources in different corners and the ECE practitioners clarified that their role was to create a conducive environment for play because if the natural play was not supported by the environment to stimulate social skills, imagination and creativity, knowing the children's ability and their interests, the teacher needed to prepare the environment and the children then played in that environment. The ECE practitioners in centre B showed some of the recorded videos of learners learning through play inside and outside the classrooms. The videos were used for documentation of the activities.
Reflection on the successes and challenges in using Malaguzzi's Hundred Languages of Children to support children's learning
The four classrooms that were observed displayed only learners' work and the documentation found on the classroom walls. What was interesting in each centre's two classrooms was that there were similar activities displayed on the walls, and when asked why the activities were similar, they clarified that they planned activities collaboratively every week. The ECE practitioners revealed that they did not use any formal pre-specified lessons but they planned activities that were aligned with the National Curriculum Framework (NCF) (for children from birth to 4 years) and the Curriculum Assessment Policy Statement (CAPS) (for 5-year-old children) which can contribute to children's development. They also explained that prior planning allowed them to reflect on the work in progress and share successes and challenges so that they could come up with the suggestions that might work better going forward. From the progress reports, the author noticed that children's progress was recorded after every 2 weeks. The practitioners explained that using Malaguzzi's HLC requires the involvement of parents so that the learning spaces should be familiar to the child. As a result, the ECE practitioners updated the progress reports after every 2 weeks to allow the parents to have input into their children's work and to contribute to the documentation process.
During the interviews, the ECE practitioners' mentioned that they were experiencing a challenge with limited resources to capture the HLC and to compile documentation. When conducting the classroom observations, the author was able to corroborate their responses with what was observed because of witnessing the ECE practitioners using their cell phones to capture children's pictures and videos during learning activities because the centres did not have cameras or video cameras. There was only one printer and one photocopying machine at each centre which were used mainly for administrative work. The ECE practitioners highlighted that for them to do documentation with ease, they required a printer, camera and a video camera for every classroom and Atelierista. The author requested that the ECE practitioners should explain what an Atelierista is a teacher with which an art background or qualification who conducts research and translates the children's work expressed by means of the 'hundred languages'. In concluding this section, Figure 1 shows four pictures that illustrate documentation, a provocation table and the learners' work displayed on the wall of the creative corner.
It can be seen from Figure 1a that there are some A4 sheets with notes underneath the children's work. The notes on the A4 pages are the teachers' translations of the children's expressions which were made during documentation. For record purposes, the children's work is scanned on the photocopying machine and the ECE practitioners' notes are typed. The children's work in Figure 1c and d was yet to be translated when the picture was taken.
Discussion of the main findings
This study set out to explore, describe and explain HLC as a pedagogical approach which enables children to interact and communicate with others and with their environment. The key findings of this study were summarised according to the themes that emerged during the data analysis. These themes were subsequently linked with the objectives to achieve the aim as indicated in the introduction. The links between the themes and study objectives are summarised in Table 1.
As is clear from Table 1, four themes emerged from the data analysis, and these themes were linked with the three set objectives. Throughout the discussion of the findings, the pseudonyms are used to ensure the anonymity of the participants as indicated in the previous section.
Theme 1: The use of Malaguzzi's Hundred Languages of Children to support learning
The findings from the one-on-one unstructured interviews, regarding the pedagogical approach informing the participants' curriculum implementation, allowed for several links to the existing literature reviewed as part of the study on which this article is based. The reasons provided by Hall (2013) in the introduction to this study link with the following participants' responses: 'I use Malaguzzi's Hundred Languages because I believe that [by] allowing them [the children] to express themselves whichever way they can I allow them to construct knowledge' (P1CA28) and 'I use Malaguzzi's Hundred Languages to provide an environment where children can take the lead' (P4CB34). These quotes are reflected in the work of Gandini, Edwards and Forman (2014) in alluding to the role of the teacher when supporting learning through Malaguzzi's HLC, in that the teacher should support the children to present their ideas clearly without overriding those of their peers. Most importantly, the teacher should help the children not to be afraid of making mistakes, and to assure them that their ideas are legitimate.
The participants' responses, and the contribution from the literature, helped the researcher to engage with the purpose of Malaguzzi's approach in respect of curriculum implementation. These responses affirmed that the practitioners in the two ECE centres use Malaguzzi's HLC during teaching and learning activities. When doing observations in the classrooms, the purpose of using Malaguzzi's HLC became clear, because the researcher observed how children's verbal and non-verbal expressions were used to design teaching and learning activities. The author witnessed how the ECE practitioners designed the environment to enable the children to use their hundred languages. In the P2CA45's classroom, when observing learning activities on the provocation table, there were lots of actions performed by different learners; for example, one would put a sheep in the zoo box and another one would just remove it without saying a word and look at the ECE practitioner for approval or disapproval of his action.
Most of the teaching resources in the classrooms were natural resources such as shells, rocks, wooden blocks, clay, plants and flowers and they were used to engage the children's senses of touch and sight, smell and sound. Connecting this finding with the literature, it was evident from Goodwin College (2018) that in the classrooms where Malaguzzi's HLC was employed, children explored their hundred languages with movement, by creating animals with clay, in talking with one another and with adults, by smelling new scents and tasting new flavours, and listening to beautiful and surprising sounds. Reflecting on the relevance of Gardner's theory of multiple intelligences, two of the intelligences are catered for with the use of the natural resources mentioned above, that is, body kinaesthetic (movement and creating animals) and verbal linguistic (listening to sounds).
Against this background, this article argues that immersing the children in an environment that caters to each of these experiences can be a successful avenue to help grow a self-secure, empathetic, creative and mature child who is ready to tackle each new year of school with enthusiasm. Coming to the theoretical foundation of this study, in relation to the environment and Gardner's theory, Shpendi, Ahmetoğlu and Aksin Yavus (2018) argue that children's perceptions of the environment leave permanent impressions in their minds, influence their development and the development of their minds. Malaguzzi's HLC also represents the infinite amount of potential each child naturally has and each child's individual views and perceptions of their community. The most interesting finding was to note the level of parental involvement, which was evident in the documents (progress reports), which reported that parents regularly participated in working with the ECE practitioners to provide more intensive interpretations of the children's expressions.
Theme 2: Successes experienced in using Malaguzzi's approach to support learning
When the participants were asked about the success of using Malaguzzi's approach to support learning, three of them wanted to give some background of their experiences before employing Malaguzzi's HLC:
'When I started working here eight years ago, our centre was not using [the] Reggio Emilia pedagogical approach. Children used to be suppressed, forced to sit still and wait for the teacher's instructions. Mostly children were allowed to talk when asked to do so, to avoid the noise in the classrooms. I can assure [you] that employing Malaguzzi's Hundred Languages approach opened my eyes and the children I teach are so free to express themselves. They ask questions, [and] display symbols for me to interpret.' (P2CA45)
Other participants emphasised the successes of Malaguzzi's HLC by pointing out that children learn a great deal in exchanges with their peers, especially when interacting in small groups. They reiterated that the approach offers possibilities for paying attention, listening to one another, developing curiosity and interest, asking questions and responding. P3CB36 added that 'learners get opportunities for negotiation and ongoing dynamic communication'.
The most striking result to emerge from the data, as mentioned in Theme 1, was the successful partnership formed between parents and ECE practitioners. P4CB indicated that parents helped by teaching both learners and ECE practitioners the indigenous games. Apart from helping with indigenous games, parents took part in the documentation process as presented in the 'Results' section. They also interpreted some of the children's actions and expressions for teachers to understand. During the document analysis, the author verified some of the parents' translations of the documentation and the parents' comments on the children's progress reports. The ECE practitioners in centre A mentioned that they called parents at the end of each term and conducted what they called a 'learning festival'. They explained that during the learning festival, parents visited their children's classrooms where the work for the whole term was displayed on the walls and some was hung from the ceiling (see Figure 1). Among the documents they submitted for analysis, there were also attendance registers of parents who came to the learning festivals.
It was discovered through the interviews that centres A and B differed in terms of parental involvement. In centre B, the ECE practitioners had established what they called parents' participation days where they allowed parents to visit the centre from 09:00 to 12:00. '… now we have our parent's participation days, where they come into the centre, we set up the environment, and they come and play with their children' (P3CB36). The author linked this statement with P4CB's statement when she said parents help with indigenous games. From these two statements, it was concluded that the parents use much of the time given for parents' participation days to teach the indigenous games. The relevance of parental involvement in the HLC and Gardner's theory of multiple intelligences is expanded by Wilson (2018) in stating that a collaborative approach plays a role in making sure that dimensions of intelligences are combined to complement each other as the child develops a range of skills.
It has been theorised by researchers such as Kennedy and Barblett (2010) and Zosh et al. (2017) that using play as a tool to teach in the early childhood classroom brings a holistic approach to the content and helps with the holistic child development. During the observations, it was evident that children learn through play (mostly using indigenous games such as diketo, kgati and morabaraba), building puzzles, painting and drawing. The use of play in implementing the HLC relates well with Gardner's theory because according to Gardner (2011), human intelligence is multidimensional, as opposed to the one-dimensional understanding of intelligence represented by the intelligence quotient. Gardner further recognised eight different dimensions associated with this theory and speculated that everyone possesses every intelligence but to different degrees. Drawing from Freire et al. (2016), it is evident that play adapted to children's intelligences is likely to improve their learning experience, potentially resulting in an increase of attention and motivation which may ultimately result in increased learning outcomes.
Theme 3: Challenges experienced in using Malaguzzi's approach to support learning
The ECE practitioners highlighted that their main challenge was to strike a balance between the construction of learning through inquiry and expressive language, and CAPS (specifically for their 5-year-old children), which demands that children should be able to demonstrate that they are learning according to specific outcomes or defined standards. From the observations and the documents analysed, it appeared that assessment was not a priority in the two selected centres because they focused mainly on what the children could learn. Observing major documentation in all four classrooms was done, as every learner's verbal and non-verbal expressions needed to be interpreted and understood. Gandini (2011a) argues that documentation is very important, because it helps both ECE practitioners and children to reflect on their prior experience; to listen to each other's ideas, theories, insights and understandings; and to make decisions - together - about future learning paths.
The documentation process is posing a challenge to the two ECE centres in Gauteng because owing to financial constraints they are unable to employ or train their members to become Atelieristas. An Atelierista as explained in the results sections is a trained teacher (who has a knowledge of art) who professionally conducts documentation (Reggio Children 2018). The ECE practitioners (P1CA28 and P2CA45) explained that the Ateliers' duties involve collection of children's work, work sheet and photographs that represent the hundred languages that children use to express their creativity and what they know about themselves and the world around them. Their explanation is in line with the definition of Norton-Taylor and Lightfoot (2017). After collection and exploration, the interpretations of others including the parents are sought to make sense of the HLC. P1CA28 expressed a concern with regard to the involvement of practitioners in the documentation process: '… it takes most of the contact time with the learners and at times practitioners have to put in extra time after work or during weekends to do documentation'.
In Reggio Emilia preschools, the Ateliers, according to Vecchi (1998), mostly work in studios and are equipped with a variety of tools such as tables, easels, computers, printers, cameras, microscopes, a tape recorder, slide projector, typewriter, video camera, computer and photocopier machine to enable them to read, reflect, describe, transcribe and represent the children's work. During the observations in the selected ECE centres, it was evident that there was a lot of improvisation because of a lack of these resources. The practitioners used their cell phone cameras and videos and there was only one computer, one photocopying machine and one printer in each of the administrative offices as presented in the results. The administrative assistants helped with the printing and uploading of the pictures onto the computer.
Vecchi (1998) stressed the role of the Ateliers as to assist the adults (mostly parents and practitioners) in understanding processes about how children learn. She further substantiated that Ateliers helped ECE practitioners to understand how children invent autonomous vehicles of expressive freedom, cognitive freedom, symbolic freedom and paths to communication. With this in mind, it can be argued that every ECE centre requires the services of an Atelier in order to be able to construct theories and hypotheses that are not illogical and artificially imposed on the children.
Theme 4: The importance of Malaguzzi's Hundred Languages of Children approach in curriculum implementation
The contribution from the literature reviewed stresses the importance of Malaguzzi's approach. Gandini (2011a) reported on children who were requested to measure a table: they ignored the tape measure available to them and tried instead to use their bodies and various objects, before settling for a while on a shoe. Gandini (2011b) points out that if the teacher had suggested right away that the children use the tape measure, they would have missed out on everything they learned when doing group research. Linking this contribution with what the participants said, and what the researcher observed in the classroom, it was evident that play and learning cannot be separated. P2CA45 said that 'when children arrive at school in the morning, they play with their friends using materials or games or toys'. Teaching in the ECE advocates the use of play to mediate learning, and Malaguzzi's approach insists that learning and play are the basis of life for all children (Gandini 2011a).
When conducting classroom observations, the author witnessed that most of the activities they engaged in involved play. Some played with puzzles, soil on a table with a light underneath, toys, sand and stones. Play in the ECE is described as a scaffold for development, a vehicle for increasing neural structures and a means by which all children practice skills they will need in later life (Imenda 2012). With a similar view, Şule (2017) posits that play in ECE is crucial to enable the acquisition of knowledge, skills and habits that children need for their future education. Referring to the Declaration of the Rights of the Child, Şule (2017) further described play as a fundamental right and advised that children should be able to engage in play and recreational activities appropriate to their age.
P3CB illustrated the importance of Malaguzzi's HLC in relation to the South African National Curriculum Framework: for children from birth to 4 (Department of Basic Education [DBE] 2015). She narrated a scenario which displayed the link of Early Learning and Development Areas (ELDAs) and Malaguzzi's HLC through a child's drawing of a tree during the outdoor free play:
[…. T]he interpretation of the drawing confirmed the link with the third the aim (children identify, search for and create solutions to challenges through visual art activities) within the ELDA Five (Creativity). Secondly the link with the first aim, (Children show awareness of and are responsive to number and counting) within ELDA Four (exploring Mathematics) was apparent because the child could count the fruits of the tree. Lastly the link with the second aim, (Children identify, search for and create solutions to challenges through play and make believe) within ELDA Five (Creativity) was also evident because the child used stones to display the fruits of the tree. (P3CB36)
From the participants' scenario, it could be concluded that through Malaguzzi's HLC, the ECE practitioners are able to meet the requirements of the NCF.
Implications and recommendations
It was evident from the empirical findings that when ECE practitioners employ Malaguzzi's HLC approach, they begin to view children as strong, competent, resourceful and able to make meaning of the world around them. Based on the discussions of themes 2 and 4, it can be concluded that Malaguzzi's HLC approach can add value to the curriculum implementation of early childhood centres in Gauteng. As the curriculum implementation and support in the early childhood centres in the Gauteng province is the responsibility of the GDE, the recommendation to the GDE is to include Malaguzzi's HLC approach as one of the principles to support curriculum implementation.
Conclusion
This study set out to explore the role of HLC through the experiences and views of ECE practitioners and it has been a learning experience that highlighted the importance of acknowledging and accommodating the multiple intelligences of children when supporting curriculum implementation. From the findings, it was evident that the ECE practitioners in the two ECE centres use Malaguzzi's HLC for their daily learning activities in which they responded to the first fundamental component of Gardner's theory of multiple intelligences. The experiences of the ECE practitioners reveal both successes and challenges although the successes seemed to outweigh the challenges. Above all, parental involvement brought a shift in mindset between parents and ECE practitioners, and evidently indicates that young children are increasingly becoming active constructors of their own knowledge. Malaguzzi's approach contributes towards parents and ECE practitioners being able to understand the holistic development of the child and the fact that children are not empty vessels who are waiting to be filled with information. The collaboration between the parents and the ECE centres strengthened the ability of the parents and the ECE practitioners to know the strengths and interests of the children, which is the second component of Gardner's theory of multiple intelligences. Apart from the contribution towards parents and ECE practitioners, the findings endorsed the last fundamental component of Gardner's theory which is children's roles in defining the curriculum. Lastly, this article argues that the role of Malaguzzi's HLC in the ECE is to provide opportunities for children to engage in experiences across a range of multiple intelligences and to define the curriculum.
Acknowledgements
The author would like to thank the four Early Childhood Centres in the Ekurhuleni District of the Gauteng Province for their participation in this study. Most importantly, the author acknowledges the principals and Gauteng Department of Education's Education Research and Knowledge Management for allowing her to conduct interviews and to observe their practitioners and their practice.
Competing interests
This article was prepared by R.S.S.M. using her own views and not in any official position of any institution.
Authors' contributions
R.S.S.M. was the sole author for this article.
Data availability statement
Data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study.
Disclaimer
The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the authors.
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Correspondence:
Ramashego Mphahlele
emphahrs@unisa.ac.za
Received: 25 Mar. 2019
Accepted: 23 July 2019
Published: 14 Oct. 2019
1 . It should be noted that the word 'hundred' should not be taken literally because Malaguzzi, in a poem explaining the idea, actually states that there a 'hundred, hundred, hundred more' (Malaguzzi 2012) to show that the ways in which children communicate are endless.
^rND^sConti-Ramsden^nG.^rND^sDurkin^nK.^rND^sGandini^nL.^rND^sGardner^nH.^rND^sMalaguzzi^nL.^rND^sVon Glasersfeld^nE.^rND^sWilson^nS.D.^rND^1A01^nLenette^sAzzi-Lessing^rND^1A02^nKim^sSchmidt^rND^1A01^nLenette^sAzzi-Lessing^rND^1A02^nKim^sSchmidt^rND^1A01^nLenette^sAzzi-Lessing^rND^1A02^nKim^sSchmidtORIGINAL RESEARCH
The experiences of early childhood development home visitors in the Eastern Cape province of South Africa
Lenette Azzi-LessingI; Kim SchmidtII
ISchool of Social Work, Boston University, Boston, Massachusetts, United States
IIDepartment of Social Work and Social Development, Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, University of Fort Hare, East London, South Africa
ABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: This article examines the development of early childhood development (ECD) home-visiting services in South Africa.
AIM: To examine the factors that could support the success of home-visiting programmes as well as to explore the experiences of bachelor's-level home visitors rendering such services.
SETTING: This study was conducted in the Eastern Cape, a highly impoverished area of South Africa.
METHODS: It begins with a discussion of the emergence of home-visiting as a strategy for the delivery of ECD services in South Africa and a review of the literature on ECD home-visiting, particularly with highly vulnerable, impoverished families. Next a focus group conducted with a small sample of home visitors as part of a multi-faceted community assessment is described. The results are examined within the context of challenges facing this particular part of South Africa and the nation as a whole.
RESULTS: Four themes emerged as most prominent: (1) encountering the effects of extreme family poverty, (2) identifying high rates and multiple aspects of child maltreatment, (3) encountering scarce resources in high-need areas and (4) finding rewards and maintaining a desire to continue serving challenging populations
CONCLUSION: This study provides a unique window on the c.hallenges that ECD home visitors are likely to encounter when working with families living in extreme poverty, the resourcefulness that home visitors often demonstrate and the rewards to be found in this work.
Keywords: home-visiting programmes; early childhood development; social work; vulnerable young children; poverty.
Introduction
In recent years, around the globe, interest in early childhood development (ECD) and the variety of supports necessary for young children to develop optimally has expanded substantially and continues to grow (Britto, Engle & Super 2013; Britto et al. 2017). In South Africa, the government has committed to ensuring that all young children and especially children in highly vulnerable families and communities are able to access a comprehensive package of quality ECD services by 2030 (Republic of South Africa 2015). This package will include programmes that support and reach out to children and their families at a household level through home-visiting programmes (Republic of South Africa 2015). It is thus significant to examine the factors that could support the success of home-visiting programmes as well as to explore the experiences of home visitors rendering such services.
As South Africa progresses in developing its system of ECD home-visiting programmes, understanding the challenges in providing these services and other experiences of home visitors is critical to developing effective programmes within this system. Although a number of studies have been conducted on the experiences of home visitors in other parts of the world (Burrell et al. 2009; Harden, Denmark & Saul 2010), there is a dearth of information on the experiences of ECD home visitors in the African context and in South Africa in particular. This is problematic given that South Africa and many other African countries have extremely high levels of child poverty and the various risk factors and stressors typically present in impoverished families and communities. These nations also have less developed infrastructure and fewer resources to address these problems than in many other parts of the world. Because of this, home visitors in these countries are likely to face more extreme challenges in working with poor families with young children. These challenges are influenced, in both positive and undesirable ways, by the various geographic locations and cultural contexts in which home-visiting services are delivered.
This article examines the development of ECD home-visiting services in South Africa and the experiences of bachelors-level home visitors in a highly impoverished area of the country. It begins with a discussion of the emergence of home-visiting as a strategy for the delivery of ECD services in South Africa and a brief overview of the ECD home-visiting field. A focus group conducted with a small sample of home visitors as part of a multi-faceted community assessment is described. The results are examined within the context of challenges facing this particular part of South Africa and the nation as a whole. Lastly, the limitations of this study and its contribution to the ECD home-visiting knowledge base are discussed, as are recommendations for future studies on the experiences of ECD home visitors in South Africa.
Literature review
Emergence of early childhood development as a priority in South Africa
Early childhood development was recognised as a matter of importance by the South African government as early as 1994 when the first democratic elections were held. Since then, legislation and policies such as the Convention on the Rights of the Child, various White Papers on Social Welfare and Education and the Children's Act 38 of 2005 have passed through parliament, all foregrounding the importance of ECD services (Atmore 2013). More recently, the 2030 Agenda on Sustainable Development was adopted by South Africa, the South African National Curriculum Framework (NCF) for children from birth to four, and the first National Integrated ECD (NIECD) Policy was approved by cabinet (Dhlamini 2016; Dlamini 2015). South Africa has aligned its National Development Plan (NDP) to the 2030 Agenda with the first six goals relating to the social development of people by addressing poverty, hunger, well-being, inclusive and quality education, gender equality, and access to clean water and sanitation. Investing in early childhood development has again emerged as a key priority for the South African government as essential to achieving the 2030 Agenda and the NDP, in particular the goals relating to people and social development (Motshekga 2015).
Within each of these six goals, targets relating to early childhood development can be seen with the time before birth and the first few years of life being noted as the most effective and cost-efficient time to intervene (Motshekga 2015). The NDP calls for quality ECD services that support the holistic development of children regardless of who the child is or where the child lives (National Planning Commission 2015). Both the NCF and the NIECD Policy are integral to the implementation of ECD services in South Africa as both provide the first framework since democracy, for the delivery of quality, equitable ECD services and programmes to all young children and their caregivers (Republic of South Africa 2015). Even with South Africa's commitment to ECD, the majority of young children 'are still negatively impacted by a range of social and economic inequalities including inadequate access to healthcare, education, social services and nutrition' (Atmore 2013:152). Equitable and quality ECD services for all young children remain an ideal that South Africa has not yet achieved (Atmore 2013; Aubrey 2017).
Challenges facing early childhood development in South Africa
Ensuring optimal development for young children in South Africa remains a daunting task given the high rates of poverty and the challenges poverty brings. High rates of unemployment and inequality in wages continue to contribute to 55.5% (n = 30.4 million) of South Africans living in poverty, with young children identified as one of the groups most vulnerable and likely to experience poverty (Aubrey 2017; Statistics South Africa 2017). Sixty-two per cent of children in South Africa under the age of 6 experience poverty, with 30% of these experiencing food poverty, making them vulnerable to hunger and malnourishment (Hall et al. 2017). This is extremely problematic given that undernutrition during the early years makes children vulnerable to future chronic diseases, poor educational performance, and behavioural and emotional problems (Victora et al. 2008). In addition to the poverty and malnutrition that some young children face, other risk factors such as low birth weight, infectious diseases, environmental toxins, high levels of stress, exposure to violence, maternal depression, disrupted caregiving and disabilities continue to affect far too many young children in South Africa (Republic of South Africa 2015).
More than a million children are born in South Africa every year, with many of these children living in rural areas, making access to ECD services problematic and costly to render (Hall et al. 2017). Other challenges facing ECD in South Africa include the poor infrastructure at ECD facilities where many community-based centres function without safe buildings or access to running water, electricity and sanitation. Government funding for ECD centres remains difficult to access, particularly for centres with inadequate infrastructure. Moreover, many ECD practitioners lack the educational qualifications and skills necessary to promote optimal development for the young children in their care (Atmore 2013).
The importance of intervening early and effectively
These challenges dramatically affect the learning outcomes for young children, given that a healthy and safe environment with nurturing caregivers at home and in well-resourced ECD programmes can stimulate learning and help prepare children for success in school and in life (Berry & Malek 2017; Ebrahim, Seleti & Dawes 2013). Conversely, when young children are exposed to the distress of living in poverty, unresponsive caregivers and/or a lack of environmental stimulation during their early years, their chances of repeating grades, developing special needs or dropping out of school are increased (Ebrahim et al. 2013; Reynolds 1998; Richter 1999, 2003). Such negative outcomes can have lifelong harmful implications (Anda et al. 2006; Cluver et al. 2015).
According to South Africa's NIECD Policy, the first 1000 days, starting from conception and continuing in the first 2 years after birth, offer 'a unique and invaluable window of opportunity to secure the optimal development of the child, and by extension, the positive developmental trajectory of a country' (Republic of South Africa 2015:16). The NCF supports early intervention as integral to ensuring the optimal development of children, stating that the future of the child, his or her community and society depends on early and effective intervention during these first 1000 days (Department of Basic Education 2015; UNICEF 2007). It follows then that for vulnerable families with risk factors that threaten the healthy development of their children, intervention should begin early with strategies that reduce the impact of these risk factors, as well as strategies that promote children's optimal development. Ideally, interventions should begin as soon as possible after conception, especially for these more vulnerable families.
Home-visiting programmes as an early intervention strategy
South Africa's NIECD Policy states that effective ECD services should be provided publically and should offer parenting support and capacity development through a variety of strategies. For the long-term provisioning of such strategies, the South African government has committed to the provisioning of a comprehensive, high-quality ECD programme that is offered across a range of settings such as the home, day mothers, non-centre-based programmes and ECD centres. To achieve this, the policy aims to introduce a number of new services. These services include home visits by community health workers to all vulnerable children aged from birth to 2 years; micronutrient and food supplementation for all pregnant women and young children; screening, counselling and referrals of all pregnant mothers and mothers of young children for mental health, substance abuse, domestic violence and of young children for child abuse or neglect; parenting support programmes, birth screening and follow-up to support the early identification of disabilities, and pre-registration during the third trimester of pregnancy for the child support grant (Republic of South Africa 2015). The successful implementation of these services will require a multidisciplinary programmatic approach that will include all of the relevant stakeholders, with a particular commitment to identifying and serving vulnerable children (Republic of South Africa 2015).
Home-visiting programmes represent one important strategy for addressing the needs of young children at risk for poor developmental outcomes (Ebrahim et al. 2013). Home visits allow for ECD programmes to be offered to families and children within the context of their own communities and homes, providing a unique opportunity for the worker and family to partner in the rendering of prevention and early intervention services. The utilisation of home-visiting programmes to serve vulnerable young children and their families has gained popularity around the world because of the following perceived benefits:
Most of the well-known models of ECD home visiting require the scheduling of visits on a regular basis, ranging from one visit per week to monthly. These programmes typically utilise a curriculum to promote parents' understanding of their children's early development and encourage parents in their role as their child's first teacher. Many programmes also educate parents regarding ways to ensure the health and safety of their children and work to link families with additional resources in their communities (Gomby, Culross & Behrman 1999). Examples of formal home-visiting programmes developed in South Africa include the Family Literacy Project in KwaZulu-Natal, the Family and Community Motivators programme developed by the Early Learning Resource Unit in Cape Town, the Family in Focus Programme developed by the Foundation for Community Work in Cape Town, the Parent-Infant Intervention Home Visiting Programme also in Cape Town and the Integrated ECD Community Development Programme in the Eastern Cape (Ebrahim et al. 2013; Gwele & Ebrahim 2019; Van Niekerk, Ashley-Cooper & Atmore 2017).
The literature suggests that three aspects of home-visiting programmes are critical to programme success (Azzi-Lessing 2013). The first aspect relates to family engagement, which refers to the quality of the relationship that the child and family have with the home visitor. Several studies show that the quality of engagement affects the families' level of participation in home-visiting services and the effectiveness of these services (Roggman et al. 2008; Wagner et al. 2003). Home visitors should be skilled in building relationships with families that are based on values such as respect, self-determination and confidentiality. Moreover, they should have the capacity to identify strengths in even the most challenging family situation (Grobler, Schenk & Mbedzi 2013).
The characteristics, training and support of home visitors form the second aspect critical to the effectiveness of a home-visiting programme. Certain personal characteristics of the home visitor such as age, language, race or experience seem to affect the ability of home visitors to engage with the family and could impact the success of their work (Harden et al. 2010). For instance, families may be more comfortable with a home visitor who shares their cultural background and is able to communicate easily in their primary language. Another important set of characteristics is the skills and expertise of the home visitor. Home visitors should be adequately trained, as families want and need a home visitor who is knowledgeable and able to support them with the challenges they face (Wagner et al. 2003). Moreover, ongoing support by experienced supervisors is essential for home visitors to work effectively with families. As discussed later in this article, adequate education, training and support are especially important when working with highly vulnerable families (Azzi-Lessing 2013, 2017).
The third critical aspect of ECD home-visiting programmes is their capacity to effectively match the services they deliver to the unique set of wants and needs that each family presents. Families are more likely to engage well when services are responsive to their expectations and needs, and both responsiveness and engagement affect programme success. Home visitors must be skilled in eliciting from families their needs and expectations, as well as in negotiating and establishing goals with the family. Home-visiting programmes must have the capacity to respond to families' identified needs, while at the same time ensuring that factors that threaten the well-being and optimal development of the children are reduced (Azzi-Lessing 2011). Having an adequate array of services, such as adult and child health and mental health services, to which families can be linked, available in the local community is essential to addressing the multiple needs many vulnerable families experience (Azzi-Lessing 2011, 2013, 2017; Schorr, Farrow & Sparrow 2014).
Home-visiting services in the South African context
Home-visiting programmes as an important option for advancing ECD services are beginning to receive attention in South Africa, despite the lack of significant government funding to support widespread implementation (Gwele & Ebrahim 2019). One study conducted in the Western Cape identified positive outcomes for home-based parenting programmes in improving early mother-infant interactions and attachment in families (Cooper et al. 2009). Another study in the Western Cape showed that a home-based support programme was helpful in supporting vulnerable families in the recovery of children suffering from malnourishment (Le Roux et al. 2010). In South Africa, home visits are done by both paraprofessionals, including trained community members, auxiliary social workers and community health workers, as well as by professionals such as social workers or nurses. In the above-mentioned studies, well-respected community members, who were known to have good parenting skills, were trained as paraprofessionals to support vulnerable families with young children in their communities (Cooper et al. 2009; Le Roux et al. 2010). These studies suggest that using paraprofessionals for home-visiting programmes may have advantages. However, for children and families experiencing a complex array of risk factors, professionals with specialised education, such as social workers, may be better equipped to deliver home-visiting services (Azzi-Lessing 2013).
Theoretical framework
This study has utilised an ecological theoretical framework that recognises that human development is interactional in nature and that children develop in the context of families and families develop in the context of the communities in which they live (Bronfenbrenner 1994). Using the ecological theory, it can be understood that where risk factors exist within the family or community, the young child's development may be threatened as the young child develops within these contexts. The opposite may also then be true that where young children and their families are empowered to have strong relationships with community ECD services, their development can be supported and ECD services begin to act as a protective factor for the young child who is exposed to risk factors within the family or the community. Risk factors that may exist within the family include high rates of unemployment, poverty, family violence, substance abuse or disrupted caregiving (Schmidt et al. n.d). These same risk factors may exist within other families in the community effecting the functioning of the community as a whole. Using the ecological systems perspective suggests that young children can be supported in the families and communities where they reside to develop resilience to the adverse conditions that may exist around them. Community-based ECD services, offered through centre- or non-centre-based programmes, have been recognised internationally as being one of the most effective ways of supporting the optimal development of the young child, especially where the child is exposed to risk factors within the family or community. In the same way that the young child's development is influenced by the context in which they live, the experiences of the home visitors who were interviewed as a part of this study will have been influenced by the context of the families and communities within which these home visits were conducted. The experiences and observations of the home visitors and the setting and context within which the study took place will be described in more detail below.
Experiences and observations of home visitors
Setting
This study, a focus group of home visitors working with families of children enrolled in ECD centres, took place in the Buffalo City Metropolitan Municipality in the Eastern Cape Province of South Africa. The Eastern Cape is a large rural province with 7 million people, constituting 12.6% of the nation's population (Statistics South Africa 2016). The province is characterised by extreme levels of poverty, including the nation's highest child poverty rate, and high rates of unemployment (Statistics South Africa 2016). Seventy-nine percent of young children live below the poverty line, making them vulnerable to hunger, malnutrition and food insecurity (Atmore 2013; Hall et al. 2017). Poverty rates are considerably higher in the Eastern Cape than for South Africa as a whole, placing young children in this province at particularly high risk of poor outcomes. For instance, malnutrition is the third largest cause of death for children under 5 years in the Eastern Cape (Massyn et al. 2016).
Such extreme poverty is often accompanied by high rates of family violence, substance abuse and mental health challenges, with the capacity of parents to provide adequate care for young children being compromised by these adverse conditions (Cooper et al. 2011). The Eastern Cape has the highest rates of women abuse (32%) in South Africa and it spends the third largest amount per province on child care and protection caused by childhood exposure to family violence (Fang et al. 2017; Statistics South Africa 2017). These statistics are alarming, as the adverse consequences of childhood exposure to such risk factors are often severe and can lead to lifelong deficits in learning, as well as to chronic mental and physical health problems (Azzi-Lessing 2017; Cooper et al. 2011).
Context
The present study was a component of a larger community assessment of existing capacity for providing ECD services in the Buffalo City Municipality area of the Eastern Cape. The community assessment was developed and implemented through a transdisciplinary partnership led by faculty and administrators at the East London branch of the University of Fort Hare (UFH), aimed towards building capacity for the delivery of high-quality ECD services in the surrounding area. This branch of UFH plays a central role in the education of the area's teachers, social workers and healthcare providers. The partnership was developed to support UFH's efforts to create degree programmes in ECD and infuse expertise in ECD and family support into teaching and learning across a wide variety of schools and disciplines at the university, as well as in surrounding community-based organisations (CBOs) that support ECD service providers. To accomplish this, UFH established partnerships with a number of local CBOs, as well as with Wheelock College1 in the United States, a long-established leader in educating ECD professionals globally.
The community assessment was overseen by transdisciplinary steering and research groups, which were charged with guiding various facets of the partnership's work. As Weigel and Martin (2006) point out, a community assessment can be an effective tool for identifying local needs and resources and to learn about the experiences of ECD service providers. The results can help ensure that new resources are customised to meet the unique needs and build on the existing resources in a given community (Finifter et al. 2005; Moshabela, Sips & Barten 2015). The goal of this community assessment was to augment available demographics and other quantitative data with in-depth, qualitative information regarding needs, gaps and resources available to support and promote high-quality ECD services in the Buffalo City Municipality area.
The community assessment was embedded in a social constructivist interpretivist theoretical framework that recognises that individuals' experiences are socially constructed (Lipshitz 2012, cited in Mouton & Marais 1994; Vorster et al. 2016) and sought to examine the context in which ECD service providers work, and their experiences within that context. There were three components to the community assessment (1) semi-structured individual interviews with teachers and principals in 10 local ECD centres, (2) semi-structured interviews with leaders of CBOs that provide training and support to ECD service providers and (3) the present study, a focus group conducted with eight home visitors working with families of children attending ECD centres.
Study population and sampling strategy
Non-probability purposive sampling was used in the selection of eight home visitors who participated in the focus group. Non-probability sampling is useful in situations such as the community assessment described here, where time and funding are limited and randomisation is not feasible. Purposive sampling refers to choosing subjects based on their characteristics (Etikan, Musa & Alkassim 2016). In this case, the subjects were chosen because of their roles in providing home visits to young children and their families. All of the home visitors were employed by the same CBO in the Buffalo City area to provide home visits and a broad range of services to families of children attending any one of the ECD centres with whom the CBO had a relationship. This included ECD centres in a township and in a nearby rural area, all of which served primarily impoverished families. Unlike the well-known models of home-visiting (Azzi-Lessing 2011; Ebrahim et al. 2013), the type of home visiting provided was informal, without a specific curriculum or primary area of focus, that is, child development, parent-child relationships, child health and so on. Instead, the home visitors addressed whatever needs were identified by the families they served, and in some situations, needs that the home visitor identified, such as improper supervision of a young child. The programme was also informal in that there was no set number of cases each home visitor carried; rather each was encouraged to select families with the greatest or most urgent needs from among the families referred to them by the ECD centres. Families with the most acute needs were seen more frequently than those who were not in crisis and/or had fewer needs.
All of the home visitors had recently earned bachelor's degrees in social work and were nearing the middle of a 1-year paid internship at the CBO. The sample consisted of seven females and one male and all were in their 20s except for one who was in her early 30s. The mean age was 25. Only one of the home visitors had previous employment experience; however, all but two had personal child-caring responsibilities. Five had children of their own and one was caring for her four cousins on the weekends.
Data collection
A focus group format was used to conduct a semi-structured interview of the eight ECD home visitors. This method enabled a broad exploration of the home visitors' experiences and perspectives within the constraints of limited time (on the part of the researchers and the home visitors) and funding. It also provided an opportunity for the home visitors to respond to one another's comments as they reflected on their experiences, a process that increased the productivity of the discussion (Krueger & Casey 2014). To make participation in the 2-hours session as convenient as possible, the focus group was conducted in a private conference room at the CBO where the home visitors were employed. No other staff from the CBO were present when the focus group was conducted.
The semi-structured interview format used to prompt discussion in the focus group consisted of 19 questions that addressed three categories of inquiry: (1) ECD home visitors' experiences in providing services to families with young children, (2) the training and support available to the home visitors and (3) their reactions to and feelings regarding the work they were doing. As the focus group progressed, several of the 19 prepared questions were combined and not all of the questions were addressed because of time constraints and the multi-faceted discussions that some of the questions provoked. Examples of the questions asked in the focus group include the following: on what areas of concern do you most commonly work with parents? What aspects of your work do you find most challenging? What additional resources would make your work more manageable and/or more effective? Participants were also asked to discuss aspects of their work that they found most rewarding and their future career plans. Two members of the community assessment team facilitated the discussion and took notes, while a third member took more detailed notes.
Data analysis
The focus group facilitators and the note-taker met after the focus group had concluded to compare and integrate notes and ensure that participants' responses were accurately recorded and summarised. The discussion was analysed using thematic content analysis, which entailed identifying prevalent themes from the transcribed notes of the discussion. Thematic analysis is recognised as a valuable qualitative research tool that can 'potentially provide a rich and detailed, yet complex account of data' (Braun & Clarke 2006:5) and is commonly used to analyse the results of focus groups.
Ethical considerations
Ethical clearance for the study was obtained from Wheelock College. Informed consent was obtained from the community-based organisation that employed the home visitors and from each member of the sample. The home visitors were informed that their participation was entirely voluntary and that they could refuse to participate in the focus group, withdraw from participating at any time and/or refuse to respond to any of the questions or prompts without any penalty. They were also informed that their responses would be kept confidential and that their anonymity would be protected in reports and publications that utilised focus group findings. Prior to their participation, sample members were asked to sign a consent form that detailed these protections.
Findings and discussion
A wide range of topics surfaced during the focus group, as participants seemed eager to share their experiences and observations. Four themes emerged as most prominent in the discussion: (1) encountering the effects of extreme family poverty, (2) identifying high rates and multiple aspects of child maltreatment, (3) encountering scarce resources in high-need areas and (4) finding rewards and maintaining a desire to continue serving challenging populations.
Theme 1: Encountering the effects of extreme family poverty
Unsurprisingly, given the impoverished communities in which the home visitors worked, they all identified families having insufficient resources to meet their basic needs and to keep their children healthy and safe, as a major challenge. Several noted that a lack of employment opportunities as well as the inadequacy of the child support grant provided by the government to poor families caused hardships for many families. Moreover, several of the home visitors observed that many of the families were further impoverished because their children's fathers deny paternity to avoid paying child support, absent parents collect and spend the grant, while the grandparents caring for their children do not have access to these funds, and loan sharks frequently prey upon poor families, making their financial situations even worse. Feedback by several of the participants were:
'A lot of times the mother keeps the grant and spends it on herself while the granny is the one taking care of the children and she gets nothing.'
'Loan sharks get a lot of the grant cards because parents can't repay them.'
'We are seen as troublemakers sometimes when we try to get the grant to go to the one caring for the children.'
The home visitors described ways in which a lack of financial resources is a barrier for families in obtaining critical services. Several reported that many families fail to obtain the healthcare and mental health services they need because they are unable to pay the fees attached to these services. One home visitor noted that local hospitals had very long waiting lists for treating children with disabilities, and that families were required to pay for these services when delivered by a CBO. All of the home visitors observed that such barriers, along with struggles to afford adequate food, housing and other basic resources, contributed to high levels of stress in the families they served.
These observations are not surprising given the high rates of child poverty in South Africa and particularly in the Eastern Cape. The implications of hunger and malnutrition on development during early childhood are widely known and can have long lasting and serious consequences on the child's ability to develop optimally (Atmore 2013; Victora et al. 2008). A substantial body of research suggests that if the foetus, infant and young child do not receive adequate nurturement and good quality care, the child's potential for reaching full cognitive, emotional, social and physical development may be jeopardised (Centre on the Developing Child 2007; Mulder et al. 2002; Phillips & Shonkoff 2000; Richter 1999, 2003; Shonkoff & Garner 2012; Victora et al. 2008). One study estimates that there are more than 200 million children in low- and middle-income countries who do not reach their full cognitive potential because of poverty-related malnutrition and inadequate care during early childhood (Grantham-McGregor et al. 2007 in Petersen et al. 2010). Without effective intervention, children growing up in highly stressful, impoverished families such as those described by the home visitors are at a high risk for poor long-term outcomes, including school failure, criminal behaviour, and lifelong mental and physical health problems (Anda et al. 2006; Cluver et al. 2015).
Theme 2: Identifying high rates and multiple aspects of child maltreatment
All of the home visitors identified various aspects of child maltreatment as their greatest concern by far, as they frequently encountered instances of child neglect, as well as physical and sexual abuse, in the families they served. They all agreed that it was the most challenging aspect of their work. Child neglect was reported to be very common, especially among families with young teen parents, whom they described as often being too immature to care for their children. The home visitors noted that grandparents often step in to care for their grandchildren in these situations. The home visitors also described several instances in which young children were left alone to roam the streets because no family members were willing or able to care for them. They noted that these unsupervised children were left vulnerable to sexual assault and other harms perpetrated by neighbours or strangers.
Neglect also occurred when mothers rejected and failed to care for their infants or young children because the child was identified as having a disability or HIV/AIDS (human immunodeficiency virus, acquired immunodeficiency syndrome), two conditions that continue to carry a high level of stigma in many communities in South Africa. Several of the home visitors noted that they also commonly saw parents impaired by addiction to drugs and/or alcohol who were failing to meet their children's needs. Several reported instances in which the neglect was worsened when an addicted parent would leave children unattended while engaging in prostitution to earn money to buy drugs and/or alcohol:
'Some of the mothers reject the child; they are ashamed if the child has HIV or is slow.
'They [parents] know if they put the child [with a disability] in an institution they won't get the grant so they just leave the child home alone'.
All of the home visitors reported that they also frequently learned of incidents of physical and sexual abuse of children within the children's own families. Several noted that harsh discipline was used in many of the families they visited. Several of the home visitors reported situations in which mothers failed to report to authorities a child's father or the mother's boyfriend physically or sexually abusing the child. They identified the stigma surrounding sexual abuse as one of the reasons for this failure to report abuse or seek medical attention for the child; another reason was that the mother and her children were often financially dependent upon the abusive father or boyfriend:
'Parents beat their children because they were beaten as children.'
'There is lots of abuse; parents treat their children the way they were treated.'
'Sexual abuse is very common.'
'They [mothers] won't report the abuse if it's the breadwinner doing it.'
The home visitors' observations reflect findings of numerous studies, suggesting a strong link between poverty and child maltreatment (Coulton et al. 1995; Slack et al. 2004). They also reflect the very high rate of child maltreatment in South Africa and in the Eastern Cape in particular. In South Africa, homicide rates for children under 5 years are more than double those in other low- and middle-income countries (Mathews et al. 2012 in Morgan 2013). Thirty-three per cent of parents in South Africa continue to use severe corporal punishment in the home, with children under the age of 5 being most likely to be beaten within the home (Dawes, Kropiwnicki & Richter 2005; UNICEF 2011, in Martin 2015). Children in South Africa also face high levels of sexual violence, with over 20 000 cases being reported in 2011 and 2012, and children in the rural areas such as the Eastern Cape being at even higher risk (Martin 2015). Although current statistics reveal very high levels of such violence, the full extent of the problem is unknown because of under-reporting (Martin 2015; Richter and Dawes in Morgan 2013). It is well documented, however, that violence and other forms of maltreatment can impede children's chances of developing normally and succeeding in school and in life (Mathews & Gould 2017).
Additional challenges inherent in this work include gaining access to the family's home in situations where resistant family members may prefer not to engage with the home visitor or where they may react aggressively and pose a physical threat (Dwyer 2012; Garthwait 2008; Pope & Hadden 2011). The physical environment within the home might also make confidentiality difficult to manage (Pope & Hadden 2011) as the South African context of housing often involves an informal structure with a large extended family and neighbours close by. These and other complexities further support the need for well-trained professionals, to be placed in the role as home visitors within ECD programmes serving impoverished, highly vulnerable families.
Theme 3: Encountering scarce resources in high-need areas
The first two themes demonstrate that the home visitors participating in the focus group were serving families with multiple complex needs that threatened the healthy development and future school success of the young children in these families. A shortage of various types of resources make the home visitors' attempts to address these extreme needs even more daunting than they already would be. The problem of inadequate resources also applies to the limited tools available for the home visitors to perform their work. They reported that they had to use their own laptops for keeping records on their work because the CBO that employed them was unable to provide computers. The CBO was also unable to provide cars or drivers, so the home visitors relied on taxis and reported that taxi schedules limited when they could visit families on their caseloads. They also lacked materials for teaching parents about early child development, learning and care.
All of the home visitors described how shortages of various other services hampered their ability to assist the families they served. They reported long waiting lists for obtaining adult and child mental health services as well as for services for children with disabilities. A few expressed their concerns that extreme delays in obtaining these services meant that mental health problems and disabilities would worsen and that crucial windows of time for addressing these problems were being missed. All of the home visitors identified inadequate resources for addressing child maltreatment, citing long delays in responses to reports of child abuse and neglect and in following-up on confirmed cases because of child protective staffing shortages and insufficient transportation available to child protective workers. They cited also a shortage of foster homes available for children who could not be safely cared for by their families. Some of the home visitors expressed a wish that these crucial child protective services could be developed and provided by the CBO at which they were employed. All expressed a desire that their CBO could employ its own professionals from an array of disciplines to address the severe shortage of resources in the communities in which they worked:
'There are long waiting lists for services at the hospitals.'
'The CBOs have waiting lists, too and families have to pay a fee for those services.'
'I wish [the CBO that employed the home visitors] had their own psychologists, nurses, speech therapists and other specialists.'
'We should have our own nurses to examine children and give them their immunisations so that our families don't have to wait so long.'
The experiences of these ECD home visitors reflect the extreme lack of resources to address the needs of vulnerable families in the Eastern Cape and other parts of the country (Govender 2015; Leeuw 2017; Schmidt & Rautenbach 2016). Many of the country's CBOs and government agencies are experiencing severe funding challenges impacting the availability of staff and resources, such as vehicles, to provide home visits and other services to these families (Narsee 2013). This is further complicated by the sometimes very large and rural areas in which home visits are conducted. These challenges affect not only the provision of ECD home visits but also the response to reported cases of vulnerable children and their families who are in desperate need of additional professional support and intervention.
Theme 4: Finding rewards and maintaining a desire to continue serving challenging populations
Despite the multiple and extreme challenges they encountered, all of the ECD home visitors indicated that they found their work rewarding and worthwhile, particularly their intervention with parents and their efforts towards community development. They found gratification in providing information and education to parents regarding their children's development and well-being, as well as in linking families to whatever resources were available in the community. The home visitors reported that they used an empowerment approach, consistent with their social work education, in mentoring parents and helping them to develop skills. They also reported being gratified when they were able to observe the results of their work with parents, most often in the form of parents demonstrating more effective parenting skills:
'We guide the parents rather than doing for them.'
'We empower parents by linking them to the resources they need.'
'It's rewarding when you see parents doing the things you taught them to do with their children.'
The second area in which the home visitors found gratification was in their work together and with service providers from other organisations towards improving and expanding the array of resources for vulnerable families within the communities they served. They described how they worked together to organise workshops for parents to come together and learn about their children's development and ways to support optimal development, early learning and well-being for their children. These workshops also provide opportunities for parents and service providers to share information regarding other resources available in the community. The home visitors noted that bringing parents and service providers together for such purposes was especially important in the rural areas they served, where families typically lived farther away from one another and from the resources they needed. They reported finding fulfilment in developing relationships with staff members from other organisations as well as with tribal leaders in working to change communities for the better:
'We work together to provide things like parent training when those things are missing in the community'.
'We have workshops [held in community centres] that we create so parents can get information in one place'.
'It's exciting to be seen as a change agent'.
'We liaise with staff from other CBOs to help meet families' needs and getting to know other service providers is enjoyable'.
All the ECD home visitors expressed a desire to continue working in their current roles. However, their employment at the CBO was considered a paid internship and would last for only 1 year. Participants explained that there are few, if any jobs in the local area for social workers at the bachelor's level, even though the South African government offers bursaries for students to major in social work. All indicated that they would need to find work in retail, food service or other low-skilled position to support themselves after their internships ended. All intended to apply for master's programmes once they were able to afford it, as they saw a postgraduate degree as necessary for pursuing their career goals.
All but one of the home visitors planned to continue pursuing a career in human services, although none planned to continue in the ECD field. Two participants were planning to work together to open an NGO that would include a children's home after obtaining their master's degree in child welfare, one aspired to work as a social worker with prisoners and another expressed an interest in becoming a probation officer, psychologist or agriculture worker. One of the home visitors planned to work with children, but was uncertain of the type of position she would pursue, and another aspired to become a marriage counsellor. Another planned to remain in human services, but had not decided upon a specific area of practice. The only participant not planning to work in human services intended to work in some aspect of gardening through the Department of Agriculture.
The links between variables that include clients' characteristics, workers' stress levels, workplace environment, and workers' job satisfaction and commitment to their profession have been studied for both home visitors and social workers (Acker 2004; Burrell et al. 2009; Hombrados-Mendieta & Cosano-Rivas 2013). There is increasing evidence that home visitors working with impoverished families affected by multiple stressors are at risk of experiencing secondary trauma and burnout (Ebrahim et al. 2011; Harden et al. 2010; Gill et al. 2007). It is therefore notable that the home visitors participating in the focus group did not raise the topics of burnout or secondary trauma, nor did any of them indicate that they view their jobs in negative terms. When asked about stress, some of the home visitors mentioned feeling occasional stress from 'dealing with hard cases' and sometimes having to 'do the work of other providers' when their colleagues from other CBOs failed to follow through. When asked about self-care, several of the home visitors referred to their religious practice and/or support from friends and family members:
'Church is where I get counselling.'
'I like to listen to South African Gospel music at home.'
'I talk to my mother who is an ECD practitioner.'
All of the participants indicated that they received adequate supervision and support from the CBO that employed them. These home visitors also apparently had strong bonds and effective working relationships among themselves and with staff from other NGOs, which along with their apparent resourcefulness enabled them to compensate somewhat for the dearth of resources in the communities they served. Other studies suggest that adequate levels of support in the workplace, including that from supervisors and co-workers, help to alleviate the effects of secondary trauma and may help to prevent burnout among home visitors working with highly vulnerable families (Burrell et al. 2009; Harden et al. 2010; Gill et al. 2007; Lee et al. 2013). This may help account for the participants finding their work, however challenging, to be worthwhile and rewarding and for their desire to remain in the human services field. The positive attitudes of the home visitors may also be attributable, in part, to the short amount of time (approximately 6 months) in which they had been working in the programme. Another factor that should be considered is that these home visitors had social work degrees and saw themselves as professionals with the skills and expertise necessary to be successful in their work. A lack of this sense of professionalism and competence may play a role in the amount of stress home visitors experience in their roles (Ebrahim et al. 2011; Gwele & Ebrahim 2019).
Limitations and contributions of this study
Generalisation of the results of the current study is limited by several factors, including the very small sample size, the fact that all the participants were employed by the same CBO and the brevity (2 hours) of the focus group. Moreover, this study took place in a single geographic area. The experiences of ECD home visitors in other parts of South Africa are likely to differ somewhat, reflecting variations in the resources and challenges in the communities in which they work. The fact that the home visitors used an informal approach in working with families rather than a specific curriculum or with a specific focus, that is, child health and/or parent training, limits the generalisability of the results to more formal models of home-visiting. Another limitation is that the participants in the present study were all bachelor's-level social workers, and as previously stated, the ECD home-visiting workforce in South Africa includes a wide range of providers with various levels of education and expertise. These factors would undoubtedly influence home visitors' day-to-day experiences working with families. Lastly, given that participants in the focus group had been employed as home visitors for approximately 6 months, their responses do not reflect those of more seasoned workers, who may have acquired more skills and/or be more at risk of burnout.
Despite these limitations, this study provides a unique window on the challenges that ECD home visitors are likely to encounter when working with families living in extreme poverty, the resourcefulness that home visitors often demonstrate, such as in creating workshops and parent-training groups, and the rewards to be found in this work. In addition, it illuminates the multiple ways in which such poverty threatens to harm the well-being and life chances of young children. The study also documents the extreme difficulties poor families encounter in obtaining resources and services to meet their needs.
Moreover, findings from the focus group reflect research documenting a strong link between family poverty and child maltreatment and the importance of home visitors having the skills necessary to identify and address child maltreatment and a range of other daunting challenges, including substance abuse in the families they serve. The findings suggest that ECD home visitors serving impoverished families should have adequate education and supervisory oversight and support. Lastly, the findings show how home-visiting services alone are insufficient to address the needs of extremely poor families and they highlight the importance of the availability of an array of relevant resources and services within impoverished communities.
Recommendations for future research
Additional research examining the experiences of ECD home visitors working with highly vulnerable families of young children in South Africa is warranted, given the scarcity of available information regarding this aspect of the ECD service delivery system. Studies with larger samples of home visitors working with families at various levels of risk, employed by a variety of organisations, and in differing geographic locations would expand the knowledge base beyond the limitations of the present study.
Inclusion of home visitors with differing levels of experience and education would be particularly helpful in understanding the role of these variables in how home visitors approach their work, and their capacity to manage secondary trauma and other factors that lead to burn out. Examining which levels of education and experience best prepare home visitors for working with families at various degrees of vulnerability and risk would be especially valuable at this point in time, as South Africa progresses in building its ECD service delivery system. This aspect of home visiting has not been well studied in other parts of the world, and ensuring a good fit between families' needs and home visitors' skill levels is especially critical to the design of the system in South Africa and other nations where there are very limited financial resources available for home-visiting and other ECD programmes.
Additional research on the well-being and morale of ECD home visitors in the South African context is also needed. There are a number of relevant studies that have been conducted in other parts of the world; however, most of these studies focus on home visitors serving less poor families with challenges that are far less daunting than those experienced by the most vulnerable families in South Africa and other nations with very high levels of child poverty (Azzi-Lessing 2013). The harsh conditions under which the latter families live and the extremely traumatic experiences of children and other members of these families place the home visitors who serve them at high risk of secondary trauma, high levels of stress and burnout, and departure from this work (Ebrahim et al. 2011; Gwele & Ebrahim 2019). Future studies examining the personal characteristics of ECD home visitors, the stressors and supports in their personal lives and workplaces, and how these factors contribute to and/or mitigate burnout and departure from this work would provide information necessary to the development of critical systems of support for those who take on this challenging but very important work.
Acknowledgements
The authors would like to specially acknowledge the University of Fort Hare (UFH) Early Childhood Development Centre of Excellence - Dr Namhla Sotuku (Director), Mr Sive Makeleni and the late Mrs Nokulunga Sali, Wheelock College - Dr Azzi-Lessing, South Africa Partners, Loaves and Fishes, the ELMA Philanthropies and the Govan Mbeki Development and Research Centre at the University of Fort Hare.
Competing interests
The authors declare that they have no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced them in writing this article.
Authors' contributions
L.A.-L. developed the research proposal and collected the data. Together the authors wrote the findings and developed the research article.
Funding information
Funding for this study was obtained from the ELMA Philanthropies.
Data availability statement
Data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study.
Disclaimer
The views and opinions expressed in this article are the authors' own and not an official position of the institutions or funders.
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Correspondence:
Kim Schmidt
kschmidt@ufh.ac.za
Received: 04 Mar. 2019
Accepted: 23 July 2019
Published: 14 Oct. 2019
1 . In 2018, Wheelock College merged with Boston University and is now known as Wheelock College of Education at Boston University.
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Positive behaviour support in South African Foundation Phase classrooms: Teacher reflections
Veronica M. Dwarika
Department of Education Psychology, Faculty of Education, University of Johannesburg, Johannesburg, South Africa
ABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: The positive behaviour support (PBS) model is a model of response to address challenging behaviours of learners in schools that has proven to be effective in developed countries. Given its human rights and functional contextualism lens, the PBS model is particularly relevant to and of value within the South African context.
AIM: Since learner challenging behaviours are a key contributory factor to learner exclusion in schools, an inclusive education module on the PBS model was developed and evaluated for its effectiveness in the South African context.
SETTING: The study is set within an interpretivist paradigm and utilises a generic qualitative research design.
METHODS: Qualitative data were collected through module evaluations - 11 focus group interviews with 144 candidates (4th-year in-service Limpopo teachers) followed by four classroom observations and interviews with the teachers from the classroom observations.
RESULTS: The thematic analysis revealed that participants had developed new insights about ecosystemic challenges that impact behaviour and were critically reflexive about their changed practices resulting from their participation in the inclusive education PBS model. Participants valued PBS strategies as good and useful for excellence in teaching. This evidences a pocket of success in relation to the value of the PBS model.
CONCLUSION: The professional development of pre-service teachers with the skills and knowledge of the PBS model for classroom practice is advocated for. Recommendations are made for further research.
Keywords: inclusion; bioecological; teacher education; positive behaviour support model; PBS; foundation phase teacher.
Introduction
Given the national and international concerns about the increase in learner challenging behaviours within schools, there is a need for comprehensive behaviour support initiatives that can assist school administrators and teachers in managing behaviour in the classrooms. In addition, given that ecological and systemic factors impact and affect learner behaviour and learner behaviour management, this study considered it imperative to view the understanding of behaviour and behaviour support from an ecosystemic perspective (Bronfenbrenner 1977, 1979, 1986, 1992; Bronfenbrenner & Ceci 1994; Bronfenbrenner & Morris 1998).
Scientific value
In investigating various behaviour support strategies that build inclusive classroom practices, researchers within the South African context have begun to cite the positive behaviour support (PBS) model as useful for the management of challenging behaviours in learners (Pienaar & Raymond 2013; Western Cape Department of Education 2007). As part of a 4-year Bachelor of Education (BEd) degree at a South African university, an inclusive education (IE) module with a focus on PBS was introduced in the fourth year of the degree to in-service Limpopo teachers. The PBS model was considered to be relevant to the context of the South African classroom. The tiered approach of PBS makes it a good fit with the tiered South African Screening, Identification and Assessment (SIAS) (Department of Basic Education 2014) policy that the education department requires teachers to use in their support of learners for IE. Positive Behaviour Support takes into account the ecology of the learner, the problem behaviour and the context of the system in which behaviour support is provided (McIntosh et al. 2010).
Conceptual framework
The conceptual framework for the ecological systems theory described in this research is based on the works of Bronfenbrenner (1977, 1979, 1986, 1992), Bronfenbrenner and Ceci (1994) and Bronfenbrenner and Morris (1998, 2006). The ecological theory views that human behaviour is developed and maintained through interactional processes. There is little argument that early childhood experiences are influential in shaping a child's development (Bronfenbrenner 1986). Corroborating Bronfenbrenner's theory, Perkins and Mclaughlin (2015) identified predictive risk factors, firstly, within the family, which include poor parenting skills, parental substance abuse and poor mental health, a negative or unsupportive parent-child relationship, single-parent homes, teenage pregnancies and child abuse and neglect. Secondly, the quality of environmental interactions of a child with his or her parent, teachers, peers and friends can create a potential risk or protective factors. Finally, the global environment (such as poverty, neighbourhood characteristics and home-school relationship) has an undeniable bearing. It is evident that behavioural challenges not only impact and affect the learner who is non-compliant but also impact the teacher and peers alike (Perkins & McLaughlin 2015). Several of the predictive risk factors indicated here are prevalent in Limpopo. An understanding of behaviour and behavioural challenges, from an ecosystemic perspective within Limpopo Foundation Phase (FP) classrooms, was considered essential for this study.
The ecosystemic focus of positive behaviour support
The theoretical description of PBS that takes into account its ecological focus is 'functional contextualism', which highlights the importance of the ecology of both the specific problem behaviour as well as the environments within which behavioural support is provided (McIntosh et al. 2010). In view of this, PBS focuses on the construction of ecosystems that promote desired behaviours and minimises the development of challenging behaviours (Dunlap et al. 2009). It is therefore significantly different from previous models of behaviour modification, which relied heavily on the use of specific, sometimes aversive, intervention techniques without a clear or detailed understanding of the contextual factors underpinning the individual's behaviour (Gore et al. 2013). Within PBS practices, there is an outright rejection of methods that may involve the deliberate or conscious infliction of pain, limitation of freedom or any unnecessary constraints and restrictions on learners who present with challenging behaviours (Singer & Wang 2009).
The positive behaviour support model for inclusive classrooms
There is a persistent need for strategies and practices that extend beyond punitive measures, which aid the development of school customs and mores that are based on non-violence and that promote positive self-discipline. The PBS model is one such approach and has been characterised by Sherrod, Getch and Ziomek-Daigle (2009) as a proactive and preventive method to reduce challenging behaviour in schools. Positive behaviour support is based on the scientific assumption that human behaviour, while affected by a complex mix of biological, societal and learning factors, can change as a result of the actions of others in a supportive, caregiving role and is for people from all cultures, ages and levels of competence (Dunlap et al. 2009:4).
The ecological systems focus within PBS considers the school as a microsystem within the broader system of the family, community and society. The school is a locus of proximal relationships that impact and influence how the collective actions within the school contribute to how the school is characterised (OSEP 2004). From this perspective, the individual learners, teachers and parents are considered the primary context for systems change. While individuals within schools engage in behaviours, and organisations such as schools consist of a group of individuals, systems are what is needed to support the collective use of best practices by individuals within the school system (Sugai & Horner 2009). Positive behaviour support, therefore, gives priority to the development of systems that assist in the adoption of processes and practices that fit in with and supplement the continuous efforts of school reform and development practices.
In its approach to behavioural support, the PBS model places an emphasis on values of respect for the learner, relevant and meaningful learner outcomes, dignity and self-respect, normalisation as opposed to stigmatisation, as well as inclusion, person-centred planning and collaborative stakeholder participation (Johnston et al. 2006). Given this emphasis, the application of the PBS model is considered to be a valuable and successful alternative to the reactive and punishment-oriented approaches historically used by many schools. The use of the model also results in increased opportunities for teachers to devote more time to their teaching as opposed to managing learners' behaviour (Warren et al. 2006). McIntosh et al. (2010:10) report that the use of extensive research has been key to the success of PBS systems in reducing discipline-related problems and promoting a positive school climate with existing school resources. With increased exposure and familiarity, it can be argued that more schools will experience the benefits of using PBS strategies and become increasingly proactive in establishing school environments that are more conducive to learning (Warren et al. 2006).
Sugai and Simonsen (2012) identified the following fundamental features of PBS:
Aims and objectives
This study aimed to determine the effectiveness of using the PBS model in FP classrooms in the Limpopo province. To achieve this, the study sought to determine how effective and appropriate teachers found PBS in the identification and support of learners with behavioural difficulties within a selection of FP classrooms in Limpopo.
Research methods and design
This research used qualitative methods of investigation. Empirical data were gathered through course module evaluations, focus group interviews, classroom observations and interviews with teachers from the classroom observations. Data were analysed using Miles and Huberman's (1994) interactive model of thematic content analysis.
The setting of the study
The purposefully selected research participants for this study included 144 fourth-year BEd FP Limpopo in-service teachers. These teachers had undertaken the 4-year BEd degree at a South African university as part of the Department of Education's (DoE) improvement plan for its teachers.
The positive behaviour support inclusive education module
An IE module was developed using the principles of the PBS model and its applications to the school environment. The selection and sequencing of the content of the IE module were impacted by the contextual factors related to the number of weeks per hour available for the module within the university calendar. Given that teachers in Limpopo were attending the module in the fourth and final year of their BEd qualification, they had already been introduced to Bronfenbrenner's bioecological model, to the psychology of education including child development, FP classroom pedagogy and the principles of inclusion. The teachers were therefore exposed to the integration of the curriculum to facilitate the incorporation of a wide range of curricular areas, and this was considered necessary to equip teachers to apply the PBS model's classroom strategies (e.g. reflective thinking, and classroom management). The IE PBS module also drew upon previously acquired knowledge and practice as the teachers had been involved in at least two Teaching Experience practicum opportunities per year over their previous 3 years at the university. This created opportunities for the teachers to experience first-hand the cultural and contextual differences between schools in the Gauteng and Limpopo provinces.
Data collection
Empirical data were gathered through course module evaluations, focus group interviews and classroom observations. Evaluation of modules taught is a routine expectation of the university and is undertaken by students voluntarily. A module evaluation form was developed and was used to determine whether participants found the IE PBS module and its applications to the school environment to be a useful tool for the identification and support of learners with behavioural difficulties. Following the module evaluations, focus group interviews were conducted. A total of 11 focus group interviews were conducted, with each focus group having between five and seven participants. The interviews were conducted for approximately 1 hour per focus group. This was done during the time of day that was convenient to the group.
Focus group interviews are not without their challenges. Fontana and Frey (1994) identified the challenges that may arise as a result of group culture and dynamics to achieve a balance in the group interaction. In addition, there is also the reality that respondents may feel pressurised to provide what they may consider to be socially acceptable responses. To overcome this challenge, I took on the roles of a moderator and facilitator, and less that of an interviewer (Punch 2009). I sought to facilitate and moderate the group interactions by creating opportunities for each member of the group to participate, thereby facilitating individual responses of all members within the group while exploring with the group the links that emerged from the topics within the discussions. The advantage of such discussions is that it provides direct evidence about similarities and differences in participants' opinions and experiences (Mouton & Babbie 2003). By following up on unanticipated issues and asking spontaneous questions, the group dynamics and interactions created a shaping and reshaping of the opinions as the participants reflected on, added to and shared their similar and/or dissimilar experiences, while providing personal insights and reasons for them (Cohen et al. 2007). This assisted in overcoming potential power relation issues as each member's participation was valued and encouraged within the group.
Furthermore, following the focus group interviews, observations were conducted in the classrooms for four volunteer participants within four schools in Limpopo. Teacher interviews following the class visits provided data specific to the classrooms within which the observations took place, thereby providing a contextual lens in relation to contributing factors to challenging behaviour in the Limpopo FP classrooms and the effectiveness of the use of PBS within the classroom context. Each classroom observation lasted for approximately 1 hour. This length of observation was considered sufficient for this particular data collection as the aim was to get a gist of the potential use of some of the PBS tools and strategies related to classroom behaviour support. Only practices that could be reasonably observed within an hour of observation were included in the observation schedule. The observation schedule was adapted from the observation tools that are available at pbis.org (https://www.pbis.org/evaluation/evaluation-tools). The definition and operationalisation of the behaviours that count as good evidence of behaviour support practice within the observation tool were the same as those to which teachers were exposed as part of the IE PBS module.
What follows is a selection of the exemplars (examples of good practice, teacher with-it-ness exemplars) and non-exemplars (examples of poor practice, teacher with-it-ness non-exemplars). The first area of observation was classroom climate management. An example here was: the teacher makes positive and affirming statements. A non-exemplar was: the teacher seldom smiles at learners or speaks in a personal way to learners. The second area of observation was lesson planning, which included lesson delivery/presentation, lesson management and time management. An exemplar here of lesson presentation/delivery was: the teacher uses effective communication skills, organises an appropriate number and variety of instructional activities and presentation techniques. Learner engagement and learner management formed the third observation area. Non-exemplars of learner engagement included: the teacher seems unaware of the large amount of wasted time in her classroom, during which no active instruction is occurring. Either learners are not engaged in any type of learner-managed learning activity, have not been given directions to begin an activity, are waiting for another task or are not being supervised. Classroom routines, including organisational, academic and social routines, were the fourth observation area. An exemplar here was: the teacher designs, teaches and implements a variety of organisational routines to facilitate the movement of learners, the flow of paper and instructional materials and the adherence to schedule. The final item on the observation schedule included rules and rubrics used to communicate behavioural, social and academic expectations to learners. A non-exemplar here was: there are no behavioural expectations or rubrics posted in the classroom, and there are no posted rubrics for learner behaviour or work products.
Because of the fact that observation schedules have the tendency to decontextualise what they record, it was essential to also collect information about the relevant background (Denscombe 2010). Together with the use of the observation schedule, contextual factors were recorded to collect information about relevant background matters such as class size, space available in the class for teacher movement, whether the class was a print-rich environment, etc. These observation notes enhanced the understanding of the data collected.
Following the classroom observation, individual interviews were held with the class teacher for each of the four classes. These interviews were arranged either during the lunch break or during the teacher's free period. The interviews were semi-structured and were approximately 30-40 min in duration. The four interviewees were the teachers of the classroom that was observed. Two interviews took place in the teachers' classrooms during a tea break and lunch break. The other two interviews were held during the teachers' free periods in the staff room.
The aim of the interviews was to provide the interviewer and interviewees with the opportunity to discuss their interpretations of the 1 h observed period and to express how they regarded the practical application of the PBS model from their own points of view. The interview questions were therefore built on issues covered in the observation schedule in order to increase their salience and relevance (Cohen, Manion & Morrison 2011). The questions encouraged participants to comment on how they felt their lessons unfolded in relation to the key observed areas. The semi-structured interview format ensured that the interviews remained conversational and situational. In this sense, the interviews were not merely concerned with collecting data about the lived situations, rather they afforded the opportunity for knowledge to be constructed between the participants, thereby generating the data (Cohen et al. 2007). The semi-structured format further allowed for logical gaps in the data to be anticipated and closed by means of following up on an idea or topic, probing for further information or asking respondents to specify or provide examples (Kvale 1996).
Data analysis
The qualitative data (from the module evaluations, focus group interviews) were analysed using Miles and Huberman's (1994) interactive model of thematic content analysis. The data obtained from the focus group interviews were organised by the interview group. This grouping of the data from each of the focus group interviews enabled themes, patterns and similarities to be seen at a glance. While this is considered to be a useful way to summarise similar responses, it risks the 'integrity and coherence of the individual participant being lost to the collective summary' (Cohen et al. 2007:467). To overcome this challenge, there was a deliberate focus on individual responses, signalled by quoting responses in the discussion of the analysis. The use of direct phrases of the respondents was valuable in that they were more 'illuminative and direct than the researcher's own words' (Cohen et al. 2007:467).
With regard to the data from the observations as well as the individual interviews, each classroom observation and teacher interview was looked at as a data set before moving on to the next participant's observation and interview responses. Participants' responses given in interviews were aligned with the data from the classroom observations. Thereafter, the issues emerging from the data were drawn together across all four observations and four interviews to consider 'themes, shared responses, patterns of responses, agreement and disagreement, to compare the issues that each observation and interview raised' (Cohen et al. 2007:467). This assisted in preserving the integrity of the individual responses and enabled a whole picture of the interviews and observations across participants to take shape. Coding was then used to find themes and patterns in the data sets and across data sets (Cohen et al. 2007). Contextual realities of classroom practice as well as reported practice of PBS strategies provided an understanding of the social contexts as well as of the various discourses within the data sets, enabling a more fair-minded interpretation of the data.
Descriptive codes were used to categorise the data. The theoretical underpinning of the study, that is Bronfenbrenner's bioecological theory, inclusion matters and the literature linked to the various PBS strategies used within the behaviour support model, provided a stimulus for the overarching themes that emerged within the descriptive codes.
Ethical considerations
For this study, ethical clearance was obtained from the University of the Witwatersrand (ethical clearance number 2012ECE013). Permission was also sought and obtained from the Limpopo Department of Education. All other ethical protocols were followed, including informed consent, voluntary participation and freedom to withdraw from the study. Anonymity was guaranteed in relation to the module evaluations and classroom observations. Anonymity could however not be guaranteed in the focus group interviews as the identities of the participants within the groups were known to each other.
Within this research, I used the actual words of the participants' from the focus group interviews as well as classroom interviews as much as possible and this assisted in the promotion of descriptive as well as interpretative validity. I, however, needed to edit the language of participants for grammar but did not alter the meaning. Given that the participants' home language was not English, I did this to ensure that I did not show disfavour to the teachers' words if I put their verbatim words next to my closely edited written words.
Key findings
Findings in relation to the theoretical framework of Bronfenbrenner's ecosystemic theory
One of the major difficulties connected with supporting learners with behavioural challenges that have been highlighted in the literature is the way behaviour and behavioural challenges are conceptualised and understood (Ferber 2006). For teachers to have a holistic understanding of behaviour and behaviour support, it was imperative that this study provided a framework of understanding learner behaviour from within a holistic paradigm. The ecosystemic framework provided the depth and breadth of such conceptualisation. This was evidenced by 94% of respondents within the module evaluations, indicating that the ecosystemic framework of understanding behaviour and behaviour support was one of the most valuable aspects of the PBS module.
In addition, the overwhelming majority of respondents within the focus group interviews and across all of the focus groups highlighted how the development in PBS had impacted their personal reflections about their role in supporting positive behaviour among learners. A significant change reported by the majority of respondents regarded their understanding of the causes of behavioural challenges. They reported in great detail how they had become more aware of systemic factors, including their roles, which contributed to a learner's negative behaviour. The majority of respondents reported that they had previously believed the cause of the behaviour to be learner driven. They now reported having become aware that systemic factors within the learners' home as well as systemic factors within the classroom, including teaching style and classroom management, impact learner behaviour.
This increased awareness of the various ecosystemic challenges led to an in-depth understanding of learner needs in the context of the classroom and home. The majority of respondents indicated that as a result of the new information, they were obliged to engage in introspection about their behaviour in their classrooms, their teaching practices and their use of language and tone of voice, all of which have the potential to support or impede positive behaviour in learners.
Overall, the respondents indicated that their initial limited linear view of learners and learner behaviour support had changed following their participation in the IE PBS module. The linear or first-level view positions the observer (such as the teacher or other professionals) on the outside of the microsystem (school, family and individual learner), and is predisposed towards investigations about difficulties, problems and challenges that provide linear explanations when describing and understanding the individual (Amatea & Sherrard 1994). The shortcoming of this lens is that the teacher is not considered an integral part of the system and remains an observer in the process of effecting change rather than a participant in the process. Following exposure to the IE PBS module and its ecosystemic theoretical underpinnings, the respondents began to consider themselves as integral to the context of support to effect behavioural changes. This shift included an understanding that there are layers or levels of interacting systems resulting in change, growth and development, and these can be physical, biological, psychological, social and cultural. The respondents of this study recognised that what happens in one system affects and is affected by other systems. This in-depth understanding is what the literature refers to as a second-level shift in conceptualising behaviour and behaviour support, which has led to respondents understanding that relationships among causes are reciprocal and multifaceted (Amatea & Sherrard 1994).
The understanding and use of this theory resulted in the majority of respondents reporting that there was an increased understanding about the magnitude, depth and breadth that their teaching and teacher roles impacted the learners' lives in and out of the classroom. This new knowledge and holistic view of learner support about the PBS support model increased respondents' consideration of their roles within the classroom and in the broader school context, which included home-school support partnerships. The teachers were effective in situating themselves as integral to the context of understanding and supporting effective behavioural change. Within this study, it was evident that respondents had moved from understanding the individual within a psycho-medical framework to a second-level understanding which viewed learners within the various relationships and support networks of which they formed a part. Literature asserts that individuals develop through the varied activities and interactions that they engage in within their microsystems (Tudge et al. 2009).
Findings concerning the inclusion of learners with behavioural challenges
As is the case elsewhere, within the South African context, issues of inclusion and inclusive practices continue to be an essential aspect of local, national and international discussion about how best to respond to learners who experience difficulties in school (Engelbrecht et al. 1999). Embedded in the discussion, research and inclusive practices debate is the call to reduce the number of learners excluded from school for disciplinary reasons (Evans, Harden & Thomas 2004). The imperative to support learners who present with behavioural challenges has emerged in this study as a core outcome. Respondents within this study previously engaged in a variety of exclusionary practices (learners were 'just left outside', were 'shouted at', 'beaten', etc.), and following their participation in the IE PBS inclusion module, they reported that they now reflect on, assess and develop values and beliefs as well as instructional teaching and assessment practices that support the inclusion of learners who present with challenging behaviours. Such deep teacher reflection and a move towards inclusionary practices and action are supported by the literature as the key to educational change (Walton 2011). The majority of respondents within the study reported using various PBS strategies. Respondents reflected on how their attitudes to teaching and learners had become more supportive and less exclusionary. This result supports the literature that states that 'what teachers think, what teachers believe and what teachers do at the level of the classroom ultimately shapes the learning that young people get' (Hargreaves 1994:1). While earlier literature about PBS application was absent in the South African context, there is now information that assists in considering this model of behaviour support as useful and relevant to a different context.
Factors teachers attributed to learner challenging behaviours in their classroom
Within the theoretical framework of Bronfenbrenner's ecosystemic theory, behaviour and behaviour support can only be fully understood taking into account the person-environment context that represents the entirety of relationships and interactions among individuals and their environments. The findings of this study were that the factors perceived by respondents to contribute to learner challenging behaviours in Limpopo FP classrooms were those negative factors within the home, school and immediate communities. It was these proximal interactions that are highlighted in the relevant literature, which were found to be relevant in this study as well. These included the interaction between the parent and child, the teacher and learner as well as the learner and other learners (Bronfenbrenner 2006).
The three main microsystem factors contributing to learner challenging behaviour were found to be the following:
The shift reported by respondents, who initially viewed themselves as outside and apart from the systems that impact learner behavioural challenges, involved them seeing themselves as integral contributors to behaviour challenges, and also as part of the possible solution to the support of learners with behavioural challenges. Reported reflexive introspection by the respondents led them to consider themselves as agents of change within the system and as capable of offering protective support concerning behavioural challenges when applying PBS strategies of behavioural support in the classroom.
Teachers' perceptions of their abilities to manage challenging behaviours
The respondents considered that before they were exposed to the IE PBS module, their ability to manage behavioural challenges was inadequate. They lamented their inadequate initial teacher education and the lack of professional development courses in behaviour support and behaviour management. Their concern about the inadequacies in their approach was indeed legitimate and is supported by previous findings (Green et al. 2011).
Following their participation in the IE PBS module, the majority of respondents felt better-equipped to deal with learner challenging behaviours in the classroom. The PBS strategies found by the majority of respondents to be most relevant to the management of behavioural challenges are summarised below:
The value of PBS found by the participants in this study is congruent with international findings of the value of the PBS model of behaviour support (McIntosh et al. 2010). The emphasis is on the core values of 'respect for the individual, meaningful outcomes, social validation, dignity, normalisation, inclusion, person-centred planning, self-determination, and stakeholder participation' (Johnston et al. 2006:54). The application of the PBS model within this study was a valuable and successful alternative to the 'reactive, punishment-oriented approaches historically used by many schools' (Johnston et al. 2006:54).
How effective did the Limpopo FP teachers find the positive behaviour support model for classroom practice?
An overall evaluation of the Inclusion module that was taught, as well as teachers' responses during the focus group interviews and classroom observations, provided sufficient data to confirm that the Limpopo FP teachers indeed found the PBS model and effective and appropriate tool that could be used in support of learners who present with behavioural challenges in their classrooms. All respondents indicated on the module evaluation forms that they would use the strategies in their classrooms to assist them in support of learners with behavioural challenges. The majority of respondents (94%) indicated that they had found the following aspects of the PBS module most valuable:
There was strong support for the model, particularly once an understanding of the various factors that contributed to behavioural challenges had been established. While previously learners were believed to be just naughty, the ecosystemic understanding of how the learners' home, school and family contexts impact his or her behaviour was reported to be valuable. The participants reported that the ecosystemic view opened up the channel for them to consider their part in the various systems within the school context that led to challenging learner behaviour. Such a realisation reportedly allowed the respondents to be reflexive about their role within the system of support and make the necessary classroom practice and attitude adjustments. The Limpopo FP teachers unanimously reported a better and deeper understanding of the contributory contextual factors that impact challenging behaviour in the classroom.
All respondents without exception found that where previously they felt inadequately prepared to manage behavioural challenges, the PBS strategies they were taught were very valuable in addressing behavioural challenges and were a welcome support for their classroom practices. Common behaviour management practices that respondents admitted to having been using were highlighted within the focus group interviews as being inappropriate and ineffective. These included the use of corporal punishment, negative attitudes by teachers towards learners and towards teaching, as well as prevalent practices of favouritism, victimisation and labelling of learners. These same behaviour management strategies, together with the majority of respondents' reported lack of knowledge of appropriate teaching strategies, challenging contextual factors of overcrowded classrooms and challenging systemic factors related to home-school partnerships, were also considered by the majority of respondents as factors that contributed to challenging behaviour in the class.
Positive behaviour support strategies within the observed classrooms
Overall, the classroom observations revealed a general use and application of the following PBS principles: positive classroom and climate management, relevant lesson and time management, organised lesson designs, meaningful lesson presentations, meaningful use of organisational rules, appropriate management of learner conflict/disruptions, as well as appropriate use of social rules and routines.
The PBS strategies that were reported by the teachers to have been most effective included the use of praise/rewards/tokens. Efforts towards greater parent-teacher collaboration were also highlighted, together with the use of classroom rules. This can be observed in the teachers' comments below. In addition, the appropriate use of silence as well as positive regard for the learners and the appropriate use of affection were also significant strategies that were reported to be assisting in getting learners to attend as well as build positive relationships with the teacher. An example of the effectiveness found in the use of silence in the classroom is reflected in the following excerpt:
'I used this thing of just being quiet, I never thought it will work. I just go in, see them making a noise and I just say, stand up, fold your arms, and close your mouth. And you can see they are just surprised, I am talking soft not shouting and soon they all become surprised and just do it, I just say fold your arms, close your mouth, and yes this thing is working! One by one they become quiet. We are used to shouting and saying KEEP QUIET!!! But they don't stop. Hey, but this thing it works (laughing). It was the first time I saw being soft can calm children down.' (School 1, teacher 1, female)
Positive regard, affection and emotional support of learners were also reported to be strong contributing factors to building learners' self-esteem and sense of belonging in the classroom. This, in turn, reportedly encouraged positive behaviour practices from the learners. The responses below highlight the moving stories that one teacher told of the value of emotional connectedness within the classroom:
Given the value that respondents found in the use of the PBS model support strategies, there was widespread advocacy for other teachers in the province also to undergo such professional development. The issue of needing more time to practise the strategies was raised by a large number of respondents, together with the need for continued professional development in the area of behaviour support for all teachers in the Limpopo province. The overall feeling of participants was that such knowledge needed to be shared for the broader support of learners within their schools and learning communities.
Implications for professional development programmes
The teachers considered that the PBS strategies were good and useful for excellence in teaching, and the limitation was that only a few teachers had been exposed to it. The impact of the respondents' strategies of behaviour support was creating awareness among other teachers that there was a different, better way to support learners who present with behavioural challenges. The lack of opportunity for these strategies to be shared with their colleagues was highlighted as a challenge. All respondents reported that it was imperative for teachers within their schools to have an opportunity to learn the principles and practical applications of the PBS model and thereby learn healthier support mechanisms by which challenging learner behaviours could be addressed. One poignant reflection was when one teacher expressed: '…it is a waste for us to be the excellent teachers alone'. The idea of increased exposure and familiarity with the PBS model is strongly supported by literature as having the advantage of more teachers within schools and more schools within districts experiencing the benefits of using PBS strategies to 'proactively establish school environments [to be] more conducive to learning' (Warren et al. 2006:196). In order to ensure that IE is embraced and pursued by all teachers, there continues to be a need for professional development and support (Ntombela & Raymond 2013).
Shulman (1986) explains that teacher education should function to teach prospective teachers how to use ideas and theories in their classroom practice and should also help them to investigate and discover how those ideas and theories in effect manage those who attempt to engage them. The imperative that teacher education programmes incorporate effective behaviour support strategies together with general pedagogical development and specific classroom behaviour support management techniques has been proven valuable in the findings of this research. The findings provide a compelling argument that the ideas and theoretical underpinnings of the PBS model should form part of the support strategies that prospective teachers are exposed to as part of their pre-service education.
Limitations of the study
This research deliberately focused on Limpopo FP teachers during their teacher education degree at the university. The PBS model was evaluated for the effectiveness of its use within the specific context of Limpopo. The findings that emerged from the study provide rich data to support a meaningful understanding of the value of PBS that has been found within a specific context. It is however accepted that the specific context would limit the generalisability of the findings to other South African contexts.
The PBS model is a model used predominately in overseas countries as a school-wide model of support. For this study, the model was adapted to focus only on the classroom PBS strategies. The use of the model as a complete three-tiered approach was therefore not investigated. Despite having to practise the PBS strategies in isolation from their colleagues, the respondents nevertheless willingly tried out the PBS model of support. This can be considered as a sign of the perceived value of the PBS model and the respondents' adaptability to use different forms of learner support in their classrooms.
A further limitation evolved out of one of the findings of the study. The majority of respondents expressed strongly that all FP teachers within the Limpopo province should have the opportunity to participate in professional development on behaviour support and the PBS model. This urgent call by the respondents, while accepted as legitimate, was not possible to be addressed within the scope of this research. The respondents commented on the interest shown by their colleagues at their schools concerning the good practices they saw being implemented. The majority of respondents expressed the concern that there was little opportunity for them to share their expertise with others, given the busy schedules of all the teachers and the heavy workloads.
Implications for further research on positive behaviour support in the South African context
While this study is possibly the first to provide information about the value of PBS within the South African context, and specifically within the province of Limpopo, there are extensive opportunities to conduct further research on the model within the rest of the country. Literature suggests that in South Africa teachers may find it harder to adopt new strategies for various contextual reasons. Contextual factors that may impede teacher uptake include teachers' difficulties with lack of appropriate resources, poor learner engagement and teachers' own poor teacher education as a result of Bantu Education (Chrisholm 2003). Further studies in various other South African contexts would, therefore, provide invaluable information with regard to possible generalisability of the value of PBS support in this country's context.
Although the findings of this study indicate a pocket of success in relation to the value of PBS, further studies to explore the value of long-term school-based behaviour support with PBS interventions can provide data in relation to whether the model achieves success in the reduction of behavioural challenges within schools and classrooms in different contextual settings. Various national and international studies argue for the effectiveness of intervention programmes that include coaching and follow-up programmes. The duration of such programmes generates opportunities for collaborations, group inquiry into practice and individual reflections (Brodie 2008). Research into the long-term use of PBS support programmes in collaboration with school-based support teams across various districts in different provinces of the country may provide further information concerning teacher uptake of intervention and support programmes in the area of behaviour support.
Conclusion
In light of the fact that at the time of this study I did not find much documented research regarding the use of PBS within the South African context, the findings of this study suggest that it is the first of its kind. The study offers an indication of the value and effectiveness of PBS within South Africa. The findings of this study reveal that the Limpopo FP teachers indeed found that the PBS model was a practical and useful tool for the understanding and support of learners who present with behavioural challenges in their classrooms. Overall, the research findings provided evidence to support the effectiveness of the PBS model for Limpopo FP classrooms and, in doing so, have been successful in providing useful information about the use of the PBS model in the South African context. The PBS model was found to be valuable and useful in helping the Limpopo FP teachers better understand and better manage behavioural challenges in their classrooms. The opportunities for exploration of the PBS model within higher education courses for teacher education are possible given the value the FP teachers found in the IE PBS module taught. This, I would argue, will equip teachers with the skills and knowledge to support positive behaviour in the classroom.
Acknowledgements
This research has been based on the author's PhD thesis submitted to the University of the Witwatersrand.
Competing interests
The author declares that she has no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced her in writing this article.
Authors' contributions
V.M.D. is the sole author of this article.
Funding information
The research reported in this article was supported by the European Union Primary Education Policy Support Programme (EU PPSP).
Data availability statement
New data were created or analysed in this study.
Disclaimer
The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author's and not an official position of the institution or funder.
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Correspondence:
Veronica Dwarika
veronicam@uj.ac.za
Received: 08 Apr. 2019
Accepted: 14 Aug. 2019
Published: 15 Oct. 2019
ORIGINAL RESEARCH
Accelerating mathematics word problem-solving performance and efficacy with think-aloud strategies
Piia M. BjörnI; Aino ÄikäsII; Airi HakkarainenI; Minna KyttäläIII; Lynn S. FuchsIV
ISchool of Educational Sciences and Psychology, University of Eastern Finland, Joensuu, Finland
IIDepartment of Special Education, School of Educational Sciences and Psychology, University of Eastern Finland, Joensuu, Finland
IIIDepartment of Education, University of Turku, Turku, Finland
IVPeabody College, Vanderbilt University, Tennessee, Nashville, United States
ABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: The previous body of research literature has reported several separate cognitive processes relevant in solving mathematics wps. Therefore, it is of the essence to seek for effective intervention and instruction for students in need for support in learning
AIM: This article reports the outcome of an intervention targeted at mathematics word problem (wp) skills.
SETTING: This study included three data collection points: (1) Premeasurements, (2) post-measurements and (3) follow-up measurements. Pre-measurements were performed in August, post-measurements immediately after the intervention period in October and follow-up measurements in December.
METHODS: A programme, which included face-to-face support in mathematics wp strategies with the think-aloud protocol, was applied. The participants were 28 Finnish third-graders (14 training group students and 14 control students). Their mathematics wp skills were tested three times (pre-, post- and follow-up assessments). The groups were matched by gender, family type and the mathematics wp pre-measurement score level. The groups differed neither by literacy skills (i.e. technical reading, reading comprehension) nor by task orientation at baseline.
RESULTS: Some acceleration of mathematics wp skills among the training group students was found but the growth dramatically declined as soon as the face-to-face support stopped. The results further showed improvement in the efficacy of correct answers or attempted mathematics wp items among training group students.
CONCLUSION: The results suggested that training consisting of face-to-face support is crucial for accelerating mathematics wp strategies among students struggling with mathematics. Repeated, cyclic periods of support are suggested for sustained effect.
Keywords: third-graders; mathematics word problem-solving; efficacy; think-aloud protocol; intervention.
Introduction
Arithmetic word problems (wps) constitute an important part of mathematics in elementary school. They integrate formal school mathematics and the real world, and require the learners to apply previously learned skills (Verschaffel, De Corte & Lasure 1994; Verschaffel, Greer & De Corte 2000). School children at varying ages and skill levels often find these wps difficult (Verschaffel & De Corte 1993). These tasks are demanding particularly for the students struggling with learning mathematics (Fuchs & Fuchs 2002; Krawec 2014). Therefore, it is of the essence to seek for effective intervention and instruction, probably benefiting all students at least to some extent (see Xin & Jitendra 1999). In other words, exactly the same teaching provided the same way for all the students is probably not the key to the successful acceleration of mathematics wp-solving performance. Thus, in the present study, we investigated the extent to which an intensive, short-term intervention provided in face-to-face conditions for third-graders will accelerate mathematics wp-solving performance and efficacy among students receiving support in mathematics.
The previous body of research literature has reported several separate cognitive processes relevant in solving mathematics wps. Based on those studies, it may be argued that in addition to basic arithmetics skills (Schoppek & Tulis 2006), solving mathematics wps requires several other skills and abilities such as arithmetic skills, like technical reading skills (Lau 2006), and reading comprehension (Vilenius-Tuohimaa, Aunola & Nurmi 2008). Also, domain general abilities such as metacognition (Desoete, Roeyers & Buysse 2001) and self-regulation (Thorndsen 2011), spatial awareness skills (Boonen et al. 2013) and working memory (Passolunghi & Siegel 2001, 2004; Swanson, Orosco & Lussier 2014; Zheng, Flynn & Swanson 2012) are relevant.
In elementary school, most of the mathematics wps are presented in written form (e.g. Fuchs, Fuchs & Compton 2012; Verschaffel, De Corte & Vierstaete 1999), and thus, also the mathematics wps are usually solved in written form. Therefore, the high interrelationship with language and literacy skills is evident, although situations in which verbal communication while solving math wps are not common (Mercer & Sams 2006). Children often make mistakes in wps because they do not fully comprehend verbal or written instructions (Cummins et al. 1988). However, previous studies suggest that also reading fluency is related to mathematics wp-solving performance (Vilenius-Tuohimaa et al. 2008). To comprehend a mathematics wp task, to identify the task type and to activate relevant prior mathematical knowledge structures, a person has to be able to read the task correctly, as well as to comprehend the meaning of it literally (e.g. Kintsch & Greeno 1985). However, to solve a mathematical wp, the mathematical meaning of the task at hand should be comprehended as well (Pape 2004). Hence, procedural knowledge is also needed.
As stated before, the mathematics wp-solving process integrates many essential knowledge-processing phases, some of which are parallel and others are concurrent. Previous intervention research seeking amelioration of mathematics wp-solving skills has emphasised training separate cognitive strategies (Swanson, Lussier & Orosco 2013; Zhang & Xin 2012). However, also metacognition and self-regulation (Montague 1998; Thorndsen 2011) could be expected to be ameliorated via verbalised thought processes.
The present study considers the think-aloud method as one cognitive strategy, which is suitable to certain contexts (Ericsson & Simon 1993). There are some prior reports on think-aloud protocols used to accelerate mathematics skills (Rittle-Johnson 2006; Rosenzweig, Krawec & Montague 2011). For example, in the Rittle-Johnson's (2006) intervention study on learning principals of mathematical equivalence, children aged 8-11 (n = 85) were placed under one of four conditions varying in instruction on versus invention of a procedure and self-explanation (think-aloud protocol) versus no explanation. Both self-explanation and instruction ameliorated procedural skills, and self-explanation promoted transfer regardless of the instructional condition. Neither manipulation promoted greater improvements on an independent measure of conceptual knowledge, suggesting that the think-aloud protocol is not the only effective method for intervention. However, as a pedagogical tool among others, the think-aloud protocol seems to effectively guide a student to verbally tell the teacher how she is approaching the mathematics wp and how she will solve it.
Using think-aloud protocols as a tool for supporting learning is easier if the teaching context allows individual face-to-face contact. A comprehensive report by Gersten et al. (2009) clearly suggests small-group instruction for struggling students in mathematics over a within-classroom context. Fuchs et al. (2015) reported results of a randomised condition in which the students were randomly assigned for inclusive instruction or specialised small-group instruction for fractions. The results indicated that small-group instruction yielded better learning results than the inclusive instruction condition in which the students received support in the regular classroom. In the same Fuchs et al. (2015) study, the achievement gaps between students in need of support in mathematics versus typically achieving peers widened, even in the small-group condition. The present study utilises a form of co-teaching with the highest possible intensity and individual approach, even though the intervention takes place in the regular classroom.
Think-aloud skills are connected with good reading comprehension skills (Ghaith 2003; Laing & Kamhi 2002) as well as more developed reading comprehension strategies (Lau 2006). Therefore, literacy skills need to be taken into account when examining the effects of the think-aloud intervention on mathematics wp-solving skills (Boonen et al. 2013, 2014). Along with literacy skills, motivation plays a role in successful mathematics learning onwards from early years (Fitzpatrick & Pagani 2013). Previous research has shown that children's task orientation (for an in-depth presentation on the concept of task orientation, see Björn, Räikkönen, Aunola & Kyttälä 2017) is an important factor that explains mathematics performance (Aunola, Leskinen & Nurmi 2006). As one of the learning orientation domains, task orientation describes positive concentration ability and willingness, as well as engagement in a given task. As at the beginning, wps are often found difficult (Verschaffel & De Corte 1993), which leads to lower task orientation (Aunola et al. 2006). Hence, literacy skills and task orientation were examined as potential control variables in the present study.
The present study
As we now understand that the mathematics wps represent a cognitive 'hub' combining a large set of different cognitive processes such as reading fluency, reading comprehension, procedural skills and the ability to understand the context of each problem, the think-aloud protocol was chosen as one tool of the intervention, as language and verbalisation of thoughts are in the core of the approach. We utilised a think-aloud protocol by Ericsson and Simon (1993) in addition to strategy instruction as suggested by Kajamies, Vauras and Kinnunen (2010) (Appendix 1) in the present intervention study. In more details, think-aloud protocols are expected to guide and encourage the participants to gradually learn how to verbally explain what they are doing and how they are trying to solve the tasks at hand.
The early theoretical background of the think-aloud method could be related to Wundt's (1888) psychological concept 'introspection' which encourages one to focus on what types of individual thought processes are detectable and accelerated when solving a problem (see Güss 2018). In addition, socio-cultural learning theories via Vygotsky's original idea of internal speech and external speech fit well to the idea of think-aloud protocols: It is a different cognitive process to silently solve a mathematics wp than first reading it aloud and then orally starting to break the problem into parts and planning how to solve it (Frawley 1997; please also see the intervention lesson plan in Appendix 1). Furthermore, as the student is required to tell about her plans to solve the problem at hand, this method also allows the teacher or interventionist to immediately and more accurately find the problem-solving patterns which need to be re-taught or further explained to the participants. Previous educational intervention studies utilising the think-aloud method have yielded generally positive results, as they usually aim to enhance the metacognitive awareness related to one's understanding of current skills and need for more practice (see Montague, Warger & Morgan 2000; Rittle-Johnson 2006; Rosenzweig et al. 2011). However, Güss (2018) very recently suggested that there are also limitations worth noting concerning the concurrent verbalisation of thoughts while solving a problem (e.g. think-aloud strategy): for example, it might not be effortless for anyone to verbalise thought processes, if a person rather prefers to first process the problem at hand silently. Also, the questions posed before, during and after the problem-solving process might in one way or another serve to intervene the thinking process and therefore end up as a wrong problem-solving path or unexpected answer.
Along with teaching problem-solving strategies, another important feature of the think-aloud intervention is to teach efficacy in solving mathematics wps: it includes the ability to recognise items that are solvable items one finds too hard and items a student may try to solve, even though they seem hard. In the present study, the mathematics wp efficacy is determined to serve as the efficacy consisting of the input-output ratio between correctly solved items and attempted items. The larger the ratio is, the higher the efficacy in solving the mathematics wps. For example, if a student succeeds in solving three items correctly, but has attempted to solve 10 items, the input-output ratio is 0.30. If a student succeeds in solving 10 items and has attempted to solve 10 items, the ratio is 1.00. The number of attempted mathematics wps was considered important, because students with difficulties in mathematics (Passolunghi 2011; Wu et al. 2014) often experience anxiety in mathematics-related situations (Kyttälä & Björn 2013), which, furthermore, may lead to a situation where they do not even attempt to solve the problems in fear of failure.
The study questions and hypotheses were as follows:
Methods
Participants
A total of 148 Finnish third-graders were invited to participate in the study at the beginning of the school year, in August, including 76 boys and 72 girls (Mage = 8.72, SD [standard deviation] = 0.47). The Finnish school year starts in the middle of August and ends in late May or at the beginning of June. The summer vacation lasts from early June to around the 15th of August. Compulsory schooling in Finland lasts for 9 years. It starts from Grade 1 the year the child turns 7 years old. Finnish schools are becoming more multicultural. However, the present data consisted solely of students who speak Finnish as their primary home language.
Informed consent for participation in the study was obtained from 136 participants' parents. The educational level of parents is usually relatively good in Finland. In the present data, 15.5% of the fathers had a university degree or a degree from a polytechnic university, 69.0% had a vocational school or vocational institute degree and again 15.5% of the fathers had only a compulsory school diploma. Regarding the mothers, 33.8% had a university degree or degree from a polytechnic university and 58.0% had a vocational school or vocational institute degree, while 5.4% of the mothers had only a compulsory school diploma.
This study included three data collection points: (1) Pre-measurements, (2) post-measurements and (3) follow-up measurements. Pre-measurements were performed in August, post-measurements immediately after the intervention period in October and follow-up measurements in December.
The training group inclusion criteria were (1) teacher referral and (2) each participant who had regularly received Tier 2 support in mathematics during earlier years (n = 14; 10 girls, 4 boys; Mage = 8.75, SD = 0.60). Tier 2 support for learning in the Finnish Response-To-Intervention-like framework is called 'intensified support' (for further details, see Fuchs & Fuchs 2005). It may be provided as within-classroom support in the form of co-teaching provided together with classroom teacher and a special needs teacher, for example. It may also be provided as small-group support outside the regular classroom, which is then provided by a special needs teacher. The average amount of support for Tier 2 students for the subject the student needs support for is two to three sessions per week. No formal assessments (i.e. no formal diagnosis for learning difficulties in mathematics, e.g.) are required for referral to special educational services in Finland. The forms of support, as well as intensity and duration of support, vary depending on schools, as no formal instructions for support services exist (see Björn et al. 2016).
The control group students (n = 14; 10 girls, 4 boys; Mage = 8.77, SD = 0.46) were selected from the remaining 122 students. The gender, family type and baseline mathematics wp score were matched as closely as possible, by pairwise matching of each training group participant and a control group participant. The matched pairs were otherwise identical in terms of these criteria with one major exception: the control group students were not among those that the teachers had referred as in need of support in mathematics. Additionally, in one training group student-control group student pair, family type was 'unmarried spouse and children' for one and 'other' for the other student (other criteria practically identical; baseline mathematics wp score between-group difference p > 0.05). The groups were also very similar in terms of parental education level (particularly maternal education). Demographic information about participants is displayed in Table 1.
The students' mathematics wp skills were measured using MATTE (Matematiikan sanallisten tehtävien ja laskutaidon arviointi [Evaluation of the student's mathematical problem-solving and arithmetic skills]) (Kajamies et al. 2003) in pre-, post- and follow-up measurements. The students' literacy skills (technical reading skills and reading comprehension) were tested at the baseline using a standardised ALLU (Ala-asteen lukutesti [Elementary school's reading test]) reading test (Lindeman 2000). The students also filled in a questionnaire on their mathematics task orientation.
Measures
Mathematics word problem skills
Mathematical wp-solving was assessed by a parallel set (set A for pre-measurement, B for post-measurement and C for follow-up measurement) at each measurement time point. Each set consisted of 15 one- and multi-step wps (e.g. You bought 11 marshmallows and 12 chocolate candies from a store. Your friend bought 9 marshmallows and 8 chocolate candies. How many candies did you have altogether?). These assessment forms were from the MATTE test (Kajamies et al. 2003). Problems required realistic consideration and not only straightforward application of arithmetic operations. We used the total number of attempted wps, as well as the total number of correct answers in the analyses. The cronbach's alpha for the test is reported as 0.809.
Literacy skills: Technical reading
Technical reading was used as one of the control measures in the study. It was assessed using the word recognition subtest of the ALLU reading test (Lindeman 2000). The word recognition subtest measures participants' speed and accuracy in separating words written in sets by marking lines between each words (e.g., 'kilpakohtiparialla' should become 'kilpa/kohti/pari/alla'; or 'racetowardspairunder' should become 'race/towards/pair/under'). The technical reading subtest designed for fourth-graders consists of six items for practice and 78 test items. Each test item contains one word chain of two to four words. The time limit for the test is 3 minutes 30 seconds. One point is given for each correctly separated, meaningful word; thus, the maximum score for the test is 214.
Reading comprehension
Text comprehension was another control measure in the present study. It was measured using a subtest of the standardised primary school reading test (Lindeman 2000). The test consisted of two texts based on narrative context (1, 2) and two texts based on expository context (3, 4; see also Sáenz & Fuchs 2002). The texts included short stories with relevant vocabulary. The length of each story was one page. In the testing situation, the children were asked to read each text silently (two texts or testing session) and then to provide an answer to multiple-choice questions accompanying each text. Texts were presented in two sessions, each of which included one expository and one narrative text, with a total of 12 questions per text. The child was able to see the text for the entire duration of the task. The time limit for completing the questions related to the texts was 60 min per session. Text comprehension was measured by summing up the number of correct answers in all four texts. One point was given for each correct answer, resulting in a maximum score of 48 for all the reading comprehension texts combined. Cronbach's alpha for the test was 0.870.
Task orientation in mathematics
As the third control measure, the participants' motivation towards mathematics tasks (Salonen et al. 1994) was self-evaluated by filling in a five-point, Likert-scale questionnaire (for a more precise description, see Vauras et al. 1993) in which the ability to sustain attention while solving mathematics tasks and enthusiasm during mathematics tasks and lessons were rated. The students filled in the questionnaire. The introduction text for the test is meant to guide the student to think about behaviour towards mathematics or during mathematics lessons. So, this test is expected to be domain-specific. For example, in the students' questionnaire, the first item was: 'I think I can concentrate on a given task and do it from the beginning to the end without being distracted' (1) never, (2) seldom, (3) sometimes, (4) often and (5) very often. There were four questions concerning task orientation. Consequently, the raw maximum score was 20. We calculated an arithmetic mean from the maximum score. The Cronbach's alpha ranged from 0.636 to 0.728 over the measurement time points in the present study. The reliability according to the test manual is 0.832.
The intervention
Procedure
This study applied a design with (1) mathematics wp strategy instruction to all the students in participating classrooms (including training group students, control group students and other students within the classrooms) and in addition to that (2) face-to-face think-aloud strategy instruction for the training group students, provided by a trained teacher. The intensity of mathematics wp strategy instruction was three times per week and the duration was 15 min. This way, exposure to the intervention (strategy instruction) was 3 × 15 min per week. Exposure to the intervention (strategy instruction + face-to-face think-aloud instruction) was 3 × 45 min per week for the training group. The overall duration for the intervention was 6 weeks. We included a 2-week 'resting' gap in the middle, so the actual intervention was given in 2 × 2-week sets. During the 2 week gap, all the students participated in their regular school days. In summation, training group students received a total of 540 min of (intensive) support during the intervention, whereas the control group students (only participating in the overall strategy instruction) received a total of 180 min of support during the intervention period.
Mathematics word problem strategy instruction
Each intervention session started with an overall strategy instruction (duration 15 min) in solving mathematics wp tasks during mathematics lessons (see also Appendix 1). During this strategy instruction, all the students (including the training group students) were using the Vauras et al. (2003) model of efficient mathematics wp-solving (see Kajamies et al. 2010). It includes six different phases: (1) reading the problem, (2) describing the problem, (3) planning solving of the problem, (4) calculations, (5) interpreting the result and answering the problem and (6) evaluating the result. This instruction was given to all students and an example mathematics wp item was calculated together.
The working phase
After the overall mathematics wp strategy instruction, the training group students started the face-to-face work with the trained teacher (duration 20 min). Those students within the control group, as well as other students in the classrooms participating in this study, started to calculate the MATTE (Kajamies et al. 2003) tasks on their own, but received help from the regular classroom teacher, if needed.
Face-to-face think-aloud strategy instruction for the training group students
In the present study, we applied a set of pre-determined questions, 'a protocol' (see Ericsson & Simon 1993, 1998) designed to build and support think-aloud strategies within each intervention session in addition to more commonly used strategy instruction (see Kajamies et al. 2010). When using think-aloud questions as part of an intervention, the student's growing ability to speak about his or her strategy choices is the main point. These think-aloud questions act as a supporting means of strategy instruction for mathematics wp-solving aimed at students struggling with learning mathematics. The trained teachers were instructed to use the same pre-defined sets of questions aimed to help the students with solving the mathematics wps. The questions were aimed to help the student before the actual problem-solving process (e.g. Where else have you seen mathematics wps like this one?), during the problem-solving process (e.g. Do you remember how the problem was solved in the previous wp?) and after the problem-solving process (e.g. Can you come up with another way of solving this?). These sets of think-aloud questions had been piloted prior to this intervention.
Ending and interviews
After each session, the students were asked to rate the MATTE tasks using a form that comes with the material. Additionally, the training group students were interviewed to close the session and to get feedback on the tasks. The interviews were recorded and used to improve the instruction. For example, if a student suggested spending more time on example mathematics wps, this was individually taken into account immediately during the next session.
Teachers' perceptions about the usability of the think-aloud procedure along with the intervention material were ensured by giving the teachers delivering the intensive individual instruction condition as well as the small-group condition questionnaires including three five-point Likert-scale items: (i.e. How well did you succeed in guiding the student(s) to do the tasks; How well did you succeed in asking the think-aloud questions; How well did you manage to instruct the students' learning process?). They gave their usability judgement assessment to the researcher group after the last intervention session. The overall usability score over all sessions was moderate (M = 3.5; SD = 0.5).
Data analysis strategy
To answer the first research aim the effects of the intervention were inspected by the amount of correct answers to the wp tasks, repeated measures of analysis of variance (ANOVA) were calculated. There was no need for using literacy skills (i.e. technical reading and reading comprehension) or task orientation as control variables, as there were no statistically significant differences between groups in these measures (ps > 0.05) in the baseline. We also calculated paired-samples t-tests to inspect within-group differences between pre-measurements and post-measurements. The results were confirmed using related-samples of the Wilcoxon signed-rank test that is calculated by the median of differences between z-scores.
Next, to answer the second research aim on the mathematics wp-solving efficacy, the input-output ratio of attempts and correct answers to solve wp tasks was inspected over the three measurement time points (pre-, post- and follow-up measurements). Again, repeated measures of ANOVAs with paired-samples t-tests between pre-measurements and post-measurements were calculated, paired-samples t-tests were followed and the results were finally confirmed with related-samples Wilcoxon signed-rank tests. The analyses were conducted using the Statistical Package for Social Sciences (IBM SPSS) programme (version 25).
Ethical considerations
This article followed all ethical standards for research without direct contact with human or animal subjects.
Results
Mathematics word problem performance between the training and control groups
Firstly, differences between the groups were calculated with repeated measures ANOVAs. See Table 2 for mean scores, standard deviations and Wilcoxon's signed-rank test ps at measurement times within the training and control groups. The results showed that the group and measurement time in mathematics wp performance did not have a statistically significant interaction effect (F = 1.665). To inspect further on the impact of the intervention, paired-samples t-tests between pre-measurements and post-measurements showed that there was neither a significant difference when inspected within training group [t(13) = −1.66, p = 0.12] nor within the control group [t(13) = −1.88, p = 0.82]. These results suggested that this particular short-time intervention did not completely succeed in closing the gap between the training group and control group students' mathematics wp skills.
However, an important trend suggesting actually quite opposite changes in mathematics wp scores may be detected in Figure 1 describing the differences between groups at different measurement time points: there was a clear (although not significant) growth in training group students' mathematics wp skills between the pre-measurement and post-measurement time point, whereas there was a decline of the same-size among control group students. Further, there was a clear decline in mathematics wp scores among training students after the intensive intervention had stopped, whereas in contrast, among control group students, the growth is evident after the intervention period, resulting in a statistically significant difference between groups at the follow-up measurement time point. Overall, this finding suggested that the face-to-face think-aloud strategy support started to accelerate the mathematics wp-solving performance among the training group students, but after the support stopped, their performance also rapidly declined. We used parallel test versions from the MATTE to test the mathematics wp performance for pre-, post- and follow-up measurements. We think that it is partly because of the parallel test versions that the training group students performed slightly lower at the follow-up measurement time point than at the pre-measurement time point.
Mathematics word problem-solving efficacy between the training and control groups
Next, group differences in the efficacy, measured as the input-output ratio of the correctly calculated items and attempted items, were inspected. The results showed again that group and measurement time in mathematics wp performance did not have a statistically significant interaction effect (F = 0.70). To inspect further on the change in the input-output ratio, within-group paired-samples t-tests between pre-measurements and post-measurements showed that the difference was nearly statistically significant within the training group [t(13) = −2.03, p = 0.065]. This result was confirmed by the related-samples Wilcoxon signed-rank test which was statistically significant (p < 0.05). There was no such improvement within the control group [t(13) = −1.90, p = 0.80]. These results bring an important addition to the results of the study: the accuracy and effort put into solving mathematics wps was accelerated as a result of the face-to-face think-aloud intervention among students struggling with mathematics.
Discussion
Overall, the results of the present study suggested that even though the interaction between the measurement time and group did not prove this particular think-aloud intervention as statistically significant, it is safe to say that applying a systematic face-to-face think-aloud strategy instruction could be used as one tool to accelerate and improve the mathematics wp strategy skills among students struggling with mathematics. Additionally, the results showed that the efficacy to solve mathematics wps grew significantly higher among the training group students: the efficacy in mathematics wps as an input-output ratio measured as correct answers or attempted items was ameliorated during the intervention period. These findings may contribute to the field of special education and mathematics intervention taking into account how the support should be provided for different learners.
Firstly, the extent to which the number of correct solutions in mathematics wps increased over pre-, post- and follow-up measurements was examined. It has been suggested that think-aloud questions are very task-specific (Ostad & Sorensen 2007; Rosenzweig et al. 2011) which might mean that effects on specific target skills such as mathematics wps are expectable. Based on these results, it seems that face-to-face individual intensive support accelerates wp skills, but the effect was not sustained. As for the correct solutions in wps, individual intensive face-to-face support seemed to increase the number of correct solutions suggesting that as long as individual support may be provided, it can yield positive results even though the context would be within-classroom. At the same time, the results showed that as soon as the support stopped, the teacher-referred students struggling with mathematics stopped performing better in mathematics wps. Instead, the students in the control group showed a clear increase in mathematics wp performance later on. It has to be remembered that the students in the training group condition performed slightly weaker in general mathematics skills at the baseline, even though there was no statistically significant difference with the control group students. Therefore, they could have benefited more from the simple explicit instruction on basic calculations, as well as on mathematics wp-solving strategies without any think-aloud components at the beginning. However, the work by Güss (2018) might additionally help in finding an explanation for this result. Firstly, he found that it might not be effortless for anyone to verbalise thought processes, and secondly, during and after the problem-solving process, posing the questions that belong to the think-aloud protocol might in one way or another even intervene in the thinking process and therefore end up as a wrong problem-solving path or wrong answers. Nonetheless, the think-aloud method was novel for the training group students. Therefore, it would have been very interesting to repeat the intervention after a while and then find out if the students would be able to benefit even more from the instruction, as the think-aloud protocol would have been familiar to them.
However, it needs to be noted that mathematics wps are essential in the curriculums for third-graders and they are present in textbooks in almost all lessons. Therefore, the student would continue to be exposed to the mathematics wps even after the intervention was over. The differences between the training group and control group grew over time which suggested that the regular classroom instruction was not sufficient for the training group students. The dramatic decline of training group students' mathematics wp-solving skills could be explained firstly by the fact that we utilised parallel versions of the same test, but not exactly the same items. Secondly, Fuchs et al. (2015) also found that the gap between training group and control group students grew over time in mathematics skills after an intervention. Relatedly, as we trained the teachers to use the Kajamies et al. (2010) structure while teaching mathematics wps, it seems that those students without need for support in mathematics were able to benefit from the improved instruction, while the training group students struggling with mathematics would very likely have still needed very intensive face-to-face support. During the intervention, the teachers were able to offer exceptionally face-to-face support, but also small-group support has often been suggested to be a very beneficial context for children struggling in mathematics (see also Fuchs et al. 2012, 2015; Gersten et al. 2009; Montague 2008; Swanson et al. 2014).
Secondly, the extent to which the input-output ratio of correct answers or attempted mathematics wps is increased over pre-, post- and follow-up measurements was examined. This was an important aim to be looked at, as students struggling with mathematics tend to learn to avoid even attempting to solve the tasks they find difficult (Aunola et al. 2006; Passolunghi 2011; Wu et al. 2014). The results showed that overall, the added think-aloud strategy intervention seemed to enhance the efficacy (measured here as correct answers or attempts) in solving mathematics wps. This might, in future, mean that as the result of the intervention, the students in the training group felt less anxiety to try wp-solving. It is also possible that during the intervention period, they learned to identify the types of wps and this time knew the ones that would be too hard for them to solve. In this way, a more realistic understanding of their skills, as a sign of growth in metacognitive awareness, was likely accelerated among these students (Desoete 2009; Owen & Fuchs 2002; Montague 2008).
Limitations
There are at least three limitations to be considered when attempting to generalise the results presented here. Firstly, the sample was very small in the present study. However, intervention studies are hard work, and therefore, small samples are not unusual within the educational intervention research paradigm. Secondly, this study did not aim to identify students with mathematics difficulties in a diagnostic sense. This means that no strict criteria for selecting students to be randomised in one of the intervention conditions were used. Instead, we asked the teachers to indicate the students who would benefit from the intensive intervention and who also have been engaged in part-time special education. Thirdly, we aimed to simulate an authentic situation in classrooms in terms of diversity in mathematics skills by selecting a little over 10% of the students as participants for the intervention (by teacher referral), as opposed to 25% used many times in a similar research design.
Conclusion
The present study adds to the previous literature by providing a set of results for a small-scale intervention study, utilising a face-to-face think-aloud strategy instruction as an added feature to general mathematics wp strategy instruction. Our research outlined that the individual face-to-face support provided was very intensive, as a trained interventionist spent all the intervention sessions solely instructing the target students. This way, we simulated one type of an extreme condition of co-teaching. There is an ongoing discussion on the effects of inclusive co-teaching versus small-group instruction outside the classroom (see Fuchs et al. 2015), but to date, no published studies including Finnish students exist. The present study now also provides a small-scale baseline result for the effectiveness and the need for intensive support given individually in active face-to-face interaction. Further, based on our result, cyclic and repeated, intensive periods of support for students at risk for mathematical learning difficulties are suggested for further investigation (see also Björn et al. 2018).
Acknowledgements
Competing interests
The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.
Authors' contributions
All authors equally contributed to the writing of the manuscript.
Funding information
This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial or not-for-profit sectors.
Data availability statement
Data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study.
Disclaimer
The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the authors.
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Correspondence:
Piia Björn
piia.bjorn@uef.fi
Received: 01 Nov. 2018
Accepted: 24 Aug. 2019
Published: 16 Oct. 2019
ORIGINAL RESEARCH
Data practices and inequality in South African early childhood development policy: Technocratic management versus social transformation
Norma RudolphI; Zsuzsanna MilleiII; Maarit AlasuutariI
IDepartment of Education, University of Jyväskylä, Jyväskylä, Finland
IIFaculty of Education, University of Tampere, Tampere, Finland
ABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: In 1994, the African National Congress identified early childhood development as a potential strategy to redress the inequalities of apartheid, however, two and a half decades later, poverty still persists, and South Africa is one of the most unequal countries in the world.
AIM: This article explores how policy texts based on and with the use of certain data practices establish 'truths' about childhoods and society, construct families and communities, and determine forms of provision to address inequality.
SETTING: In 2015, the South African government published the National Integrated Early Childhood Policy (NIECDP) to continue to address poverty and inequality. Its implementation increasingly draws on data practices that measure and inform solutions. The use of data practices, while also providing needed information, prioritises solutions that proceed in technocratic ways instead of facilitating social change.
METHODS: With a critical discourse analysis of policy texts and the introduction of alternatives, the analysis seeks to highlight the power and knowledge hierarchies that construct the policies of NIECDP.
RESULTS: This article demonstrates how discourses and data practices prioritise 'the government of poverty' instead of helping to eliminate it and silence the voices of those living with poverty. This form of government through data also undermines the policy's potential to respond to the different life chances resulting from the diverse conditions in which young children live in South Africa.
CONCLUSION: This article seeks to re-open a debate that the NIECDP successfully silenced, specifically who benefits, who speaks and who is silenced.
Keywords: data practices; policy analysis; South Africa; early childhood; social justice.
Global discourses with a propensity for measurement
There is a global agreement on the benefits of early childhood education, including poverty alleviation, and a growing consensus around mobilising resources for early childhood services based on needs established on data (Britto et al. 2018). However, the way 'data' and 'evidence' are constructed and the kind of data practices that are used warrants closer attention. While centralised population-based data are necessary for general planning, allocation of resources and identifying areas needing policy input, exclusive reliance on this kind of data-driven policy and decision-making can risk depoliticising early childhood policy (Dahlberg & Moss 2005; Morabito, Vandenbroeck & Roose 2013) and silencing broad, continuous and necessary debates about early childhood services. More specifically, it leaves little space for discussions regarding notions and values underpinning early childhood provision, such as the competing understandings of childhood and society promoted by diverse communities, and the values, which inform funding strategies. While challenges to the global consensus and policy decisions involving data use can be found in the literature (Campbell-Barr, Lavelle & Wickett 2012; Cannella, Pèrez & Lee 2016; Dahlberg, Moss & Pence 1999; Millei & Gallagher 2017; Penn 2010; Roberts-Holmes 2015), there is little critical attention being given to this issue in South Africa. The acclaim for the long-awaited integrated early childhood services and increased government funding promised in the South African 2015 National Integrated Early Childhood Development Policy (NIECDP) (RSA 2015) has overshadowed critical response to the specific policy choices and programme options that are defined and delivered on particular presentations of data. By relying solely on centralised planning, the NIECDP constrains space for beneficiaries to contribute more refined data generated through decentralised participatory processes at the local level to guide a responsive integrated approach.
In this article, we analyse the kinds of data practices promoted in the 2015 South African NIECDP and argue that the current dominant global discourses, with a propensity for measurement and a particular kind of data use, undermine the stated policy intention to address poverty and inequality. By revealing the underlying policy discourses and power relations that shape the collection, administration and use of data, we aim to stimulate debate about different data practices and constructions of evidence in current early childhood policy in South Africa.
Systematic data practices and the analysis of policies
The stated intention of the 2015 NIECPD is to address inequality, claiming that 'inequality within and between populations has its origins in poor early childhood experiences' (RSA 2015). Consequently, it argues that investment in early childhood development (ECD) that targets the underlying social and economic causes and consequences of risk factors can 'limit inequality at its source' (RSA 2015). To create information on how and what kind of investments are to be taken, an evidence-based policymaking discourse is mobilised. This calls for the collection of data based on an autocratic and bureaucratic point of view. The problem is, however, that instead of gathering local data in discussions with community stakeholders, policymakers exclusively use large population data sets and centrally devised measures in determining the set of early childhood services to be funded and scaled up. As a result, there is insufficient detail about local conditions. This kind of standard data practice is explored in the literature as datafication, data-driven and evidence-based decision-making. We follow Kelly and Noonan's (2017) distinction between 'systematic practices' and 'edifying practices' of datafication in their research on the Indian public health sector. Bringing Rorty's (1979) notion of 'edifying practices' to their conceptualisation, they emphasise the 'shifts from representing the world (with a view to domesticating it) to cultivating the skills to experience it more fully' (Kelly & Noonan 2017:878). They oppose standard systematic data practices that represent the world with a view of objectifying and simplifying it to fit normalised understandings. For example, in relation to the measurement of poverty with some numerical indicators, data enact relational object positions, such as positioning some people 'below the poverty line', or in groups that are at 'risk of poverty', thus creating distinctive forms of sociality that are understood in well-rehearsed or normative ways. Kelly and Noonan (2017) remind us that practices are performative and they therefore conceive of data not as a noun or a thing but as a kind of 'doing' that can produce worlds and also reveal new worlds and possibilities through conversation with various stakeholders. Using a practice theoretical approach, they suggest understanding data as being performed within social practices. They promote what they term as 'edifying data practices' that generate mutual exploration and learning of complex conditions through conversation (Kelly & Noonan 2017).
The standard systematic data practices in the South African early childhood policy scene are used to measure the success of implementation. The South African Early Learning Outcomes Measure (ELOM) seeks to determine the level of success of services, based on the measurement of children's performance improvement (Dawes et al. 2016; DGM Moderator 2016; Snelling et al. 2019). This is in line with the recently launched global campaign by the Early Childhood Action Network (ECDAN1) that proposes standardising global reporting of implementation based on predetermined 'evidence to inform effectiveness, quality, and scale' (Britto et al. 2018). In addition to its compliance with the global expectation of comparable measurement tools, South African early childhood policy and practice is strongly informed by the dominant position that there is sufficient evidence of effective programmes that should merely be taken to scale (Britto et al. 2018). Thus, it seems that the South African government strategy to reduce inequality is primarily based on needing effective large-scale data sets to determine needs, administer the correct measures of funding and upscaling, and prove success with the measurement of learning outcomes through predefined measurement procedures.
Policymaking, informed and evaluated primarily by quantified measurements, contributes to the process of what Grek and Ozga (2010) term the 'scientisation' of education governance, where it is 'increasingly assumed that it is only knowledge based on data (and in particular statistical knowledge) that can reveal problems and shape solutions' (Grek & Ozga 2010). Adding to this observation, Dahlberg (2016) notes, in relation to the context of the Global North, that data use follows dominant economic rationalities and neoliberal ideologies. For example, systematic quality assurance and quality control practices use predefined measurement procedures to assess children in terms of predetermined outcomes and, in so doing, govern and normalise young children and their families. In contrast to this approach, she presents an 'ethico-aesthetic paradigm' that accommodates the possibility of imagining and enacting alternatives and thus allowing for change, creativity and hope (Dahlberg 2016).
Dahlberg's (2016) argument is further complicated in South Africa by the colonial history that vests colonial power relations in policy for young children (Porteus 2004). To consider this complex historical and policy terrain, we chose the policy-as-discourse analysis method (Bacchi 2000; Shore & Wright 2011) to reveal colonial power relations and political agendas inherent in policy texts and processes. This approach highlights the ways in which a 'problem' is represented in policy and how that can frequently generate rather than solve problems. From decolonial perspectives (Mignolo 2007; Santos 2007), policy-as-discourse works towards identifying hierarchies of knowledge and the ways global colonial and the so-called 'western' perspectives can subjugate or silence other knowledges.
In our analysis, we focus on how policies construct the problem by, firstly, identifying particular policy statements that allude to a problem by using Kendall and Wickham's (1999) method of discourse analysis. We explore the possible meanings implied in a given statement, including the categorisations and binaries it constructs, the way it positions certain people, how it creates and shapes personal and institutional relationships, and draws on stereotypes, notions of equality, justice and injustice, and politics. We scrutinise how different actors, such as children, communities and experts, are constructed and how power relations and hierarchies are produced through these statements. We explore how discourses and described practices align with or subjugate particular understandings of childhood and early childhood education. We relate this to other discourses, concepts and frames mobilising available and dominant discourses, such as global consensus on the benefits of early childhood education and care and systematic data practices.
The policy-as-discourse approach takes the position that policy is a complex, interactive, multi-layered and value-laden process (Shore & Wright 2011). Therefore, relevant policy documents in their context, as well as those that informed the policy and those that have emerged from it, are analysed in order to create a complex account. We pay particular attention to the 12 background papers produced as part of the diagnostic ECD review that informed the policy (Richter et al. 2012) and the overarching national guiding framework (National Planning Commission 2012; RSA 2011). The reports and literature that have been brought together by the ECDAN to support its recently launched global campaign give us some indication about the kind of dominant early childhood discourses used in South African early childhood policymaking (Britto et al. 2017, 2018). In order to retrace historical contextual information, the analysis is also informed, in addition to the published literature, by the personal archives of one of the authors, including personally stored government reports and personal communications dating back to the 1980s.
In this study, all of the recent data and most of the historical data are in the public domain and consist of documents that are either already available or in the process of being made available in digital form. Therefore, there are no ethical considerations relating to the source or accessing of data, other than possibly personal communications, which are only used to inform the policy analysis and thus identities are not revealed. In writing up this analysis, we kept asking the questions: what can we say, with what authority and with what consequences? While policy critique focuses on documents, it is still about the people who stood behind those policies. Therefore, analysis and critique must be levelled with knowledge and consideration of the consequences for not only those who were behind these policies but also for those who are reading our analysis. These ethical considerations guided our decisions, including where to publish this article.
Context for a more 'edifying' policy
In 1994, when the African National Congress (ANC) came to power in South Africa, it promised to redress the inequalities inherited from the apartheid regime by attacking poverty and deprivation as its first priority. The ANC identified ECD as one strategy for achieving the kind of convivial society envisaged by the 1955 Freedom Charter that had inspired and directed the political and armed struggle that ended apartheid and led to the first democratic election. While there is no longer legal racial discrimination, the spatial inequalities, the human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) pandemic, the poor state of the economy and high unemployment rates have exacerbated poverty and inequality. The most serious consequence of poverty is child hunger, stunting, undernutrition and low birth weight. According to the South African Early Childhood Review 2017, '30% of young children fall below the food poverty line (FPL)' (Hall et al. 2017:8). Nearly one-third of South Africa's children do not have sufficient nutritious food.
The Population Registration Act of 1950 classified people according to their racial characteristics and each group lived in a different area as part of the system of apartheid. Segregation, land dispossession, the system of migrant labour and forced removals dislocated families and communities. The vast majority of indigenous peoples were dispossessed of their ancestral and agricultural lands onto the 'Bantustans' where they eked out a living supported by remittances from family members who worked in cities or on the mines. The political struggle for democracy itself left an indelible mark. Economic policies post-1994 have also deepened inequality (Du Toit 2012).
In the case of schooling, the legacy of apartheid has been exacerbated by the school fee policy. The ANC legislated for free basic public schooling and committed to paying for a standard number of teachers for all schools. However, by allowing school governing bodies to determine fees for additional costs, the schools in previously advantaged areas were able to offer much better schooling at a higher cost to those who could afford to pay. Only a small minority of the previously disenfranchised population had the financial means to relocate to the previously advantaged racially segregated areas, and consequently today enjoy better services. In addition, there are families who have the resources to transport their children to schools in wealthier neighbourhoods. However, the vast majority remain in rural areas or have moved to informal urban areas, which lack services and adequate schooling (Goldberg 2009).
Extensive literature (Christie 2010; Soudien 2004; Unterhalter 2009) portrays the inequitable education provision and curriculum that undermine the intended values of a convivial society post-apartheid. Spreen, Vally and Thapilyal (2012) describe social injustice in education policy in terms of power relations in decision-making, pointing to the kind of knowledge that is valued, the legitimacy of actors and the 'ideological acceptance of the broad framework of the globally dominant, neoliberal, political and economic orthodoxy' that undermined equality and equity (Spreen et al. 2012:53). The displacement of the voice and power of beneficiaries by technical experts (Du Toit 2012; Vandenbroeck, Coussée & Bradt 2010) is evident across the South African education system from the early childhood sector to higher education.
The South African early childhood landscape
Before the first democratic election in 1994, the system of provision for young children was extremely unequal, with well-funded government preschools in the 'white' education system and reliance by the majority of 'black' children on limited community-based and fee-paying educare centres for children from three to six years. Teachers in preschools were university trained and a relatively small group of non-government training organisations offered non-formal training in the 'educare' sector, which fell outside of government influence and dominant apartheid Christian National Education with its fundamental pedagogic approach. This allowed a few non-government organisations to develop innovative and progressive approaches, such as using a Freirian conscientisation approach and drawing on indigenous childcare practices (Biersteker 2018; Swart 1996). Community-based centres with children from three to six years and home visiting programmes located services close to where children lived, encouraging family and community participation (Rudolph 2017). In 1980, the apartheid government introduced a 'school readiness' bridging period to address the high failure and drop-out rate among children classified as 'black'. The non-government 'educare' sector argued instead that schools should be 'ready' to 'receive' and support children and accommodate diversity (ELRU 1994).
For nearly 20 years the primary focus of government services for young children has remained on the introduction and expanding of a single year of provision for children before they enter primary school, referred to as Grade R. This is despite the intended broad integrated approaches set out in the Interim Policy for ECD (DoE 1996) and later in the National Integrated Plan (NIP) (DoE, DOH & DSD 2005) and the Children's Act (DSD 2005). Grade R is not yet available to all children and those living in urban areas and those with greater financial resources are more likely to be in a Grade R class (Biersteker 2018). Since those classes attached to schools are better funded, educated practitioners prefer to be employed in schools. Drawing on recent research, Biersteker (2018) concludes that 'while Grade R was established as a means of reducing inequalities, it simply extended the advantage to children in more affluent schools' (Biersteker 2018:305).
Before the introduction of and dominant focus on Grade R, the standard model of early childhood provision was in community-based centres with children from three to six years. This format encouraged family and community participation and nurtured peer teaching and learning more closely aligned to traditional childcare arrangements (Rudolph 2017). The community-based system of provision has been eroded by age segregation and the flight of practitioners to better paying jobs in schools (Biersteker 2018), thus undermining the pre-1994 progressive work of non-governmental organisations and reproducing inequality on economic lines.
Constructing 'vulnerable' children and families as the problem
The NIECDP draws extensively on dominant early childhood discourses that promote ECD as a panacea for all social problems, especially poverty and inequality. This is evident in the exclusive reference in the policy to the 'neuroscience' perspective and human capital. The NIECDP claims that 'inequality between and within populations has its origins in poor early childhood development experiences' (RSA 2015:21). It states that:
The science is conclusive: investments in early childhood development yield lifetime development returns for the child, his or her family and society. Notably, early childhood development has the potential to contribute significantly to the reduction of key development challenges facing South Africa in 2015, particularly poverty and inequality. (p. 21)
The policy states that it has taken into account 'recent scientific evidence', including the evidence of the 'challenges that young children and families experience, especially those most vulnerable' (RSA 2015:120). 'Vulnerable children' are constituted as:
Those who experience compromised caregiving and/or compromised access to quality early childhood development services because of one or more structural, social, economic, geographic, physical, mental, psychosocial, racial, familial or any other risk factors associated with poor access to services, and/or poor early childhood outcomes. (p. 14)
The primary focus, in the discourse, on 'compromised' caregiving and lack of access to ECD subjugates real conditions of families. By making this discursive move, it is possible to narrow the focus, in line with human capital discourses, to only focus on education. The policy lists 12 of these risk factors, starting with 'Children living in poverty'; and including (RSA 2015):
Orphaned children and other children living without their biological parents; Children living in child-headed households; Children whose caregivers abuse substances such as alcohol and drugs; Children who are exposed to violence; Children living in under-serviced rural areas or urban informal settlements. (p. 14)
Referring again to the Centre on the Developing Child (2007), the policy states that 'Poverty is widely recognised as a root cause of poor child development' and that 'low socioeconomic status is a key predictor of poor early childhood development' (RSA 2015:19). Demarcating, identifying and characterising large groups of children this way makes it possible to amass them, collate data about them through systematic data production and make them the specific targets of these policies. Amassing unifies specific conditions, subjugating their real-life conditions to the overarching discourse of needing education. Having shaped the problem in a specific way determines the solution. Consequently, in this case, the solution to the absence of learning is addressed through improving learning outcomes. This kind of construction of the problem denies the many interlinked conditions children experience as discussed above.
A discourse in the UNICEF 2012 report resonates with the NIECDP's construction of poverty:
Leaving a young child alone or in the care of another child is a dereliction of caregiving responsibilities and can have harmful consequences. It exposes the child to increased risk of not only injury, but also abuse and neglect. (pp. 9-10)
Children living without biological parents are described in the NIECDP as being 'especially at risk of being denied the care necessary for their physical and psychosocial well-being' (RSA 2015:14 referring to UNICEF 2012). This perspective disregards the strong argument made in the wake of the AIDS pandemic, that there is a mismatch between international policy definitions and local or community constructions of 'childhood', 'vulnerability' and 'orphanhood'. For example, Meintjes and Giese (2006:407) argued that these global perspectives were 'shifting the terrain of orphanhood at a local level in South Africa and producing new struggles on the ground'. They argued that the construction of 'orphans' in the AIDS pandemic discourses obscures the range of childhood vulnerabilities, especially children living in poverty. Emerging from this literature, a research project facilitating community-based dialogue revealed that the status of children is not static and that children continually move in both directions on a continuum between well-being and vulnerability depending on their changing family circumstances (Rudolph et al. 2008). This research offers a more complex and relational view of poverty, which highlights its temporality. Dialogue in communities, as the above research powerfully shows, can help in revealing the unproductive policy frames that place certain people in static economic categories, as does the NIECDP, rather than relating it to changing socio-political, health, economic conditions and personal circumstances.
The poor are constructed as deficient and in need of services that counteract the 'biological and psychosocial risk factors that limit [them from providing] care, stimulation and learning opportunities' that are understood to result in unequal development (RSA 2015:21). In this way, the policy locates social problems in the biological and psychosocial composition of the population affected by poverty. It emphasises solutions, such as passing on general information about parenting, rather than focusing on targeting the systemic drivers of basic and long-standing economic inequalities and discrimination that led to the impoverished circumstances that large sections of the population experience. The policy is permeated by examples of responsibility for children's health and well-being being passed on to parents. This reflects the dominant practice described in other contexts (Vandenbroeck et al. 2010) and is visible in the major focus in the NIECDP on providing skills and information (especially for parents and through media campaigns) rather than the much needed material support. We will return to this topic later.
By drawing on a Western individualistic construction of risk and vulnerability, the policy also subjugates the indigenous African perspective that views 'being needed' and 'being in need' as inevitable and valuable features of life (Ebersöhn et al. 2014). Through the natural periods of vulnerability in one's personal life-cycle, or the shocks and stresses that impact families and communities, connectedness and reciprocity are key features of nurturing and caring responses. In contrast, the NIECDP does not refer explicitly to the strengths and resources of young children and their families or the role of social solidarity. Therefore, this kind of construction helps erase not only the complexity of worldviews but also the diversity of life experiences across each lifespan.
Constructing the 'parent' and 'expert' binary
The diagnostic report undertaken by the National Planning Commission that informed the vision of the National Development Plan (NDP) identified one of South Africa's nine key challenges as 'the standard of education for most black learners is of poor quality' (RSA 2011:3). The two proposals most closely linked to early childhood are a nutrition intervention for pregnant women and young children, and universal access to two years of ECD (RSA 2012). The plan constructs early childhood as an enabling milestone and links to it the need to 'increase the quality of education so that all children have at least two years of preschool education and all children in Grade 3 can read and write' (RSA 2012:3).
To achieve its goal, the NIECDP proposes a 'comprehensive package' of services (RSA 2015). Given that young children cannot wait for their rights to be progressively realised, especially in the critical period from conception to two years, the policy proposes an 'essential' package of services to promote their survival and development with immediate effect (Hall et al. 2017; RSA 2015). The 'essential package' will be implemented by 2024 as a stepping stone to the delivery of the 'comprehensive' package by 2030 (DBE, DSD & DOH 2017). The essential package consists of maternal and child health services; nutrition support for pregnant women, mothers and children; support for primary caregivers, including parenting skills and psychosocial support; social services; and stimulation for early learning (Hall et al. 2017). The intention is to eventually make these programmes universally available through 'equitable access' (RSA 2015:48). While the intentions of the programme are commendable, the immediate effect is postponed to 2024 and the meaning of what will constitute 'equitable' remains undefined.
The NIECDP also makes a clear distinction between the role of parents and technical expertise, as is evident in the quotation below (RSA 2015):
The inputs required for early childhood development include parental love, food, safety and stimulation. At the same time, there is a need for sufficient technical expertise to design and develop quality content for early learning, and to plan and manage large-scale services. Sufficient technical expertise is required to ensure that early childhood development in South Africa achieves the significant returns on investment achieved by a number of other countries. (p. 21)
What is provided by parents is defined here as love, food, safety and stimulation, all basic needs linked to healthy physical development, and includes stimulation for brain growth. So, the role of parents is limited to meeting the basic needs of children, while experts are constructed as those who are capable of providing learning experiences and services that ensure early childhood development. Parents and experts thus are constructed on a binary. The National Integrated ECD Policy defines a 'parent' as a (RSA 2015):
[B]iological, foster or adoptive mother and/or father responsible for the care and protection of a young child, who is stable in the child's life and who loves the child and wants to protect the child. (p. 13)
This construction again circumscribes the capacity of the parent to ensure the child's basic needs. Moreover, as exemplified in the next quote from the essential package, the policy assumes little knowledge on behalf of parents to raise healthy and useful members of society, and they are therefore in need of 'factual information as well as the social support' … 'to ensure the survival and development of their children to their full potential' (RSA 2015:58).
Parents and other caregivers are constructed as needing information and support to be able to 'understand and fulfil their role in children's early learning' (RSA 2015:27). Besides constructing parents as lacking competency, this perspective sidelines the possibility of citizens with an already rich understanding of their parental roles needing material resources rather than information. The policy proposes the development and implementation of systematised national communication campaigns that relay 'pertinent early childhood development messages' on topics such as nutrition and protection (RSA 2015). This top-down approach negates the complexity and material challenges many parents face in terms of feeding and protecting their children and distracts attention from the underlying causes of food insecurity and social conflict.
In summary, we can argue that despite its social transformation intentions, the 2015 ECD policy constitutes the primary problem as the need to prepare young children for schooling and prioritises the voices of early childhood 'experts' over beneficiaries, children and their families. By drawing uncritically on global discourses and normative notions of 'risk' and 'vulnerability', it constructs families living with poverty as deficient and in need of information campaigns and messages. The policy also suggests that 'communication aimed at parents should enable them to … understand and demand quality early learning and development' (RSA 2015:45). This suggests that the authors of the information campaign must transfer their understanding of 'quality' and 'development' to beneficiaries who do not have their own constructions of childhood, well-being or the kind of society they want for themselves and their children. Parents must be told to 'demand' the prescribed services on offer without any opportunity to participate in designing the kind of services they want or explaining why they are not utilising available services.
Data practice as population-based planning to solve the problem of poverty
The current South African guiding framework for development, set out in the 2011 NDP and Vision 2030, ties in well with global discourses on the assumption that (RSA 2015):
[T]he loss of human capital is avoidable through the provision of timely and appropriate quality early childhood development services targeting the causes and consequences of the known risk factors. (p. 20, see note s36)
Laying down two fundamental objectives attached to measurable risk factors - to eliminate poverty and to reduce inequality (RSA 2011) - it addresses critical gaps 'to ensure the provision of a comprehensive, universally available and equitable early childhood development services' (RSA 2015:8). The notions of 'targeting', 'risk factors', 'critical gap', 'comprehensive' and 'universally available' together construct a policy field where data practices are needed and are the best tools to prepare decision-making about provision. Moreover, the plan is driven by an 'evidence-based' approach that seeks to measure success 'by the degree to which the lives and opportunities of the poorest South Africans are transformed in a sustainable manner' (Statistics South Africa 2017:6). This statement further contributes to constructing the need for measures, in this case, to assess delivery, and against which progress can be calculated. These notions and discourses create the need for and justify the top-down use of expert-driven data practices.
Based on available population-based data, the NIECDP identifies and prioritises 'the poorest 63.9 percent of children, since these comprise the most vulnerable children as well as the group that will benefit most from early childhood development services' (RSA 2015:68). The practice of targeting these children based on systematic data produces an affective structuration of society, locating vulnerability and hope in this objectified and uniform body of children. A different affect, that is, loss and despair, is also associated with this group of children: 'in the absence of appropriate and high quality early learning opportunities, earlier disparities in language and socio-emotional development determined by socio-economic status can become increasingly apparent' (RSA 2015:68). Constructing an affective structuration in society and mapping vulnerability against poverty, population-based planning is positioned as the most effective and equitable strategy for this assumed dire need (RSA 2015):
[T]o assess [the] scale and nature of the need for early childhood development services, and to plan for universal availability at a local level of sufficient early childhood development programmes in sufficiently close proximity to young children and their families, especially in under-serviced areas, to meet such demand. (p. 69)
Dahlberg (2016) warns that 'implementing standardised tools, which culminate in classifying children as "at risk" and/or "in need," may, if not scrutinised and contested, be counterproductive' by exacerbating marginalisation and limiting participation (Dahlberg 2016:128). On the one hand, dominant risk and vulnerability discourses in the NIECDP, and on the other hand objectification and uniformisation of a large section of the population through systematic data practice, produce knowledge from a hierarchical position. This knowledge marginalises the voices of beneficiaries, who are 'reduced to spectators' in this construction of the problem (Vandenbroeck et al. 2010). Moreover, by making poverty the primary indicator for vulnerability and linking vulnerability to the need for early childhood education, regulating the private life (such as their parenting practices within their homes) of those people, who are reckoned as poor according to data, becomes possible.
Expanding regulative roles to technical experts
The NIECDP refers to the 2001 Education White Paper 5 (2001) in acknowledging that an integrated approach requires the involvement of 'civil society organisations, the corporate sector, religious organisations, non-government organisations, parents and children' (RSA 2015:90). However, to enable targeting the NIECDP locates data practices within a centralised system where expertise is supposedly more available. The required data practices to do this work are described as follows (RSA 2015):
To enable these processes, the government's first priority was to put in place the 'management structures and systems for population-based assessments' (RSA 2015:24). This is intended to aid in working out the number of services needed for different ages, places and 'developmental needs for the full range of early childhood development services at a national, provincial and municipal level' (RSA 2015:24). This kind of data generation is what Kelly and Noonan (2017) term 'systematic' data practices. Data are collected based on large-scale population measures and trust is placed in these tools to show complex and extremely diverse economic, social and health conditions and needs. However, the data sets being used to determine the need and location of services cannot take account of complexity as they rely primarily on the macro aggregated socio-economic status of the community in which the service is situated. Besides, producing this type of data will require a gigantic machine of bureaucrats, professionals and 'measurement' experts to facilitate the envisioned systematic data practices and centralised planning, monitoring and reporting needed 'to strengthen, integrate and improve availability of and access' to these proposed ECD services (RSA 2015:48).
'Measurement experts' are given three major roles by the NIECDP: firstly, through using population data sets they determine the need for services; secondly, they assess the 'quality' of services by measuring learning outcomes; and thirdly, they monitor the impact of the system by using centrally predetermined indicators. All these roles rely on indicators established by early childhood 'experts' drawing on international discourses on quality, with no systematic participatory opportunities for beneficiaries to add to criteria. In summary, the NIECDP relies solely on centralised data based planning, implementation and monitoring and suggests that high-level collection and analysis of data is regarded as the most important planning tool. The focus of the initial implementation process is to build integrated national and provincial structures using systematic data practices for planning and monitoring. The NIECDP overlooks the responsibility of municipalities to implement early childhood services and the potential of the Integrated Development Plans for the participation of beneficiaries in local planning. The Toolkit of the Education and Training Unit (ETU) for Democracy and Development explains that 'Integrated Development Planning is an approach to planning that involves the entire municipality and its citizens in finding the best solutions to achieve good long-term development' (ETU 2018). While local government has failed to live up to the aims of decentralisation and participation set out in the 1997 Constitution of South Africa, there is growing renewed interest in it (Tshoose 2015). Past civil society experience and existing local government policy generate space for ongoing local dialogue that includes beneficiaries in planning early learning services.
Reproducing coloniality through systematic data practices to measure learning outcomes
The glossary of the NIECDP links quality to the measurement of the efficiency of interventions in the provision of ECEC: '(t)he quantity of interventions, services, programmes, training and systems linked with and achieving child outcomes' (RSA 2015:14). To explore this link further, it is important to reveal the colonial power hierarchies this document reproduces. Some observers hail the possibility that systematic data practices create for the comparison of service types and for the improvement of performance (Dawes et al. 2016). However, comparability is built on the selection of existing programmes deemed good quality and worthy of replicating. Thus, 'five well-capacitated non-profit organizations were invited to submit proposals for ECD interventions that responded to key identified issues' (Biersteker & Dawes 2019:94). Consequently, the quality of services in the future will not only be compared to interventions selected and supported by well-resourced training organisations, but also on a historical measure of quality, and thus side-lining the knowledge and changing experiences of communities. This accommodates scaling up existing kinds of services, leaving little opportunity to generate innovation.
To understand the effect of this systematic data practice requires attention to historical legacies. Apartheid has generated the intractable problem of spatial inequality that has resulted in continued unequal access to services, including schooling (Vally, Motala & Ramadiro 2010). Goldberg (2009) argues that post 1994, racial apartheid has transformed into a more generic and so supposedly less pernicious class apartheid. He identifies neoliberalisation as a contributing factor, since segregation based on racial classification has been displaced by separation based on access to material resources as we have described earlier. South African citizens now have the opportunity to make choices that can only be made (Goldberg 2009):
[W]ithin the limits of one's means and networks, one's inheritance and education, one's class and gender, all of which are racially marked if much less deeply and directly determined than under apartheid. (p. 528)
The way government constitutes the problem, constrains Biersteker and Dawes in the development of measurement tools and the selection of data practices. This produces unintended consequences. Biersteker and Dawes (2019:93) acknowledge that despite the intention to design programmes using local knowledges, 'very little space is afforded to these when it comes to measurement and evaluation'. In developing the learning outcomes and their measurement, they sought to determine the extent to which indigenous rather than globalised modern practices might influence the skills commonly assessed in development tests. In their argument for using globalised modern practices, they claim that rural children today in traditional settings are neither as exposed to indigenous practices nor as insulated from modern practices as they were 20 years ago. They base this claim on data about increased urbanisation, access to television, mobile telephones and electricity. Consequently, they calculate that those young children who are primarily exposed to indigenous early childhood practices are 'probably restricted to more remote rural areas' (Biersteker & Dawes 2019:93). With their specific data use, they circumscribe and erase from consideration an assumedly small community not really worthy of consideration in a national policy.
We read this tactic as the presence of coloniality that subjugates valuable perspectives, such as 'connection and relatedness' in the African tradition of 'ubuntu' (Green 2013; Mji 2012). Their conclusion disregards the need to preserve indigenous understandings that continue even in urban contexts. In adapting the globally designed test items to the local context, they focus on differences in language use and the difference in the nature and prevalence of objects in varying areas. For example, they replace the word 'squirrel' in test items with 'mouse', which is more universally present in South Africa. This kind of adaptation of test items borrowed from developmental psychology consequently reinforces the dominant and normalised constructions of childhood that further favours 'white', male, middle class norms and values (Burman 2007). Burman (2007) reminds us that we need to consider the emergence of this kind of 'mental measurement, classification of abilities and establishment of norms' as historically located during the industrial revolution with the purpose of regulating 'those populations deemed a social threat to the prevailing order' (2007:13-14).
A genuinely integrated approach that accommodates multiple visions of childhood and society would generate complexity that is perhaps more difficult to manage with systematic data practices. In the face of this complexity, Biersteker and Dawes (2019) do not take into consideration community-based ECD services. This type of service does 'not readily lend itself to requirements of formal evaluation' as these services frequently respond to community priorities and a complex range of interacting factors (Biersteker & Dawes 2019:94). They also acknowledge that 'randomization is extremely tricky in many situations' in the context of diversity (Biersteker & Dawes 2019). By including the early childhood practitioners that they have trained as assessors in the piloting of standardised tests, they assume that they can account for the multiplicity of viewpoints. However, they do not consider that although assessors might live in marginalised communities, they might not represent the full range of local perspectives. Unlike the majority of the targeted population of ECD services, trained practitioners will inevitably already have achieved some success within the education system in which Western knowledge dominates, subjugating indigenous knowledges.
Systematic data practices do not easily accommodate the complexity of integrated approaches that respond to local contexts and constantly changing priorities. Kelly and Noonan (2017) suggest 'edifying practices' to grapple with complex conditions. In 'edifying data practices', data are revealed through 'patient engagement with' local conditions in non-judgmental and attentive dialogue with local stakeholders, as opposed to standard systematic data practices that erase local differences and act as an arbiter between competing claims to truth (Kelly & Noonan 2017:885). 'Edifying practices' assume a dialogical approach generating mutual exploration and learning through conversation, while in standard evaluation approaches, authority is produced through a hierarchical position with a tendency towards reprimand and risk aversion. In 'edifying data practices', 'authority is produced through demonstrated situated expertise' with 'tendencies towards openness and experimentation' (Kelly & Noonan 2017:885). Conversation generates receptiveness through curious and sympathetic dispositions to compel the search for other perspectives. The currently adapted learning outcomes in South Africa unfortunately allow little scope for innovation to emerge outside of the predetermined indicators.
Despite the acclaim for the learning outcomes in South Africa, recent global literature, on this kind of data practice, raises several red flags. The learning outcomes are designed for comparison so that 'data can flow and travel well', creating spaces for international comparison instead of a detailed portrayal of local conditions and achievements (Piattoeva 2015:14). By tracking the power of numbers in the data generated in national examinations, Piattoeva raises important considerations. She illustrates how these kinds of numbers can be used for different government purposes and at the same time 'preclude criticism of their political effects' (Piattoeva 2015:14). These political effects are varied; for example, Bradbury draws on the experience of testing five-year-old children since 2003 in England to warn that the production of numerical data in early childhood education creates a 'high stakes situation' that can lead to more time 'teaching the test' than supporting the learning and well-being of young children (Bradbury 2014:336). Roberts-Holmes and Bradbury (2016:600) draw on the testing of children aged five years old in England to show how the 'surveillance and performative culture of accountability both affirms, legitimates and seduces through discourses of quality while increasingly regulating and governing the early years'. Millei and Gallagher (2017) show the complex entanglements that data practices produce and the resulting ambivalent positions in which professionals find themselves. They reveal the ethical dilemmas, practical and material consequences, as well as the political possibilities for resistance and advocacy that data practices bring forward. Millei and Gallagher (forthcoming) also illustrate how data practices actually can work against the stated initiative of universal access and create new forms of inequalities instead of overcoming those.
The 'government of poverty'
The withering away of ANC policy commitments and principles is evident across many policy sectors. It is also visible in the dominant government strategies for addressing poverty that some argue is a strategy to merely manage the consequences of rising unemployment and inequality (Du Toit 2017; Hickey 2014; Seekings 2014), rather than as a strategy for meaningful social change intended in the Freedom Charter (ANC 1955). Du Toit (2017) calls this policy strategy the 'government of poverty'. In this article, we have demonstrated how through systematic data practices the NIECDP 'governs poverty' by objectifying and constituting a large section of the population as vulnerable, thus needing intervention into their lives. Part of this form of governance is to place the power to make decisions about resources in the hands of measurement experts rather than engaging the service providers and beneficiaries in ongoing reflection and action. While acknowledging that social grants and other pro-poor government policies have alleviated some suffering for many families in South Africa, Du Toit (2017) points to:
[D]isplacement of a political practice of popular mobilization and social transformation by a new technocratic rationality of government that seeks to construct poor populations (and poverty as such) as objects of scientific knowledge, understanding and technical intervention. (p. 2)
Du Toit explains that the use of mostly quantitative and usually fairly positivistic discourses promoting 'evidence-based policymaking' has institutionalised the 'power and voice of a distinct cadre of technical experts and professional bureaucrats', who generate the 'knowledge' used to make decisions about resource allocations to vulnerable and marginalised communities (Du Toit 2017:2).
This notion of 'government of poverty' used by Du Toit to argue that evidence-based policymaking discourses undermine local decision-making in marginalised communities also holds true for the NIECDP, which in a similar manner prioritises and adapts the globalised neoliberal discourses and practices of measurement experts to the constructed problems of the government. However, in Foucault's (1991) terms, discursive practice is always in flux and power is not fixed; moreover, where there is power there is resistance. Consequently, change is possible with the capacity to recognise and question norms and constraints. Kelly and Noonan suggest reconsidering 'conceptions of data as a given "thing" that unproblematically reflects an underlying reality and to focus instead on how data are made and what this making does' (Kelly & Noonan 2017:879). For example, this kind of thinking raises the possibility of re-examining the kind of individuals, groups and needs that are identified and constituted through different kinds of data practices. They also highlight the importance of studying the relations between data, knowing and managing. They encourage unpacking 'practices of datafication' and relating them to the 'broader practices of organizational knowing in which they are typically embedded' (Kelly & Noonan 2017:876). In particular, they call attention to finding or creating data practices that can accommodate uncertainty and contingency and keep the conversation open through dialogue that attends to power relations and diversity.
In this article, we show the ways in which systematic data practices in South African early childhood policy brush over complex conditions, legitimate their own use and silence less-dominant knowledges of local communities. If governments are truly concerned about inequality and the future of their countries, instead of governing poverty, they could engage in dialogue with families and communities about the kind of society they want for themselves and their children and find out what help they need to build that kind of society. This article takes a first step to open spaces for this type of engagement by inviting the readers to think about power relations and data practices prevalent in and proposed by the NIECDP to better understand: who benefits, who speaks and who is silenced.
Acknowledgements
The first author would like to thank the University of Jyväskylä, Department of Education, for the doctoral thesis postgraduate education grant.
Competing interests
The authors declare that they have no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced them in writing this article.
Authors' contributions
The first author (N.R.) conceptualised the article, undertook all the analysis, reviewed the literature, wrote the article and integrated comments as part of an article-based doctoral study. The second (Z.M.) and third (M.A.) authors are both supervisors of the first author. The second author gave detailed written comments on the content and structure. The third author gave general oral feedback and support.
Ethical considerations
This study did not require ethical clearance.
Funding information
The first author received a scholarship from the University of Jyväskylä during part of the period of work on the article. This article was published with financial support from the Department of Higher Education and Training, South Africa, through a grant from the Centre of Education Practice Research at the University of Johannesburg.
Data availability statement
Data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study.
Disclaimer
The views expressed in this article are the authors' own and not the official position of their institutions or funders.
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Correspondence:
Norma Rudolph
normarudolph610@gmail.com
Received: 21 Mar. 2019
Accepted: 14 June 2019
Published: 17 Oct. 2019
1 . UNICEF and the World Bank Group launched the Early Childhood Development Action Network (ECDAN) in 2016 see https://www.ecdan.org/.
^rND^sBacchi^nC.^rND^sBradbury^nA.^rND^sBritto^nP.R.^rND^sLye^nS.J.^rND^sProulx^nK.^rND^sYousafzai^nA.K.^rND^sMatthews^nS.G.^rND^sVaivada^nT.^rND^sBritto^nP.R.^rND^sSingh^nM.^rND^sDua^nT.^rND^sKaur^nR.^rND^sYousafzai^nA.K.^rND^sCampbell-Barr^nV.^rND^sLavelle^nM.^rND^sWickett^nK.^rND^sChristie^nP.^rND^sDahlberg^nG.^rND^sGoldberg^nD.T.^rND^sGrek^nS.^rND^sOzga^nJ.^rND^sHickey^nS.^rND^sKelly^nS.^rND^sNoonan^nC.^rND^sMeintjes^nH.^rND^sGiese^nS.^rND^sMignolo^nW.D.^rND^sMillei^nZ.^rND^sGallagher^nJ.^rND^sMorabito^nC.^rND^sVandenbroeck^nM.^rND^sRoose^nR.^rND^sPiattoeva^nN.^rND^sRoberts-Holmes^nG.^rND^sRoberts-Holmes^nG.^rND^sBradbury^nA.^rND^sRudolph^nN.^rND^sSantos^nB.D.S.^rND^sSeekings^nJ.^rND^sSnelling^nM.^rND^sDawes^nA.^rND^sBiersteker^nL.^rND^sGirdwood^nE.^rND^sTredoux^nC.^rND^sSpreen^nC.A.^rND^sVally^nS.^rND^sThapilyal^nN.^rND^sTshoose^nC.I.^rND^sVandenbroeck^nM.^rND^sCoussée^nF.^rND^sBradt^nL.^rND^1A01 A02^nPoomoney^sGovender^rND^1A01 A02^nPoomoney^sGovender^rND^1A01 A02^nPoomoney^sGovenderORIGINAL RESEARCH
Formative assessment as 'formative pedagogy' in Grade 3 mathematics
Poomoney GovenderI, II
IDepartment of Early Childhood Education, University of Johannesburg, Johannesburg, South Africa
IIDepartment of Early Childhood Education, University of South Africa, Pretoria, South Africa
ABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: Formative assessment, as an integral component of teaching, has recently gained prominence in educational environments globally. Poor performances in mathematics by learners in early grades, and its negative effect on later learning, have been an ongoing concern in South African schools. Several former studies tend to generalise the pedagogical reasons for learners' underperformance in Foundation Phase teaching.
AIM: This case study of selected Grade 3 teachers examined how the teachers integrated formative assessment into their pedagogy, with the purpose of gaining insight into teachers' understanding of the developmental aspects of learning in mathematics
SETTING: This study was conducted at four schools in a selected district in the Gauteng Province.
METHODS: Data were mainly collected through focus group interviews and observations of at least three classroom sessions for each teacher of mathematics, thereby gaining an overview of their formative assessment practices.
RESULTS: This article reports on the two strongest themes to have emerged from the case study, which were teachers' tokenistic use of 'Assessment for Learning' strategies and teachers' awareness of learning processes and curriculum requirements.
CONCLUSION: The study's main conclusion was that teachers are likely to practise formative assessment more intuitively if they had a sound knowledge of children's mathematical cognition and conceptual development. This study pointed out that formative assessment is a co-constructed activity involving the teacher, the learner and peers rather than a teacher-directed activity. The study recommends how continuous professional learning initiatives can design initiatives that integrate research-based knowledge of children's learning of early grades mathematics.
Keywords: formative assessment; early grades mathematics; conceptual understanding; formative pedagogy; integrated.
Introduction: Towards a formative pedagogy
In this case study of Grade 3 teachers' enactment of formative assessment in mathematics teaching, it became evident that while the participating teachers seemed to know 'about' formative assessment, they still struggle to integrate it fully into their daily practice. Foundation Phase teachers from priority schools in Tshwane South District (where the study was conducted) underwent training in Assessment for Learning (AfL). At this training, teachers were introduced to the following five strategies as recommended by Black and Wiliam (2009): clarifying and sharing learning outcomes and success criteria, engineering effective classroom discussions and other learning tasks that elicit evidence of learner's learning, providing feedback, and promoting self and peer assessment. A key finding that partially explains teachers' technical approach to formative assessment techniques is lodged in the curriculum requirements - specifically, the need to comply with a curriculum's prescribed teaching tempo as specified in the Annual Teaching Plan (ATP). The curriculum coverage model (CCM) specifies the subject content as well as the teaching pace for public schools in Gauteng. Teachers feel pressurised to teach a curriculum with prescribed milestones, irrespective of various contextual factors such as school location, learner profile and teacher competency.
I argue that the continual monitoring of curriculum coverage - via the tracking of completed formal assessments and teachers' pacing - undermines the professional agency of teachers and leaves little room for continuous formative assessment. The pressures of accountability and curriculum coverage have compelled teachers to omit deep engagement with assessment for what I would like to refer to as a 'formative pedagogy'. The enactment of formative assessment requires teachers to continually halt and adapt their instruction in accordance with their learners' actual needs (Leahy & Wiliam 2012). Teachers are more concerned about covering segments of the curriculum at designated dates than sustaining the children's coherent understanding and application of their acquired knowledge.
Background to the study
Previous researchers have reported on the potential of formative assessment to improve mathematical learning outcomes (Black & Wiliam 2009; Heritage 2007; Popham 2009; Wiliam & Thompson 2017). This study investigated the problem of underutilisation of formative assessment in Grade 3 mathematics teaching, which may explain why many learners struggle to achieve the learning outcomes in mathematics as reported in studies by Spaull (2013). The studies conducted by Aunio and Räsänen (2016), Banerjee and Duflo (2011), Mononen and Aunio (2016), Pritchett and Beatty (2012), Spaull (2013) and Spaull and Kotze (2015) remind us that learning deficits in the early years are a root cause of underperformance in the later years of schooling.
The diagnostic report on Annual National Assessments (ANA) in Mathematics and Language (Department of Basic Education [DBE] 2014) revealed that a significant number of learners in early grades do not reach the expected levels of mathematical competencies. This finding was supported by Spaull and Kotze (2014) whose study illustrated that only the top 16% of Grade 3 learners in South African schools were achieving a level appropriate to Grade 3. My sense is that one of the reasons for this overall weak performance may be the absence of an integrated approach to formative assessment as a primary component of daily teaching.
I was motivated to conduct this study as a means of ascertaining how formative assessment practices feature in classrooms and whether such practices could arguably contribute to improved learning. I initiated a study of classroom practice because, as a teacher, I believe the study of everyday classroom practice is a basis for identifying, firstly, the formative assessment practices evident in classrooms; secondly, the specific pedagogical techniques in their pedagogic content knowledge (PCK) toolkit. I maintain that, in the absence of a formative assessment based on an understanding of children's learning progression (or conceptual development), the teaching practice may be merely mechanical and solely oriented to the policy of 'continuous assessment'. I have hence realised that a descriptive case study of four different Grade 3 classrooms may shed some light on what happens in reality when the curriculum is activated.
The primary analytical framework for this study was cultural-historical activity theory (CHAT) which is premised on the view that learning as a human activity is dependent on the social and cultural context which shapes the activity. The activities in the classroom are interrelated and interdependent comprising (1) the acting subjects (teachers), (2) the object (the learners, whose learning is the objective), (3) the rules (of conduct and in documents such as the curriculum), (4) the community (the classroom and the school), (5) tools (such as books and interaction modalities) and (6) division of labour (who does what in the classroom). The community component in the activity system is especially important for this article - it represents the 'collective nature of the activity' (Engeström 2009:139). In the case of this study, a community, directly and indirectly, includes district departmental officials, the school management team and external training service providers. Furthermore, the activity system postulated by Engeström (1999) recognises that there are many voices, traditions and views that influence the system. Hence, in an activity system of formative assessment in Grade 3 classrooms, these influences can change the expected outcomes for learners. Formative assessment is viewed as such an activity, situated in the community of a classroom. Formative assessment is not only a technical instrument but also a complex process that embraces activities ranging from pedagogical tool-use - as described in classical Vygotskian theory (Kozulin 2017; Vygotsky 1978, 1986).
This article, drawing on a part of a PhD study, shines a spotlight on the affordances provided by a formative assessment that can arguably enable learners to achieve learning outcomes in mathematics. The thesis study provides a brief overview of teachers' formative assessment practices, based on the data obtained from the study participants. This article, however, discusses only the two most prominent themes that were identified in the data analysis. The primary argument of the article is that although teachers may know 'about' formative assessment, they are unlikely to apply it effectively if they do not understand how children engage in mathematics learning. The demands of the curriculum, specifically the need to comply with the prescribed content and a fixed teaching schedule, preclude teachers from focusing on how learners think and what social science tells us about the development of mathematics concepts. There simply does not seem to be enough time for expanded mathematical conversation in the classroom.
Formative assessment as a pedagogical tool
A compelling body of evidence indicates that the integration of formative assessment in teaching will improve learning outcomes in mathematics (Black & Wiliam 2009; Heritage 2007; Popham 2009). Formative assessment has a significant influence on teaching content and methods, as well as children's learning prowess (Bell & Cowie 2001b; Black & Wiliam 1998; Hattie 2012; Shepard 2008; Torrance 2001; Wiliam 2011). While varied and inconsistent interpretations of formative assessment exist, I adopted the definition by Leahy and Wiliam (2012) who state that the term formative describes practitioners' use of assessment tools as an everyday practice. This definition implies that different types of assessment, as well as other evidence provided through classroom data, may be 'formative' if teachers use them appropriately to inform their instructional decisions - regardless of the intended use of the tools as determined by policy.
I present a case that formative assessment, when aimed at diagnosing learners' difficulties and developing appropriate improvement strategies (if integrated into the process of adaptive teaching), could support and enhance learning. As formative assessment is an integrated pedagogical tool, teachers need to have specific skills and knowledge to apply it properly. A mathematics teacher's knowledge base needs to include, inter alia, knowing how children learn and develop early numerical knowledge (Fritz, Ehlert & Balzer 2013; Sarnecka & Lee 2009); knowing about typical learning difficulties; knowing the concepts involved in children's learning, mathematical facts and task procedures; and also knowing how children learn through symbolical means (Henning & Ragpot 2015). I hence argue that teachers who have such an equipped PCK toolkit will be able to inflect, almost spontaneously and as part of daily discourse, the pedagogical principles of formative assessment by continually focusing on assessments of learners' skills and understanding, and by consistently addressing learners' needs. Because teachers' PCK doubtlessly forms the basis of effective mathematics teaching, formative assessment should be an inherent component of everyday teaching. Crucially, the enactment of formative assessment practices would enable teachers to identify knowledge gaps, diagnose learning difficulties, perform error analyses, provide feedback and, ultimately, plan for improvement. Formative assessment, according to my perception, is a vital component of a teacher's PCK toolkit.
The underutilisation of formative assessment in classrooms
Although formative assessment is legitimised in the South African curriculum policies (DBE 2011a, 2011b, 2011c), formative assessment is practised ineffectively in many classrooms (Kanjee & Sayed 2013; Olusola & Luneta 2015; Vandeyar & Killen 2007). Kanjee and Sayed (2013) cite the following reasons for teachers' limited use of formative assessment: the tension between formative assessment and summative assessments that hold schools accountable for learner achievements; teachers' weak understanding of formative assessment caused by inadequate training; and the curriculum policies that favour formal testing over informal assessments. Vandeyar and Killen (2007) add another reason: teachers' unpreparedness to teach learners with diverse abilities.
The pressure imposed on teachers to perform well in the (now-suspended) ANA prompted teachers to 'teach to the test', as they needed to meet the performance goals of excelling in tests, which occurred at the expense of learning outcomes (learning for conceptual understanding). The ANAs were utilised to hold schools accountable for failing to meet certain standards, which have had negative consequences for schools deemed to be 'underperforming'.
Another aspect that explains teachers' underutilisation of formative assessment is the fact that the curriculum policies lack detailed guidelines on the tools and techniques needed to effectively implement formative assessment. Contrarily, the summative assessment guidelines that stipulate the number of formal tasks, recording procedures and reporting protocols are well structured (Kanjee & Sayed 2013).
Research design and methodology
As part of the strategy to explore teachers' practices and their enactment of formative assessment, I observed the teachers in their everyday context. I designed a classroom case study inquiry to explore a 'bounded system' (Stake 2010; Yin 2009) - a cluster of four schools in the Tshwane South District. Through this design, I was able to capture the 'complexity and situatedness' of the behaviour of the teachers, thereby gaining rich and 'thick descriptions' (Cohen, Manion & Morrison 2013:85) of how Grade 3 teachers enact formative assessment (if at all). Case studies in general - and classroom case study research designs in particular - are best suited to research that asks 'how' and 'why' questions (Stake 2010; Yin 2009). In this study, such responses would contribute to data on teachers' activities, such as their explanations of what they do and why they invest in certain practices pertaining to formative assessment.
I selected a sample purposively (Cohen et al. 2013) to include a particular profile of teachers that are employed within only one school district. I then selected the Tshwane South District, which is one of the larger districts in Gauteng, as it offered me a large sampling frame. Aside from this advantage, schools in the Tshwane South District had participated in the Assessment for Learning (AfL) professional development programme (PDP). Assessment for Learning is a term used synonymously with formative assessment (Harlen & Winter 2004). The National Research Foundation and the Zane Foundation (in collaboration with the Tshwane University of Technology) funded the AfL PDP - their interest being to improve the quality of learning and teaching for all learners.
My study started with 12 teachers who were purposively selected through the recommendation of the district subject advisor, based on the following two criteria: firstly, the teachers had to equitably represent two types of school categories, which were 'priority' and 'non-priority' schools. Teachers from priority schools were engaged in ongoing training by AfL facilitators, while teachers from non-priority schools were trained by district officials. Secondly, a selected teacher had to possess a Foundation Phase qualification with a minimum of five years of experience in Foundation Phase teaching. I conducted two separate focus group interviews, with six teachers in each group. Each focus group comprised teachers from both school types (priority and non-priority) for optimal variation. Through further purposive sampling, I selected four members (from the 12 participants) who showed better knowledge of formative assessment through their responses, for further data collection through classroom observations.
To get an actual sense of the 'scene' of the teachers' formative assessment practices during mathematics teaching, I, as a 'silent observer', conducted the Grade 3 classroom observations according to a pre-designed observation schedule (Babbie & Mouton 2014:331; Merriam 2009). Being in the classroom afforded me an opportunity to collect primary data in an authentic way, being able to observe the teachers' formative assessment practices through 'my own eyes' (Yin 2011:143). I took field notes in the classrooms and recorded the events on video (Babbie & Mouton 2014). At least three sequential lessons were observed for each teacher to capture the teaching of 'place value' (topic) from beginning to end and to obtain a comprehensive picture of their formative assessment practices.
I used a thematic content system of analysis and, wherever I deemed it feasible, discourse analysis as described by Henning, Van Rensburg and Smit (2004). The 'raw' data were organised and prepared alongside each data source (Henning et al. 2004) by identifying the segments of data that were responsive to the research questions and sub-questions (Merriam 2009:176). I gathered the raw data from the focus group interview transcriptions, field notes from classroom observations and video recordings. The collected data were then segmented into meaningful units and coded in grounded theory mode (Corbin & Strauss 2015; Henning et al. 2004). Following the suggestion of Merriam (1998:180) to analyse data concurrently with data collection, I transcribed the data immediately as the data was collected. While transcribing the data, I coded the data pages at the top right-hand corner to make it easier to identify the source of the data (Maykut & Morehouse, 1994:127). For example, the FG1 in the code FG1/Elrie/3 refers to the source of the data, namely focus group, Elrie is the pseudonym given to the interviewee and 3 is the page number of the transcript. I followed a similar process for coding the observation field notes as follows: CO1 in the code CO1/Elrie/3 refers to Classroom Observation lesson 1, Elrie refers to the pseudonym and 3 refers to the page number of the field notes/transcribed data.
I then coded the data from one theme 'backwards' to the codes (Maykut & Morehouse 1994:76) as illustrated in Figure 1. I used this strategy to strengthen the reliability of my data analysis.
Using activity systems analysis (ASA), which is a preferred analytical tool for studies in a CHAT framework (Engeström 1999), I interpreted the findings according to the thematic clusters. These clusters were complex and interlocking. The themes together illustrated, in an integrated manner, how the activity of formative assessment - as the Grade 3 teachers defined and practised it - centred on learning that is situated and relational. In the discussion, I combined the empirical text and the relevant theoretical knowledge by 'recontextualising' the emerging data with the literature (Henning et al. 2004) to illustrate formative assessment's distinct contribution to effective teaching and learning of mathematics.
The following discussion of the analysed data reflects my own interpretation and includes the participants' voices. The various tensions and contradictions that emerged within the activity system of the classrooms are included in the discussion of each theme. Contradictions are 'springboards' that alter the subjects' practices and offer possible explanations for the dynamic nature of the practices (Engeström 1999:19). They are a characteristic feature of all activity systems and are viewed not as a problem, but as 'the motive force of change and development' of the formative assessment activity (Engeström 1999).
Discussion of findings
The study's overarching finding was that teachers are likely to practise formative assessment more intuitively (and less technically) if they know more about mathematical cognition and the development of children's concepts. They would also be able to pitch their feedback on a level suited to individual learners' (and groups') 'misunderstandings'. This article reports on the two strongest themes to have emanated from the case study, namely, teachers' tokenistic use of the AfL strategies and teachers' awareness of learning processes and the curriculum requirements.
Teachers' tokenistic use of Assessment for Learning strategies
The study showed that teachers' idiosyncratic understanding of formative assessment was a likely cause of their tokenistic use of formative assessment strategies. Teachers' conceptualisation of formative assessment was vague and fragmented. Most of the responses alluded to single components of the formative assessment process, such as data gathering, but none mentioned multiple processes involved in the formative assessment process as suggested in the following quotes:
'It's about gathering information about whether learners have learnt or not. ' (Sam, Teacher 2, female, 48 years)
'… helps to identify learning gaps. ' (Elrie, Teacher 4, female, 56 years)
'… helps me to identify learners at risk.' (Sandy, Teacher 6, female, 28 years)
Similar studies by Elwood and Klenowski (2002) reported that teachers' varied definitions and conceptual perceptions of formative assessment resulted in overall confusion about the practical implications of formative assessment. This finding is exemplified in studies by Bell and Cowie (2001a), Black and Wiliam (2009) and Stobart (2008) that illustrated why teachers' lack of understanding of the theoretical underpinnings of formative assessment strategies - and their integration with pedagogy and learning - was a major cause of the ineffective implementation thereof.
The ineffective use of strategies to elicit evidence of learning was observed in teachers' technical use of the traffic light strategy, white boards, popsicle stick strategy and questions to find out if learners have learnt something. The study showed that teachers find it difficult to operationalise these techniques effectively in their mathematics teaching. Most teachers perceived the traffic light strategy as being useful as it allowed learners to express their understanding without any fear as expressed in the following statement by Sue (Teacher 1, female, 51 years) 'Learners are willing to describe their knowledge as "red" rather than "I don't know"' and Sam (Teacher 2, female, 48 years) 'Learners will even raise their red block to tell you where they are struggling. Some learners use their red block to ask for help'. However, Sue's utterance was not practised in her classroom as Sue seldom used the data for the formative purpose (as I observed in her three learning episodes). In one of her learning episodes, a learner raised a yellow block, to indicate that he did not understand the place value of the digits in 134. Instead of supporting the learner's understanding, Sue asked other learners to give the correct answer. One learner (Learner 1, boy, Grade 3) answered 'In 134, the 1 is hundred, the 3 is tens and 4 is units'. Another learner (Learner 2, boy, Grade 3) gave a slightly different answer and gave the place value of each digit as follows: '1 is one hundred, 3 is 30 and 4 is 4'. The differences in response were not explained by the teacher, hence the learner was confused.
An analysis of teacher's use of whiteboards indicated that most of the teachers looked for correct or incorrect answers, and were less interested in correcting learners' misconceptions and errors. In one episode, the teacher identified four learners as they wrote incorrect answers on the white board and asked them to show their answers to the others. Interestingly, each learner had different answers that were incorrect and required different explanation aligned to their specific error or misconception. Rather than providing feedback to individual learners, the teacher (Sue) asked another learner to write the correct answer on the board. In another episode, Sue asked the learners to write on the whiteboard how many tens in 43. Most learners wrote 4, but one learner wrote 40 on the whiteboard. Sue (Teacher 1, female, 51 years) repeated the instruction to the learner 'Listen carefully. I said how many tens in 40' and walked away without providing feedback to help the learner. I would describe their teaching as being product-driven rather than process-oriented. This finding resonates with studies by Leatham et al. (2015), which identified teachers' difficulties in identifying and interpreting the evidence of thinking to build on learners' mathematical understanding. The inconsistent manner in which teachers enacted the 'popsicle stick' strategy - a strategy intended to engage all learners in the thinking exercise before selecting learners for individual responses - indicated teachers' lack of understanding of the purpose of the strategy. Instead of posing a question to the whole class first before identifying a learner for a response, both 'Sam' and 'Sue' (teachers - pseudonyms) opted to first pose the question to an individual learner in class. This practice directly conflicts with the intended purpose of the popsicle stick strategy. Inefficient pre-service teacher training programmes and inadequate support at district and school levels may explain why teachers are disconnected and are unable to implement innovative or effective formative assessment strategies. The subject advisors practically confirmed this explanation when they stated that their monitoring efforts have become 'tick box' exercises; they were not mathematics specialist themselves and, therefore, were not able to support the implementation of the AfL programme in mathematics.
Another finding related to this theme is teachers' questions provided limited opportunities for formative assessment. Teachers are aware that questions are useful and are asked at different stages of the lesson as stated in the following responses:
'In our morning recap, I ask questions and make a note. The most important is to see whether they remember the next day what you taught them the previous day.' (Bela, Teacher 3, female, 32 years)
'Questions asked during the lesson is to track understanding of teaching. Questioning is a daily routine exercise. Even if you forget, learners will remind you.' (Sam, Teacher 2, female, 48 years)
'At the end of the lesson, the teacher assess the learning by asking them for example questions on what they have learned, what they think about the lesson. ' (Sue, Teacher 1, female, 51 years)
However, the types of questions asked afforded little opportunities for teachers to understand learners' cognition. In my analysis, I drew upon the mathematics taxonomies proposed by Smith et al. (1996); Andrews et al. (2005) and Watson (2007) to categorise the questions used by the teachers in the study. The questions were categorised and analysed according to the following seven categories, namely, factual, procedural, structural, reasoning, reflective, derivational and yes or no response questions as illustrated in Table 1.
The grouping of the questions into the different categories is significant as it helped me understand how the types of questions used by teachers shaped their formative assessment practices.
Table 2 represents an analysis of the type of questions asked by the selected teachers during the 12 lessons observed. This is followed by Figure 2, which is the graphical representation of the question types used by all four teachers during the 12 lessons observed.
As shown in Table 2, the proportion of question type varies between teachers. Despite teachers attributing the topic to the level of complexity of questions, the data collected do not support this claim. Bela taught decomposition of numbers that lends itself to open questions; however, Bela asked mostly closed questions.
As illustrated in Figure 2, the factual and procedural questions (lower order) constituted 50% of the total questions used among the four teachers selected for classroom observation. Reasoning, reflective, and derivative (higher order) questions were least used in mathematics teaching, yet are the most cognitively stimulating types of questions. The use of procedural, factual and structural questions yielded limited information about learners' thinking as evident in the following episodes below:
'Do you remember what we learned yesterday? No response from the learner. So the teacher answered.'
'It was about greater and less than. Eh, do you remember?'
'Can you remember this sign?' [Teacher shows less than and greater than sign]
'Do the signs look the same?' (Bela, Teacher 3, female, 32 years)
In the above example, most of the questions posed by Bela were factual, closed-ended questions requiring learners to recall memorised information with yes or no responses. Low-order question 'limits learners' thinking and opportunities to process content and to achieve the learning outcome' (Ruiz-Primo & Brookhart 2017:7). It is my contention that Bela did not ponder on the outcomes of the lesson, nor did she reflect on the assessment questions used. In this context, I agree with Schön (2017) concerning the value of reflection on action and reflection in action. Reflection on action occurs during the stage of activity planning, requiring teachers to anticipate how learners may respond and to generate appropriate interventions and questions. Contrary to procedural, factual and yes or no response questions, reasoning and structural questions provided teachers with rich information to understand learners' thinking as evident in the following vignettes which was observed in Elrie's mathematics lesson:
Vignette 1: Elrie asked the learners to write their answers on the white board. Erie (Teacher 4, female, 56 years) asked 'How many tens in 136?' Some learners wrote 3 and some wrote 30. Elrie (Teacher 4, female, 56 years) then asked the class follow up questions such as:
'Which one is correct? Are there three tens or are there 30 tens in 136? How do you know? Are they the same? Why is 1 ten not the same as 10 tens? Show me with your counters?' (CO1/Elrie/5)
The learners were actively involved in the discussion. She then asked the learners to show three tens and 10 tens using their Dienes blocks.
The above vignette highlights the learner-teacher interaction that was initiated through questions. There was evidence of misconception of three tens and 30 tens. Elrie then used prompts to stimulate the learner's thinking. Guided by the prompts, learners were able to reason that three tens are not the same as 30 tens. Elrie also used Dienes blocks to reinforce learners' understanding that three tens are not the same as 30 tens. It can, therefore, be concluded that reasoning questions were open-ended and provided rich data on how learners think.
While the teachers attribute the variation in the type of questions asked to the ability of the class and the topic, the findings suggest that it is in fact the teacher's planning for questioning which influences the depth and type. The data suggest that it is more down to the teacher than the topic to determine depth of intended mathematical thought in the questions. Understanding learners' thinking is an important component of formative assessment; therefore, teachers need to keep learners' thinking skills in mind when they define the learning goals, select their strategies to elicit useful information from learners, interpret the related information and respond to learners' needs in effective ways (Ginsburg 2009).
While interpreting this theme, a variety of tensions and contradictions emerged; all of which hampered teachers' application of formative assessment. Viewed through the lens of CHAT, teachers have the tools (strategies) to establish what learners know or do not know. My observation is that although teachers acquired the AfL techniques (tools) during the PDPs, they did not internalise the logic of the process during the AfL training. Teachers viewed formative assessment as a technical execution of tools (AfL) strategies and did not reflect on the purpose of the strategies for formative use. One explanation could be aligned to Wertsch's (1993) study, which found that teachers tend to apply the strategies directly because their own history of learning at school was through rote learning. In support of the claims advanced by McCallum, Hargreaves and Gipps (2000:265) that 'teachers do not deliver, they develop, define and interpret', I argue that teachers need to adapt and translate their learning from the professional development workshops according to the needs of learners and their classroom context. To promote the effective enactment of the formative assessment strategies, I draw on the suggestions proposed by Heritage (2007:142) on the need to 'redress the balance of formative assessment as an instrument towards formative assessment as a process for enabling learning by channelling the investment into teachers rather than tools. This implies that teacher development should focus more on developing teachers' knowledge and skills to help teachers enact formative assessment (Heritage & Niemi 2006). The ineffective use of the tools precluded teachers from understanding their learners' thinking processes, thereby inhibiting the teachers' formative assessment practices.
Another possible explanation for teachers' difficulties in operationalising the strategies into their pedagogical practice is explained through the tensions between the subject-tool-object nodes of the activity theory. The tensions between the teachers (subjects), the role of the subject advisors (division of labour) and the departmental regulations (rules) may account for the subject advisors' description of teachers as being maliciously compliant. In my view, the subject advisors' views of learners need to be problematised. I therefore question whether subject advisors, in making such judgements, really know the teachers all that well in order to support them. My experience of the hierarchical structures in the schooling environment and the strict enforcement of practice that requires teachers to follow policies and prescriptions without interrogating whether the context is conducive to learning say otherwise.
During a post-observation discussion, some teachers mentioned that the formative assessment strategies were new to them and that they found it challenging to integrate them into their existing lesson plans. As Sue (Teacher 1, female, 51 years) remarked, 'We were never shown how to integrate it in our lesson plans. But we [are] told to do this now'. This sentiment suggests a perceived lack of support from the department and school management team. Furthermore, the teachers failed to grasp how the strategies should be implemented because they view the strategies as 'add-ons' to the lessons, instead of an integrated process. According to Sue (Teacher 8, female, 42 years), 'The strategies are good, but now we must teach our children the learning intentions. Where is the time to do this?' This comment suggests teachers' misunderstanding of AfL as something that has to be taught to learners.
Using the theoretical 'lens' of CHAT and the accompanying ASA tool enabled me to gain some insight into the teacher (as subject) and the teacher's dominant use of lower order questions in relation to higher order questions (Baird et al. 2017). I concluded that several factors could explain the situation. I could argue that the teachers in this study have become 'technicists' and tend to ask the type of questions that they were asked when they, themselves, were learners. When formative strategies are employed, the variety of question type ought to increase and the depth of questioning is improved. This requires teachers to plan these techniques as a tool to encourage and probe deeper mathematical thinking. I therefore argue that reflection related to formative assessment is a necessary component of teaching. Although teachers may be under the impression that they are assessing learners in a formative sense, they often fail to recognise these activities as components of formative assessment, and hence miss opportunities to maximise the formative impact of the activities. The tools used by teachers were ineffectively mediated, which prevented the learners (as object) from attaining the outcomes of improved mathematics learning.
In conclusion, if teachers do not possess the skills to apply formative assessment strategies - and resultantly, find themselves limited by the various tensions within the classroom activity system - then it may explain why learners struggle to become adept in learning mathematics. I have come to the conclusion that teachers know about formative assessment, but they do not regard it as a vital component of children's learning, nor as an instrumental element in their own teaching applications. Their enactment of formative assessment principles, therefore, tends to be ill-considered.
Teachers' awareness of learning processes and curriculum requirements
Another important finding was that teachers are aware of how children learn, but their teaching and assessment methods are constrained by a prescribed curriculum that does not consider learner diversity. This situation is exemplified in observations such as this remark made by 'Bela': 'That is where the problem lies, to follow the same pacing of the curriculum with all learners, yet they have such diverse abilities'.
'Elrie (Teacher 4, female, 56 years)' said:
'It seems like we have to go back to multi-level teaching. The stronger learners are always the ones that you can feed the curriculum as it is and they will be fine. In addition, the weaker learners are the ones you have to break it down and you need to find ways to teach them. As soon as you realise the child is not going to get this, you now have to think about how am I going to teach this to the child? It's really not easy.' (FG1/Elrie/8)
Here, Elrie acknowledges the value of multi-level teaching strategies in accommodating learners with diverse abilities, but simultaneously argues that it is a daunting task to integrate this concept with their established teaching methods.
In response to Elrie, Sandy (Teacher 6, female, 28 years) added:
'it's [multi-level teaching] easier said than done. We are working with Grade 3. Our work tempo is so, so, so busy, we are really putting it like this … pumping the children with knowledge to get through the whole CAPS [Curriculum and Assessment Policy Statement], just giving them what they need according to policy. In the end, all that you worry about is trying to get through it and not trying to teach to make them learn.' (FG1/Sandy/8)
Sandy alluded to the notion of 'ticking the right boxes' for the sake of compliance.
Teachers experience another challenge posed by the knowledge gaps that exist among Grade 3 learners. Those gaps arise from the previous years of less-than-ideal learning circumstances, which complicate the mediation of the Grade 3 curriculum. Dona (Teacher 7, female, 32 years) said: 'Our children in Grade 3 are struggling, because maybe in Grade 1 and 2 they were not taught these concepts. The problem lies somewhere in the previous grades'. Here, Dona alludes to the problems that teachers experience in navigating a way through the Grade 3 curriculum, caused by the knowledge gaps spilling over from the inadequate and uneven curriculum knowledge base as spread among the learners.
The data relating to this theme suggest that teachers are aware that learning is a process harbouring its own complexities while simultaneously having to be vigilantly mindful of the curriculum requirements. The participant-teachers in this study expressed their uniform frustrations with the variety of curriculum-related regulations imposed by the CCM, prescribed lesson plans and the ATP, all of which prevent them from providing individual support to learners. Sam, 'Nelly' and 'Anna' expressly stated that the prescribed lesson plans and ATPs are hindrances to their teaching efforts, as they exclude the diverse needs of their learners. They are quoted as follows:
'Our teaching has become ATP-paced, not learner-paced. If we are behind with the assessment, we must account for this. Then you are in the spotlight for not complying.' (Sam, Teacher 2, female, 48 years)
'It seems like we are teaching and assessing for the officials.' (Nelly, Teacher 9, female, 35 years)
'We know about the policies…that we need to accommodate every learner. But we don't consider the policies anymore.' (Anna, Teacher 10, female, 39 years)
In addition, the teachers alluded to the difficulties associated with the administering of common formal assessments with their learners. The formal assessment tasks, in most instances, seem to be beyond the abilities of the slower learners. Elrie (Teacher 3, female, 56 years) succinctly expressed her feelings on this topic:
'I try to assess when the majority of learners are ready, but it's not possible. To keep [up with] the curriculum requirement, we end up assessing learners even though learners are not ready. Why can't we just assess learners according to another level, a level they are currently working on? It would be so much more useful.' (FG1/Elrie/10)
The teachers' misguided understanding of ATP usage was evident in the following perspective offered by the district official, 'Sally': 'Teachers use the ATP as a lesson plan, instead of a tracking document'. The teachers' inaccurate perception of the ATP's purpose largely prompted teachers to strictly adhere to the pacing of the ATP content, as illustrated by Elrie's (Teacher 4, female, 56 years) response during the focus group interview:
'In addition, if you know there is trouble with addition, now in the first term, you just leave it and move on. There is no time to support the slow learners. So in the second term, when you are doing addition again, you go back to first term's work and explain that work again. You then follow on with the term 2 content.' (FG1/Elrie/14)
Upon further probing, Elrie stated that although she tries to provide needed support at opportune moments, the pressure of having to adhere to the ATP schedules limits her available time to provide additional assistance to individual learners. Three other participants, Elrie, 'Kayla' and Nelly, expressed their frustrations regarding the use of the ATPs as follows:
'There is just no time to go back and reteach. If you do this, then you are going to lag behind in your ATPs. So the poor learners just remain behind.' (Elrie, Teacher 3, female, 56 years; FG1/Elrie/12)
'And you end up doing it, even if it is not on your plan for that day, because really it bothers you. Then you need to check along the way where you can just squeeze it in your ATP.' (Kayla, Teacher 8, female, 42 years; FG1/Kayla/13)
'That is actually where you leave the ATPs aside. Then you leave everything aside and say "today I am just focusing on that." At the end you are getting behind, you do not know where to really start teaching again.' (Nelly, Teacher 9, female, 35 years; FG 2/Nelly/6)
Judging by those (and other) responses by the participant-teachers, it seems that the ATP requirements related to teaching tempo and curriculum coverage generally serve to hamper - rather than facilitate - the development of conceptual understanding and effective learning techniques. The teachers experienced the ATPs as aggressive pacing guides that add pressure to stay on a fast teaching track, denying opportunities to slow down and reteach when the need arises. The teachers also felt that the ATPs disregard respective differences within classroom groups. For instance, while some learners are able to learn at the required pace, others require repeated opportunities to grasp mathematical concepts. The teachers felt that the ATPs did not accommodate learners who need more time. In addition, from a teaching perspective, the effective implementation of AfL requires time and flexibility for the teachers to adapt their lessons, use different strategies and 'take risks in their practice' (Earl 2012).
With all this information based on empirical data in mind, I hence argue that teachers' formative assessment practices were constrained by the pressures enforced on them to rigidly adhere to the scripted lessons and ATPs, without their receiving any incentive to reflect on the effectivity of their practices. Teachers were led to believe that 'curriculum coverage', as a concept, meant that they had to teach everything included in the schedules, rather than getting to teach in such a way that learners were given a fair chance to understand the content before moving on to later learning. This misconception was evidenced by the way that teachers completed the CCM reporting tool. Teachers reported what they had managed to teach, without noting whether their learners actually grasped the learning content. To stay on track with the ATPs, teachers tended to focus on content coverage, which resulted in surface learning with little time allotted to formative assessment that could have helped to identify and address individual and group learning needs.
Spillane, Reiser and Reimer's research results (2002) correspond with this study's findings, which is that teachers (the implementing agent) deserve the freedom and flexibility to implement the prevailing policy while being mindful of their situation and context at the time. This means that curriculum policy - even though it is prescribed - must allow for flexibility when teachers implementing it in their classrooms. In this way, central-based curricula will not serve as barriers to effective teaching and learning. The participating teachers largely emphasised the roles of summative assessment, departmental pressures (to complete the curriculum) and accountability. I hence argue that the current issues related to formative assessment may be attributed to several factors. These factors include the diverse interpretations of what constitutes formative assessment, the pressures to complete the curriculum and the overemphasis on summative assessment. The variety of inflexible demands (CHAT) compromise teachers' abilities to effectively apply formative assessment in their classrooms. Furthermore, a formative assessment policy may initially be difficult to achieve because teachers will have to accommodate certain shifts in their practices and perhaps have to alter some of their personal teaching convictions.
Another finding related to this theme is the tension between the respective accountability measures of summative and formative assessments. Several teachers proposed that formative assessment is not prioritised because of the higher status bestowed on summative assessment because of its perceived purpose of accountability. Kayla's (Teacher 8, female, 42 years) (following response succinctly articulated the situation regarding accountability:
'Unfortunately, because the department has to answer to someone else, they have pressure to supply favourable figures and numbers on learners' performance. So further down the line, the production has pushed up, the quality of the product is of a low standard. If we as teachers had to take an oath like the medical professional, all of us would be guilty and our practice number would have been taken away. It because we are not doing what we said we would do as an oath. That is the nature of the beast: We need to produce. The question is: Do we produce enough; do we produce the right quality of the right quantity? The answer is: Quantity YES, Quality NO.' (FG2/Kayla/11)
A subject advisor supported this perspective by stating, 'Teachers have become results-driven due to departmental pressures to produce high scores in the assessment'.
The pressures to produce high scores in summative assessment resulted in teachers' asking the exact same questions that they will be assessed on in formal assessments. As Anna (Teacher 10, female, 39 years): stated:
'Before the assessment, we work through it in class and the children do them as homework. So two, three four days down the line, with a little bit of tweaking it becomes the formal assessment. By the time the children do the formal assessment, they know what to do.' (FG2/ Anna/15).
Sam (Teacher 2, female, 48 years) alluded to the consequences imposed on teachers for low scores: 'Schools that are underperforming become target schools for school support visits in the following term'. It is, therefore, no surprise that the teachers resorted to using procedural ways to get their learners to focus on and remember certain steps. Bela (Teacher 3, female, 32 years) said:
'We drill and drill until learners can remember what they need to know in their formal assessments. So much of time goes into drilling, leaving teachers with less time to teach new concepts.' (FG1/Bela/18).
Procedural ways of teaching, however, results in mere surface learning. Kayla (Teacher 8, female, 42 years) explained the problems that arise from concentrating on assessment content as such:
'We focus more on the assessment target at the end of the term to get the child on that level. Then we end up assessing only what the child was taught - not what the child knows.' (FG 2/ Kayla/23)
Bela (Teacher 3, female, 32 years) added:
'Even the questions that are asked in the ANAs, learners show that they do not understand. It is because we teach only a method that we know is going to be tested.' (FG1/Bela/16)
A subject advisor reiterated the teachers' view: 'Teachers have become so results driven that they teach only what's in the formal assessments so that they can get high scores'. Anna (Teacher 8, female, 42 years) also said:
'Before the assessment, we work through it in class and the children do [the questions] as homework. So two, three, four days down the line, with a little bit of tweaking it becomes the formal assessment. By the time the children do the formal assessment, they got some idea.' (FG2/Anna/13)
The matter of available time was also listed as a barrier to the implementation of formative assessment. Elrie felt that 'formative assessment should inform our formal assessment but [we cannot] because we just don't have the time to do that at the moment'. Sue and Elrie expressed similar frustrations at the pressure of having to rush through their teaching plans, just to keep pace with the scheduled formal assessments. As Sue admitted, 'Most of the time we are assessing them on work they have not done. We rush through our teaching to get to the assessments'. Elrie (Teacher 3, female, 56 years) said:
'When the number of assessment tasks [were] determined for every grade, it became a real problem. It meant rushing through my teaching to get through the required tasks so that I can have my recording up to date. So there is no time for formative assessment.' (FG1/Elrie/7)
Teachers clearly felt that the new approaches to pedagogy and assessment were in themselves too time-consuming to be practical. The reigning perception is that actions such as involving learners in self- and peer assessments, presenting more discursive and interactive lessons and improving the methods of asking questions in class would lead to a slower pace of curriculum 'delivery'. This creates concerns that the prescribed curriculum may not be covered. Other recorded comments further alluded to the lack of available time as an obstacle to formative assessment practices, such as:
'But tell me, where is there time to do all this? With the GPLMS [Gauteng Primary Literacy and Mathematics Strategy], every day it is a new concept. If there's no written work, you are in trouble.' (FG1/Sandy/13)
An analysis of the second theme reveals that teachers' formative assessment practices are clearly constrained by certain curriculum requirements, particularly 'curriculum bossiness', 'curriculum compliance' and curriculum tempo. As researcher, I can present a case based on the collected data that the integration of formative assessment principles into the curriculum would enable teachers to know which learners truly struggle in mathematics, and to identify the specific areas where their learners will need support. Too many South African learners do not perform well in mathematics - not because they are too slow in grasping the concepts, but because the curriculum pacing is too fast for those learners. If teachers are less driven by the dictates of curriculum compliance and, instead, are allowed to pause proceedings and to reteach the relevant elements to those children who have not yet fully understood everything, then they would be freed to properly assist their learners in achieving the learning outcomes in mathematics.
Ethical considerations
Ethical approval was obtained from the University of Johannesburg to undertake this study. Ethical Clearance number: 2016-093.
Conclusion
In this article, I have concluded that teachers in priority schools, who teach middle class children and who have completed AfL training, find it hard to integrate what they know 'about' formative assessment with their daily practice. This may well be because the discourse around formative assessment is clouded by blanket statements about it, in which it is not viewed as one of the building blocks of a solid pedagogy and not to be confounded with 'assessments', 'evaluations' or even 'tests', instead of it simply being an integral part of daily teaching practice. To that end, I propose the notion of formative pedagogy, which, I would argue, may have more currency with teachers. In my quest to ascertain how teachers actually do this work known as 'assessment for learning' in their classrooms, I found that they do 'implement' the techniques (to a degree), but that the implementation does not occur in an integrated fashion. My experience in this study presents me with a sense that the term 'formative assessment' emphasises the notion of 'assessment' more than the intended forming of a pedagogy in which learning is the key focus.
Acknowledgements
The author is grateful for the financial assistance from the National Research Foundation (NRF), South Africa, towards this research. The author is also grateful to the University of Johannesburg where she completed her PhD studies.
Competing interests
The author has declared that no competing interests exist.
Authors' contributions
P.G. is the primary researcher and author of this article.
Funding information
The researcher received the NRF-DST (National Research Foundation-Department of Science and Technology) SARChI (South African Research Chairs Initiative): Integrated Studies of Learning Language, Mathematics and Science in the Primary School towards her PhD studies.
Data availability statement
Data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study.
Disclaimer
The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the authors.
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Correspondence:
Poomoney Govender
govenp2@unisa.ac.za
Received: 18 Feb. 2019
Accepted: 01 Aug. 2019
Published: 21 Oct. 2019
ORIGINAL RESEARCH
The practice of partnerships: A case study of the Disabled Children's Action Group, South Africa
Susan C. Philpott; Nithi Muthukrishna
School of Education, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, South Africa
ABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: Children with disabilities stand to gain from an array of services and interventions to support their development. However, relationships between parents of children with disabilities and professionals can be fraught, with the potential that professionals undermine the role of parents and overlook their agency.
AIM: The aim of this study was to examine the nature of partnerships between parents of children with disabilities and professionals in the Early Childhood Development (ECD) sector, and the influences that shape partnerships within a particular context
SETTING: This article documents the experiences of parents of children with disabilities from a national organisation, in respect of their partnerships with professionals.
METHODS: The research was a qualitative case study of a national organisation of parents of disabled children, the Disabled Children's Action Group (DICAG), that has engaged in many different partnerships within different provinces of South Africa. Data generation techniques were document analysis and focus group discussion with staff and provincial branch members of the national DICAG office in Cape Town.
RESULTS: The findings of the study provide a nuanced and contextually situated understanding of the complexity of parent-professional partnerships in the disability sector. A key issue that emerges is that to recognise and disrupt pervasive dominant discourses and their potential to weaken partnerships, professionals need to critically attune themselves to the situated experiences of those whom they seek to support.
CONCLUSION: The findings suggest that there is a need for a rights-based social justice agenda to underpin parent-professional relationships, to address the power dynamics and pervasive discourses that oppress the parent actors.
Keywords: parent-professional partnerships; children with disabilities; parents; disability; partnerships.
Introduction
Young children with disabilities can benefit from an array of services and social support structures to promote their well-being (Britto et al. 2014). Accessing and navigating these services and the associated relationships with professionals are among the additional responsibilities that parents of children with disabilities are required to assume (Ambikile & Outwater 2012; Olawale Deih & Yaadar 2013; Taderera & Hall 2017). Internationally, an intersectoral approach has been found to enhance interventions aimed at improving child well-being and addressing social determinants of health (Kim et al. 2017). Indeed, Redfern, Westwood and Donald (2016) argue that intersectoral collaboration between the education and health sectors in particular is essential to promote the inclusion of children with disabilities, and to ensure that they do not fall through the cracks in the service provision system. However, while community and parent participation is cursorily acknowledged, most research internationally on intersectoral collaboration is from the perspective of service providers (from the health, nutrition and education sectors) (e.g. Adeleye & Ofili 2010; Corbin 2017; Rudolph et al. 2013), with little attention paid to agency of parents in partnerships to heighten collective action. Furthermore, within the international literature, the dearth of studies on intersectoral partnerships from the global South has been noted (Corbin 2017).
The focus of the study presented in this article is unique in that it specifically explores the complexity of partnerships between parents of children with disabilities and professionals in the Early Childhood Development (ECD) sector. Early Childhood Development is recognised as a national priority in South Africa, and included in several of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) (United Nations 2015). The emphasis of the SDGs on the importance of 'leaving no one behind' (United Nations 2015:3) is particularly significant for children with disabilities and their families.
Parent-professional partnerships: Possibilities and tensions
Partnerships between parents of children with disabilities and professionals have been defined as 'mutually supportive interactions … focused on meeting the needs of children and families, and characterised by a sense of competence, commitment, equality, positive communication, respect and trust' (Summers et al. 2005:66). Keen (2007) pinpoints the features of effective partnerships highlighted in the literature as being mutual respect, trust and honesty, jointly agreed-upon goals, as well as shared planning and decision-making. However, research has shown that achieving these ends has been fraught with complexities in many contexts. We highlight some of the tensions, dilemmas and possibilities in the subsections below.
The power dynamics within partnerships
While often lauded as an 'unquestionable ideal' (Hodge & Runswick-Cole 2008:638), deeper probing of the nature of parent-professional relationships reveals that they are underpinned by notions of power and power imbalances, within particular historical and social contexts (Swain & Walker 2003). Squire (2012) holds that weak partnerships generally have different levels of commitment, resourcing and relations of power. Often parents do not have an equal relationship with professionals, and lack the knowledge, expertise or power to shape decisions, direct interventions or negotiate the types of services that their child requires. Research by Hodge and Runswick-Cole (2008) found parents of children with disabilities to experience a distinct hierarchy of knowledge:
Parents continue to be disempowered in their relationships with professionals … their intimate knowledge of the child is devalued within the context of the parent-professional relationship and, in contrast, professional knowledge is privileged. (p. 639)
Indeed, parent-professional partnerships have tended to reinforce unequal power relations in which parents are posited as passive 'unpaid quasi-professionals instructed to carry out a series of developmental tasks set by the "real" experts' (Hodge & Runswick-Cole 2008:465). Yet, especially for young or severely disabled children, 'parents hold the key to accessing their personal experiences and background' (Case 2000:272).
A study conducted with caregivers in South Africa found that some service providers pitied and empathised with parents of disabled children, while others simply ignored or tried to avoid engaging with them, thereby failing to plan services that reasonably accommodate children with a spectrum of support needs (Department of Basic Education & UNICEF 2015). Singogo, Mweshi and Rhoda (2015:4) found a similar trend of (healthcare) professionals being 'unhelpful and disrespectful' towards parents. In their study on the challenges of caregivers of children with disabilities in Tanzania, Ambikile and Outwater (2012) found that parents spent a great deal of time and their limited financial resources searching for appropriate services (schools, in particular) for their children. In South Africa, similar findings were evident in the study by Muthukrishna and Ebrahim (2014). Ambikile and Outwater (2012) and Muthukrishna and Ebrahim (2014) also found that parents were held responsible for their child's challenging behaviour, and had to take the blame for the consequences of it.
The question these findings raise is: Why do parents find it difficult to challenge or stand up to professionals? International research has documented that many parents are concerned that their assertiveness could have a negative impact on the provision of services for their child (O'Connor 2008). Often parents are labelled uncooperative, difficult to work with and maladjusted if they do not acquiesce with the decisions and recommendations of professionals (Hodge & Runswick-Cole 2008). They are therefore under pressure to conform to expectations of professionals, ignore their own instincts and defer to professional expertise.
What constitutes equitable partnerships?
A number of studies conducted in various countries have examined the conditions under which equitable partnerships thrive (Summers et al. 2007). O'Connor (2008) noted that parents valued the interpersonal elements of their relationship with service providers as much as they valued the services themselves. Caring relationships with professionals were seen to be key to sound partnerships. In the study by Ambikile and Outwater (2012:8) in Tanzania, parents expressed their appreciation of the research process that accorded them a voice. This was not about services being provided, but simply having someone interested in and acknowledging their journey.
Another key factor contributing to equitable partnerships was seen to be professionals' acknowledgement of parents' expertise (Hodge & Runswick-Cole 2008):
Within a successful partnership, professionals do not always have to get it right, but they have to be perceived by parents as trying to do so and by taking on board the parents' expertise. (p. 645)
Underpinning the above argument is the recognition and valuing of parent's unique insights into the needs of their child, with an assurance that parents' contribution has the same validity as that of professional inputs (O'Connor 2008).
There is limited research on parent partnerships per se in respect of parents of children with disabilities emanating from South Africa and the global South. The present study was based on the premise that strong partnerships with parents are essential for the well-being of children with disabilities and their families (Sandy, Kgole & Mavundla 2013). The aim of the study was to examine the partnership experiences of parents of children with disabilities, and the influences that shape partnerships within a particular context. The research questions were threefold: How do parents of children with disabilities in a rural context experience and navigate partnerships? What influences shape parents' experiences of partnership practices? How can the voices of parents inform and enhance the quality of partnerships between parent and professionals?
Theoretical framing
The study presented in this article links disability studies, development studies and studies in ECD. Models and embedded discourses that inform these disciplines are summarised in Table 1 and examined in the subsection below. We argue that that these discourses are useful in explaining the complexity of partnership actions and enactments evident in the present study.
Discourses of disability
Keen (2007) holds that relationships of parents of children with disabilities and professionals are reflective of the constructions of disability and the perceived role of parents in respect of their child's care and education. Understanding the way in which disability is determined and perceived is important because prevailing attitudes in society and the language used to describe persons with disabilities influence expectations, relationships and interactions (Haegele 2016). From the perspective of the medical/individual model, disability is seen as the defining characteristic of a disabled person, who is viewed in deficit terms as inherently defective, and therefore less than human. The challenges that they face are assumed to be independent of the wider sociocultural, physical or political environment, with the role of society in creating and sustaining mechanisms of inclusion and exclusion being ignored. Often the 'failures' of individual children with disabilities are attributed to parents, who then have to bear the responsibility for their children not succeeding within existing social systems (Murray 2000; Muthukrishna & Ebrahim 2014). A further manifestation of the medical/individual model is the influence that medical and other professionals have over the treatment of persons with disabilities and their families. As gatekeepers of benefits and resources, professionals control the processes of diagnosis and labelling that are applied to determine who receives services (Case 2000).
In contrast, the social model takes a social-contextual approach to disability. It holds that it is society that imposes disability on individuals with impairments, and thus solutions should not be directed at the individual but rather at society (Samaha 2007). This model posits that there is nothing inherently disabling about having an impairment, but disability is imposed by the way that individuals with impairments are isolated and excluded from full participation in their community (Case 2000). However, the social model has been criticised in its failure to account for differences between persons with specific impairments and the related disability, and for ignoring the reality of physical debilitation, pain and suffering in the lives of certain individuals with disabilities (Retief & Letsosa 2018). Furthermore, in rejecting the medical/individual model, the social model could ignore the possibility that in certain social realities medical interventions can produce positive changes in disabled people's lives (Gabel 2005).
Macartney (2011) draws attention to the corporate-managerial discourse that constructs disability as a management issue. Within this discourse, the fixation of government departments and social institutions is on mechanisms, strategies and systems for allocating and dispensing resources, timeframes and technical outputs. A corporate-managerial discourse may hold power and influence through its access to funding arrangements, professional and social networks and structures, and private sector resources, often to the detriment of human rights and social justice agendas. In line with a managerial discourse, Macartney (2011) points out that the New Zealand government's responses to the education of learners with 'special needs' is mainly about distributing, dispensing, monitoring and managing resources. The result is a fragmented, professional workforce providing services to individuals with disabilities. In such a scenario, issues of parent voice and agency in partnerships are not a concern or priority.
Taking the debate beyond embedded social and contextual influences that shape constructions and experiences of disability, the human rights model endorses a human rights approach to disability. It builds on the social model, and the view that disability is a social construct, but acknowledges that some individuals with disabilities may experience challenging life situations, arguing that such factors should be taken into account in the development of relevant rights-based theories, social justice policies and social services. This model stresses that individuals with disabilities are rights-holders and human rights subjects, and 'that impairment may not be used as a justification for denial or restrictions of human rights' (Degener 2016:1). The model would argue that social structures may limit, constrain or ignore the rights of people with disabilities, leading to social injustices and exclusion. The human rights model focuses on a range of social rights - civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights (Degener 2016). The United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) (United Nations 2008) advocates the human rights model of disability.
A key question that the above discussion raises for the present study is: How do the discourses of disability embedded in these models inform or shape parent-professional partnerships in the study context?
Models and discourses of partnerships
Swain and Walker (2003) have proposed various models of parent-professional partnerships debated in development studies. In the expert model, professionals assume control over decisions, with parents seen as passive consumers of services and professional advice. This approach positions parents as being powerless and subordinate (Case 2000; Hodge & Runswick-Cole 2008). In the consumer model, the knowledge and rights of parents are recognised, with the assumption being that they could shop around for their choice of services. But in reality, choices for parents are extremely limited, and the balance of power still resides with professionals (O'Connor 2008). Finally, the negotiation model is characterised by joint decision-making, towards a shared perspective on issues of mutual concern. This model reflects a relationship within which 'professionals view parents as key decision-makers rather than simply consumers or clients of a service' (Keen 2007:343).
Cottle and Alexander (2013) have identified distinct discourses of partnership in the early childhood sector, which provide useful insights into relationships between parents and professionals. The discourse of deficiency casts parents as 'needy', 'vulnerable' or 'deprived', and as failing or lacking in some way. Parents who are less involved are seen as being reluctant to support their children's learning or development. Intervention programmes are designed to compensate for parents' (or children's) perceived inadequacies, with practitioners, social workers or therapists posited as role models. In practice, they are gatekeepers of resources and knowledge as they decide what a particular child needs. This may result in the 'right' way of doing things being pitted against the 'wrong' way. This discourse entrenches power disparities between those who know and have, and those who don't know and don't have. In contrast, in the discourse of agency parents are viewed as essential contributors to their child's well-being. Because parental involvement is affirmed as necessary for achieving quality outcomes for children (Prieto 2018), parents are seen as 'drivers of excellence' (Cottle & Alexander 2013:3).
Research indicates that the above discourses are mirrored in the disability sector (Brandt 2015). The discourse of deficiency views individuals with disabilities (and their families) as tragic victims of unfortunate circumstances, who are unable to look after themselves, and thus need either cure or care. In contrast, the discourse of agency is based on the view of persons with disabilities being rights-holders. This has direct implications for parent-professional partnerships because it requires a re-orientation from the (default) view of individual responsibility to one in which disability is seen as socially and environmentally determined.
The focus of the study was on parents of children with disabilities and their experiences of partnerships with professionals. We contend that the nature of such partnerships is determined and shaped by the model and the underlying discourses that are at play. It is important to critique these discourses to make sense of the impact of particular knowledges and enactments within partnerships. Critical questions need to be posed, such as: Is the voice of the parent a pivotal element of the partnership? Is the partnership enabling or is it creating dependency and vulnerabilities? Who holds power in the partnership, what is the role of power, and how does power play out?
Research methodology and design
A qualitative case study was undertaken of a national organisation of parents of disabled children, the Disabled Children's Action Group (DICAG), that has engaged in many different partnerships within different provinces of South Africa. The Disabled Children's Action Group came into existence in 1993, and has become a primary voice for children with disabilities and their parents, having participated in lobbying and self-advocacy from local and international level.
The Disabled Children's Action Group's vision is for all children with disabilities and their families in South Africa to enjoy their human rights. Its mission is to empower local parent branches in all provinces of the country, where parents meet, learn from each other, work together and stand up for the rights of their children (DICAG 2017). The Disabled Children's Action Group sees its role in working with different sectors as twofold, namely advocacy for the rights of their children and holding service providers accountable (DICAG 2017). To achieve this, it has been necessary for DICAG members to have knowledge of the rights of their children as well as the policies that give effect to these rights.
Recognition of the need to engage different sectors has been a key feature of DICAG practice, simply because 'our children need a basket of services' (participant 4, DICAG focus group). The most recent DICAG national conference was structured around four priority areas: health, social development, education and protection. There were presentations from different government departments in respect of their roles in implementing the provisions of the White Paper on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (Department of Social Development 2016). There was an opportunity for parents to critique the rights of their children in each of these areas. In presenting the achievements of DICAG over the past 5 years, the national co-ordinator cited various intersectoral structures in which the organisation has been involved, including Disability Round Tables; the Right to Education for Children with Disabilities Alliance and the Disability Task Team of the Children's Bill Working Group that participated in crafting the South African Children's Act No. 38 of 2005 (DICAG 2017; Jamieson & Proudlock 2009).
A qualitative case study methodology was selected for this study as it enables the analysis of complex phenomena within a bounded context in all its complexity and uniqueness (Baxter & Jack 2008). Furthermore, it seeks to explore 'how' and 'why' questions, which was the intention of our study. In the study, the phenomenon in question was parent-professionals partnerships. Furthermore, the case study employed a variety of data sources as this allowed for the exploration of multiple facets of the phenomenon to be uncovered and understood.
Data from a variety of sources were converged in the analysis to foster a more in-depth understanding of the phenomenon of parent-professional partnerships within DICAG. Several data sources enabled triangulation during the data analysis process. Firstly, there was perusal of recent organisational documents, particularly the report of the national DICAG Conference 2017 and the organisational strategic planning document 2017 (DICAG 2017). In addition, various submissions made by the organisation were reviewed. These include a critique of the Millennium Development Goals in respect of children with disabilities, submitted to the South African Human Rights Commission (DICAG 2009); a submission on the Rural Education Draft Policy to the Minister of Basic Education (DICAG & DART 2018); and a Shadow Report on Article 24 (education) of the CRPD (the Right to Education for Children with Disabilities Alliance 2017).
Secondly, a focus group discussion was undertaken with staff and provincial branch members at the national DICAG office in Cape Town. The four participants included the national co-ordinator, the Western Cape provincial chairperson, a local branch member and a community development worker. Both convenience and purposive sampling were utilised. We selected participants who were easily accessible and available at the time, and who could provide in-depth and detailed information about the issue under study. The four participants selected represented a range of perspectives about the organisation. The objective was to seek out concepts, opinions, values, actions and enactments of DICAG in the context of partnerships. The interview questions related directly to the research questions of the study, and were open-ended and qualitative in nature to allow the participants to respond from a variety of dimensions, for example: What do you consider to be the role of the DICAG? What would you ascertain are its strengths in this process and why? What are some of the lessons you have learnt in encouraging/supporting/promoting partnerships? What are some of the struggles and challenges DICAG faces around partnerships, and how do they play out? This approach also allowed for probing by the researcher on key issues raised. Using a laptop computer, notes of the focus group discussions were taken by the researcher, the first author, during this discussion. The researcher was vigilant in ensuring that the note taking did not interfere with the discussion. Once compiled, they were sent to group members via email for verification.
As suggested by Yin (1994), the objective in the data analysis process was to draw together converging evidence from the multiple data sources, organise and systematically review the data, and analyse the convergence. This process sought to understand and explain the social phenomenon under focus, and to examine experiences, views and meanings of the participants. Data analysis entailed thematic analysis using the research questions to group data. The data were read numerous times with the aim of identifying key themes. The process involved searching for actions, processes, similarities, contradictions, differences and assumptions embedded in how DICAG navigated partnerships. Through the process, key topics and the emerging recurrent patterns and themes were isolated.
In the first step of analysis, two themes that linked to the first two research questions were identified. These provided insight into how the parent organisation experienced and navigated professional partnerships, and what influences shaped the enactments of partnerships in context. In step 2 of the analysis, a third theme emerged that centred the voices of the parents on what would comprise authentic partnerships between parents of children with disabilities and professionals. In this article, we focus on three themes: dominant discourses within parent-professional partnerships, enactments of partnerships and towards authentic partnerships.
Ethical considerations
Prior to conducting the data collection for this research, the researcher corresponded with both the national chairperson of DICAG and the national co-ordinator. Both expressed full support for the study, and its aim of exploring the experiences of DICAG and the role of parents in working with different sectors. At the beginning of the focus group discussion, informed consent and ethical approval was obtained from DICAG and the participants. The researcher explained to participants the intention of the focus group, assuring them of anonymity, and impressing upon them that their participation was voluntary, and that they were free to withdraw at any point in the process. The discussion took place in the DICAG offices in Wynberg, Cape Town, further confirming that the research was sanctioned by the organisation. During the consent process, the agreement made with DICAG was that the identity of the organisation would be disclosed in a publication.
Consent was obtained from participants of the study as well as from the national chairperson of the Disabled Children's Action Group. Ethical clearance number: HSS/0250/013.
Findings and discussion
Enactments of partnerships: Discourse and power
This theme links to the first two research questions: How do parents of children with disabilities in a rural context experience and navigate partnerships? What influences shape parents' experiences of partnership practices? In examining the second research question, the study interrogated the dominant discourses embedded in the enactments of parent-professional partnerships, specifically in the context of the work of DICAG.
Professional as expert and gatekeeper
The findings indicate that DICAG as an organisation operates from a discourse of agency and a rights discourse with recognition that the strength of parents is not only in their intimate knowledge of their children, but also in their knowledge of policy and the rights of their children (Philpott 2014). The Disabled Children's Action Group has articulated its vision that children with disabilities enjoy the same rights as all other children and have opportunities to develop to their full potential. Furthermore, the organisation recognises the importance of the CRPD in the struggle for human rights of children with disabilities and their families (DICAG 2017), with its premise that disability is, to a large extent, socially and environmentally determined. Parents are conceived not only as having the ability to provide nurturing care for their children, but also as agents of change on a collective level. However, in practice, the experience of the participants is that the agency and rights of parents are often ignored and infringed within partnerships. There appears to be an asymmetry between the models and discourses that underlie the work of DICAG as an organisation and the actions and behaviours of partners with whom they engage. In the study, the work of DICAG provided a lens into how parents experience services and the professionals whom they engage.
A critical concern for DICAG is that professionals are often gatekeepers to services. A key issue is that lack of information undermines the potential for sectors to work together effectively in support of children with disabilities, and perpetuates unequal power relations. Other studies have shown that many new parents of children with disabilities lack information and understanding about their child's disability, including diagnosis and its implications (Olawale 2013; Resch et al. 2010; Sandy et al. 2013). At their recent conference, DICAG members made reference to the 'problem of information asymmetry between parents and health professionals' (DICAG 2017), indicating that (medical and therapy) professionals do not adequately share relevant information with parents about their child's disability, such that it is 'understandable' for parents (DICAG 2017). In addition, parents often do not know about the rights that their children have - such as the right to education, to health or rehabilitation services. Owing to the lack of information about available services and being referred 'from pillar-to-post' for support (DICAG 2017), parents find themselves isolated and distressed. In contrast, Sandy et al. (2013) found that providing access to relevant information lets caregivers of children with disabilities feel empowered and places them in a position to act confidently and with agency in a role of advocacy on behalf of their children. The experiences of DICAG illustrate the perpetuation of the perception of the 'professional as expert', located in the medical/individual discourse of disability. Other forms of knowledge about disability, about individuals with disabilities and their parents, are excluded and devalued in pervasive ways.
On another level, parents in the focus group questioned the so-called 'expertise' of many professionals. They cited their experience of a lack of knowledge about disability and the experience of disability on the part of many service providers. The participants explained that parents of children with disabilities need counselling and social support, but often social workers do not understand disability and the contextual influences that impact the family (DICAG 2017), and are therefore unable to support them appropriately. Participants asserted that when service providers do not understand disability, they often judge disabled children and treat them punitively, seeing them as disobedient or insolent. Members of DICAG attribute the lack of knowledge and awareness of disability to poor training of staff (DICAG 2017). The focus group parents indicated that lack of information about disability meant that many service providers do not appreciate the significance of their services and the difference that they can make for children and their families.
Furthermore, DICAG members identified other encounters with service providers that serve to undermine the potential of partnerships with parents. In respect of education, DICAG parents note a lack of commitment on the part of teachers to support the education of all children, including those experiencing barriers to learning and participation (DICAG 2017). They related experiencing service providers who are lethargic and 'can't be bothered' to attend to their concerns efficiently. One participant further explained:
'Many people providing services for children with disabilities … are not passionate about disability issues. They are just doing their work, they are there for money.' (Participant 1, DICAG focus group)
The participants explained that when parents challenge government officials or service providers, the response is: 'Who are you to tell us what to do? We are qualified people and you are not educated!' Similarly, a study by Resch et al. (2010) found that parents experienced trying to access services for their children as 'demeaning', as many service providers were disrespectful of their views and towards them as individuals. The individual/medical discourse shapes these behaviours and actions of professionals as they position themselves as 'experts' in relation to what they deem to be 'uneducated and uninformed' parents, whose views and opinions are treated with disdain.
The voice of the DICAG participant in the study cited below provides insight into how a government social institution, the Department of Education, as gatekeeper, abdicates responsibility for a child, with the premise being that the child's behaviour is not the problem of the school or educational system, but that of the parent:
'Recently, a parent came to me for help. Her child is 13, she is out of school. But at this age, she still needs to be in school. When her child was 12, she got bad behaviour - she would lash out at other children. So the school said to her [the parent] they can't cope with her any more, she must remove her from school. She asked where she would place her child. The world is so cruel. Now the child is open for the world - she will get into bad influence. Now the responsibility is on the parent to find another school. She is so despondent. She took her child to the clinic to get her assessed - she has ADHD [attention deficit hyperactivity disorder]. So she asked for help. Education is important - but she doesn't know where she is going to place the child now.' (Participant 2, DICAG focus group)
This narrative suggests that the education department and the school have adopted a dominant, deficit, medical discourse through which parents and their children are further disabled. The knowledge regimes of professionals construct disability as an individual deficit and the individual problem of parents and their children.
This study shows that often individual parents do not have the agency to resist or challenge the exclusionary and oppressive positions of service providers and professionals, and to disrupt the unequal power relations. The lack of agency on the part of parents to transform power relations was also evident in the study by Muthukrishna and Ebrahim (2014). Macartney (2011) highlights the social construction of meanings around 'disability' and points to the importance of interrogating how these meanings are produced and sustained within particular, localised contexts. What is pervasive is that disability is socially constructed to serve certain ends, and often, to maintain existing exclusionary practices and actions. There is a need for adoption of alternate models and discourses that have the power to uncover and undermine pervasive discourses that operate within parent-professional partnerships, such as the human rights discourse that foregrounds parent agency and voice.
Hierarchical and alienating culture of partnerships
A significant challenge that DICAG parents have experienced is the hierarchical and often alienating culture of the partnership, and the inflexibility of some of the partners with whom they work. Some partners assume that there is a 'right way' to do things and that all others are 'wrong', instead of jointly establishing ways of working together. There is no evidence of a model of negotiation and shared decision-making. One of the parents, who runs her own ECD centre, related her experience of an ECD service provider with whom she partners:
'In my centre, a service provider came and asked to look at my daily programme. I showed it to her. Then she took it down and replaced it with her own, the "right" one. Then another person came and asked me to take that one down and put a different one. So now I just put them all up! But it needs a strong person [not to bow to all these demands].' (Participant 3, DICAG focus group)
Clearly, power rests with the service provider and individual actors in the organisation in question. In South Africa, a mandate for collaboration between sectors is articulated in ECD and disability policies, reflecting a shared understanding of goals and priorities. However, Burgess (2015) cautions against programmes directed from higher structures that are not developed in consultation with local groups and users. There is a danger of underestimation of the value of community-based knowledge in understanding development issues and identifying possible policy and systems interventions to address them (Rudolph et al. 2013).
The power relations inherent in an approach imposed by a partner is particularly difficult to deal with when the partner is a funder, and stipulates that things need to be done in a particular way if funding is to be granted. For example, DICAG members described the need to compile a 65-page business plan for a funder, which parents perceived as a daunting administrative challenge. It does seem that the funder's technical procedures, complex processes, outputs and time frames are more important that issues of partner needs, capacities and competences. Here, one can see the corporate-managerial discourse playing out, and the neglect of concerns about human rights, building the agency of and giving voice to parents of children with disabilities. An unequal balance of power and control is one of the barriers to strong partnerships (Squire 2012). Such an asymmetrical relationship highlights the embedded discourse of deficiency - such a discourse has the potential to reinforce and reproduce existing power inequalities, and impedes prospects of real collaboration between partners (Lister 1999). Reid (2016) suggests that three key elements need to be at the heart of cross-sector partnership: equity, transparency and mutual benefit. The findings of the study show that respect for these principles may be lacking in DICAG's partnership with professionals.
From the discussion above, it is evident that particular dominant discourses and underlying power imbalances operate in insidious ways within the parent-professionals involving DICAG. Professionals need to understand that particular forms of knowledge influence their enactments and their views of parents and children with disabilities (Macartney 2011). Professionals need to interrogate the knowledges they draw on, and question, contest, resist and disrupt practices that are based on deficit discourses, for example. Spaces need to be created for dialogue between parents and professionals. Drawing on Riane Eisler's cultural transformation theory, Frimoth (2018) explains that systems of domination and systems of partnerships operate at opposite ends of a continuum. Systems of domination operate according to a top-down, authoritarian regime. Dominant actors in partnerships are those in power and authority over others, and they govern the fate of those who are vulnerable, for example disabled children and their families. Frimoth (2018) argues that enacting partnerships is about instituting social justice and equity, and that equity is the key principle that drives systems towards authentic partnership and away from domination. This requires professionals to renounce their established identities as expert knowers.
Limitations
A limitation of the study is the fact that the focus group interview was not audio recorded. It is conceded that the use of an audio recorder would have enhanced the richness and accuracy of the data, and that there is a possibility that the researcher may have had lapses in memory leading to inaccuracies, and may have interpreted some of the responses from her own perspective. However, the verification of the detailed final notes by the focus group participants would have minimised this risk.
Towards authentic partnerships
Batti (2017) concedes that:
[P]artnership is an emergent and dynamic process and working in collaboration with others is never easy especially when it involves organizations with diverse and sometimes conflicting mandates, cultures, capabilities and aspirations. (p. 158)
The complexities of parent-professional partnerships is evident in the study. The Disabled Children's Action Group as an organisation has been reflecting critically upon how it can become a change agent to enhance partnerships between parents and professionals. The parents' voices became evident in the various documents analysed and in the focus group discussion. The study indicates that the process has to involve disrupting dominant discourses that limit the potential of parents to play the role of change agents. Below the article highlights two key subthemes that were significant in the data.
'Atmosphere' of partnerships: Shared vision, values and purpose
Research on partnerships across sectors provides insights into authentic and weak partnerships (e.g. Barnes et al. 2009; Batti 2017). This body of literature suggests that partnerships must be guided by a shared vision and purpose that builds trust and recognises the value and contribution of all members. Research has also highlighted that the culture of partnerships is the collective experience of the actors and it is what makes a partnership unique. In this sense, culture is the sum of beliefs, values, goals, attitudes, behaviours, relationships, language, shared assumptions and interactions (Reid 2016).
Disabled Children's Action Group members spoke about an 'atmosphere' of partnership that needs to be developed, with partners acknowledging one another and the role that each plays. In the focus group, a parent explained:
'You should not work like an island on your own, saying "this is my thing, these resources are mine - we worked hard for them". It's like a secret. Like a recipe that you share some of the ingredients, but not all of them.' (Participant 4, DICAG focus group)
Disabled Children's Action Group participants in the study were of the view that genuine respect for the various participants, institutions and organisations involved is a key principle of authentic partnerships. Lister (1999) asserts that true partnership respects the identity of each institution involved, its goals and values, its strategic directions and its well-being. If this is not evident, power imbalances tend to operate. Macartney (2011) adds an important dimension when she explains that:
An ethic of care and obligation to others challenges developmental, neo-liberal and individualistic views of children and adults as autonomous subjects who are personally responsible for their position in society. (p. 328)
She states that the underlying positioning of obligation and responsibility to the 'other' is the thinking that people's lives are co-dependent and reciprocal, and that they learn and develop in relation with and to one another.
Furthermore, an important element of sound partnerships is the resolution of major power disparities, as power differential in a partnership could have a negative impact on the future sustainability of collaborative efforts, according to El Ansari and Phillips (2001). Batti (2017) also stresses that power imbalances within partnerships eventually impacts sustainability.
The findings in the study suggest that the collaborative process should involve reciprocity, building trust, maintaining open communication, being responsive, ensuring flexibility, giving space for all ideas to be heard, and prioritising learning and capacity building as an ongoing process. Learning would involve creating spaces for drawing on and capitalising on one another's skills, knowledge and experiences of local needs, concerns and priorities. This principle relates to human rights and valuing diversity (Barnes et al. 2009).
Voice and agency of parents
The findings of this study indicate that the voices of parents of children with disabilities are often unheard, and need to be privileged and amplified at different levels. At an individual level, debriefing and counselling is a critical part of parent support, giving parents an opportunity to express their emotions, uncertainties and hopes for their children. According to participants in the focus group, unless parents are able to do so, inappropriate expressions of emotions of grief, stress and anger may continue to negatively affect them and their parenting as their children grow older. In addition, information about rights and services is also necessary for parents to take informed decisions in respect of the unique needs of their children. As is evident from DICAG members, parents have much to offer in terms of insights about disability and addressing barriers to participation. The Disabled Children's Action Group has recommended that parents collaborate in developing and leading disability awareness training initiatives, and sharing their experiences of disability rights and inclusion (DICAG 2017). At a collective level, agency of parents can be enhanced through peer support and joint action and capacity building for change. As one parent said: 'We are empowered by other parents … it's because we can identify with them' (Participant 3, DICAG focus group). There are common concerns and parents of children with disabilities can create spaces to act collectively to support one another. At an institutional and systemic level, parent representation on community and disability structures (e.g. Disability Forums) can help to ensure that issues related to children are raised, and professionals are held accountable. Specifically, DICAG members call for improvement in accountability of health professionals, who through negligence may contribute to primary or secondary disability, a call that is echoed within the health sector itself (McKerrow 2016).
Among the goals of DICAG is that children with disabilities and their parents become self-advocates, with local and national advocacy campaigns and lobbying among the activities contained in the DICAG strategic plan (DICAG 2017). Building agentic, well-informed, confident parents who have the ability to engage assertively with different sectors is a long process and may require parents changing how they have been used to functioning and developing a different culture. A DICAG participant shared what this had meant for her:
'When I was growing up, I was always being told 'don't ask too many questions'. I absorbed this, and so I have found it difficult as an adult to question things. But I have developed strategies to do so - like in a meeting writing down the questions I want to ask.' (Participant 4, DICAG focus group)
Another DICAG member shared how she had honed independent critical thinking abilities, taking advantage of opportunities to give feedback and question what different service providers do and how it impacts children with disabilities. An important component of developing parent advocates is that parents know their rights and those of their children. This is one of the short-term outcomes identified by DICAG in its most recent strategic planning document (DICAG 2017). Furthermore, in respect of new members, the organisation has recognised the need to familiarise the sector with legal literacy, and to align their programmes with international conventions, such as the CRPD (DICAG 2017).
A further element that needs to be addressed in the relationship between parents and professionals is that of access to relevant information. Parents need to know about the diagnosis, cause, consequences and prognosis of their own child's condition, and to understand strategies for 'managing' it. They also need information about their child's needs and their right to participate in early learning, education and play. Parents also need information about what services are available, what they can offer and how they can be accessed. Disabled Children's Action Group members emphasised the need for service providers to share information with parents in a way that is respectful, taking cognisance of their experiences and questions and not treating them as empty vessels to be filled:
'We have had many people supporting us. People not intimidating us, but guiding us. Treating us with respect. They pulled knowledge from us in a good and respectful way.' (Participant 4, DICAG focus group)
In the study by Ambikile and Outwater (2012), booklets on how to manage child behaviour were found to be helpful to parents.
The study shows that effective communication and strong feedback is critical to granting voice and building the agency of parents in partnerships. This links to the issue of accountability in the form of evaluation and monitoring systems. It is evident from DICAG's experiences of partnerships that although there are rights and entitlements enshrined in South African legislation and policies, there is no guarantee that these are understood, protected and acted upon by service providers and social institutions such as departments of education and schools. Disabled Children's Action Group members indicated that an open approach within partnerships creates the opportunity for reflection and dialogue with the aim of strengthening the partnership. Research by Van Hove et al. (2008) suggests that the voices of parents of children with disabilities must be central to collaboration within partnerships. Listening to parents and being open to collective learning and genuine dialogue helps disrupt discourses, knowledges and meanings that create particular identities and entrench oppression and exclusion.
Conclusion
Partnerships are critical to the effective implementation and scaling up of ECD services for children with disabilities. Sindall (1997:6) argued that to make partnerships work 'we need to be developing not only the capacity for joint working, but also our ability to read, interpret and ultimately to shape the context in which collaboration occurs'.
This study is significant in that it provides a nuanced and contextually situated understanding of parent-professional partnerships in the disability sector. A key issue that emerges is that to recognise and disrupt pervasive dominant discourses and their potential to weaken partnerships, all partners and actors need to critically attune themselves to the situated experiences of those whom they seek to support. The findings suggest that there is a need for a rights-based, social justice agenda to underpin parent-professional relationships, to address the power dynamics and pervasive discourses that oppress the parent actors. It highlights the need to create spaces that illuminate how power and resistance through embedded discourses circulate in partnerships in complex and dynamic ways, and in multiple directions and levels.
This study indicates that, when amplified, the voices of parents of children with disabilities not only have the potential to contribute to the well-being of their children and the agency of parents, but also collectively to hold professionals to account through the vision of inclusion (Van Hove et al. 2008). To ensure that this is institutionalised, an evidence-informed learning and enhancement strategy for multi-sectoral partnerships is required, providing a space for constant monitoring and evaluation to ensure that all voices are heard and valued.
Acknowledgements
The authors wish to thank the Disabled Children's Action Group (DICAG) for their support and participation in this study.
Competing interests
The authors declare that they have no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced them in writing this article.
Authors' contributions
S.C.P. contributed to the conceptualisation of this study, and undertook the fieldwork. S.C.P. wrote the literature review. Both S.C.P. and N.M. contributed to writing the introduction, theoretical framing, research methodology and design, data analysis and interpretation, as well as the discussion and conclusion sections of the article.
Funding information
This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial or not-for-profit sectors.
Data availability statement
The authors declare that the data supporting the findings of this study have been stored and are available for perusal upon reasonable request.
Disclaimer
The views expressed in this article are those of the authors and not an official position of the University of KwaZulu-Natal.
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Correspondence:
Susan Philpott
philpottsue@gmail.com
Received: 19 Dec. 2018
Accepted: 24 Aug. 2019
Published: 22 Oct. 2019
ORIGINAL RESEARCH
A comparison of the early reading strategies of isiXhosa and Setswana first language learners
Tracy N. Probert
Department of English Language and Linguistics, Rhodes University, Makhanda, South Africa
ABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: A large amount of evidence highlights the obvious inequalities in literacy results of South African learners. Despite this, a sound understanding of how learners approach the task of reading in the African languages is lacking.
AIM: This article examines the role of the syllable, phoneme and morpheme in reading in transparent, agglutinating languages. The focus is on whether differences in the orthographies of isiXhosa and Setswana influence reading strategies through a comparative study of the interaction between metalinguistic skills and orthography.
SETTING: Data was collected from Grade 3 first-language and Grade 4 Setswana home-language learners attending no fee schools in the Eastern Cape and North West Province respectively.
METHODS: Learners were tested on four linguistic tasks: an open-ended decomposition task, a phonological awareness task, a morphological awareness task and an oral reading fluency task. These tasks were administered to determine the grain size unit which learners use in connected-text reading.
RESULTS: The results indicated that syllables were the dominant grain size in both isiXhosa and Setswana, with the use of morphemes as secondary grains in isiXhosa. These results are reflected in the scores of the metalinguistic tasks.
CONCLUSION: This research contributes to an understanding of how linguistic and orthographic features of African languages need to be taken into consideration in understanding literacy development.
Keywords: early literacy; reading strategies; isiXhosa; Setswana; grain size in word recognition; metalinguistic skills; conjunctive versus disjunctive orthography.
Introduction
South African education continues to be crippled by a literacy crisis. This is highlighted by ongoing school literacy evaluations. For example, according to the most recent Progress in International Reading Literacy Study (Howie et al. 2017), 78% of South African Grade 4 learners do not have basic reading skills and are at least 6 years behind the top performing countries, with 8 in 10 children unable to read for meaning (Howie et al. 2017). Reading performance in the African languages was particularly low, with 90% of Grade 4 learners tested in Setswana unable to read for meaning, with a similarly large percentage in isiXhosa learners, 88% (Howie et al. 2017). This has implications for later academic success for these learners, as they are constantly playing catch-up and this further entrenches inequalities in early literacy, which are evident in the current literacy results. The sources of the problem of the literacy crisis are multifaceted, with the majority of the studies on educational inequality focusing on social, historical and political issues.1 In addition, there are linguistic dimensions that need to be considered, such as the unique structure of the Southern Bantu languages, the different writing systems which they employ and decoding challenges associated with these orthographies. This is important in that the type of linguistic unit that best predicts successful reading depends on the language and the characteristics of the orthography in which children are learning to read (Goswami 2002; Ziegler et al. 2010), which, in turn, has pedagogical implications for early reading instruction.
One of the reasons why South African readers are listed as some of the poorest in the world (Howie et al. 2008, 2012, 2017) is that very little is known about how reading works in the African languages. Attempts at reducing inequalities through literacy depend to a large extent on understanding the factors that promote success in reading in these languages. Appropriate pedagogical methodologies which are based on the unique features of the African languages will prove immensely advantageous for improving literacy levels and empowering speakers of these languages.
Orthography and word structure in isiXhosa and Setswana
IsiXhosa and Setswana fall within the Southern Bantu language family, more specifically the Nguni language group (which includes isiXhosa, isiZulu, isiNdebele and SiSwati) and the Sotho language group (Setswana, Southern and Northern Sotho), respectively. The Southern Bantu languages2 in South Africa are agglutinating languages with mostly transparent orthographies. A word in the Southern Bantu languages includes rich, overt morphology. Nouns include noun class prefixes as well as stems, whereas verbs include morphological reflexes of subject marking, object marking, tense, aspect, mood, causativity and negation amongst others (Nurse & Phillipson 2003). Therefore, what is said to constitute a word in the Southern Bantu languages (specifically in the Nguni languages) tends to be much longer than what would be said to constitute a word in English:
(1) (a) star (English)
~ inkwenkwezi (isiXhosa)
NC9.star
(b) to use (English)
~ ukusebenzisa (isiXhosa)
INF.use.CAUS.FV
Furthermore, linguistic structure is mediated through orthography (Probert & De Vos 2016). Both isiXhosa and Setswana are agglutinating languages containing long, multimorphemic words; however, the Sotho group tends to have a disjunctive orthography,3 while the Nguni group has a conjunctive orthography. The examples below show that in isiXhosa, the morphological word coincides with the orthographic word (2a), but that in Setswana, the morphological word is represented by several orthographic words in that blank spaces are placed between the morphemes that make up the word (2b). The morphological word refers to the piece of speech which behaves as a unit of pronunciation as well as meaning in context, and as a domain for linguistic procedures, while the orthographic word refers to a written sequence bounded by spaces at each end (Trask 2004). It is the correspondence between orthographic and morphological words which distinguishes conjunctive orthographies from disjunctive orthographies:
(2) a. Ndiyababona SM1.SG.PRES.OM2.see.FV4
'I see them' (isiXhosa)
(one morphological word and one orthographic word)b. Ke a ba bona
SM1.SG.PRES.OM2.see.FV
'I see them' (Setswana)
(one morphological word and four orthographic words)
When learning to read, a reader is faced with language-specific processing challenges when attempting to recognise words in a particular language which, in turn, presupposes language-specific reading strategies. This leads one to the question of how readers unpack words in the Southern Bantu languages where the notion of what constitutes a 'word' differs across the different language groups. This is important for reading instructional methods and materials, as there is no one-size-fits-all approach to fluent reading across languages (Probert & De Vos 2016).
Current methods used to teach reading in the African languages often fail to consider the unique linguistic characteristics of these languages (Probert & De Vos 2016). Much of the current instructions used in South African classrooms is borrowed from the teaching of early reading in English (Pretorius & Spaull 2016). This is not necessarily the best way to teach early reading in African languages, given that the writing systems of the African languages are different to that of English, as illustrated in (1) and (2). English is an analytic language with an opaque orthography, whereas the African languages are agglutinating with transparent orthographies. Linguistic differences and similarities between English and the African languages which influence aspects of reading are seldom dealt with in teacher training programmes (Pretorius & Spaull 2016). Therefore, there is a lack of applied knowledge about how best to teach reading in the African languages, which is informed by linguistic principles. Furthermore, there is a complete absence of research on how differences in the disjunctive and conjunctive writing systems might engender different reading profiles or developmental trajectories, which has pedagogical implications for how best to teach reading in agglutinating African languages.
Word recognition, orthography and metalinguistic skills
The term 'metalinguistic skill' refers to the 'ability to identify, analyse and manipulate language forms' (Koda 2007:2). The two metalinguistic skills under investigation in this study are morphological awareness and phonological awareness. Morphological awareness is the readers' conscious awareness of the morphemic structure of words and their ability to reflect on and manipulate the meaningful parts of words (Kirby et al. 2012; McBride-Chang et al. 2005). Phonological awareness is the awareness that words can be broken down into units so that one can manipulate the individual sounds and syllables, which may not have meaning (Anthony & Francis 2005; Chard & Dickson 1999; Stahl & Murray 1994).
A number of studies have demonstrated that phonological awareness plays a fundamental role in reading success in alphabetic orthographies (Bradley & Bryant 1985; Castles & Colheart 2004; Stanovich, Cunningham & Cramer 1984). Phonological awareness is especially important in the early stages of literacy acquisition, when the regularity of phoneme-to-grapheme correspondence helps the reader recognise or decode new words. Wilsenach (2013) and Diemer, van der Merwe and de Vos (2015) show the significance of phonological awareness for reading in Northern Sotho and isiXhosa, respectively. In particular, Diemer et al. (2015) showed that learners perform much better at syllable awareness tasks than they do at phoneme awareness tasks. It must be acknowledged that while the syllabic nature of African languages might contribute to high levels of syllable awareness, this is not the only contributory factor. Children tend to do better at syllable awareness tasks than phoneme awareness ones as phoneme level tasks are more difficult. Therefore, younger children master syllable awareness more easily than phoneme awareness (Perfetti 1994; Shankweiler & Fowler 2004; Wilsenach 2013). In addition to this, phoneme awareness is influenced by learning of letter-sound relationships. It is for this reason that phoneme awareness generally correlates with reading success more than syllable awareness (Diemer 2015; Cunningham 1989; Godoy, Pinheiro & Citoler 2017). Furthermore, reading in the early years cannot be divorced from its classroom context. For example, much of what passes for early instruction in African language classrooms is the chanting of syllabic 'ba-be-bi-bo-bu' patterns of sounds. Learners are therefore very tuned into syllables. It is unsurprising that they do better on syllable-related tasks, given the syllabic nature of the African languages, but how does it impact on word and/or sentence reading?
Similarly, there is evidence that morphological awareness promotes literacy development in both early (Casalis & Louis-Alexandre 2000) and later literacy (Carlisle 2000), with correlations with comprehension, spelling and vocabulary (Carlisle 2003, 2000; Land 2015) and fluency scores (Rees 2016; Saiegh-Haddad & Geva 2007). Linking prefixes, suffixes and base words with an understanding of their meaning and function helps the reader recognise familiar words and access meaning (Carlisle & Stone 2005). Given the distinct morphological character of the Southern Bantu languages, the Bantu verb is of particular interest. Rees (2016) found a significant relationship (r = 0.61, p ˂ 0.0001) between morphological awareness and oral reading fluency (ORF) when she assessed 74 isiXhosa Grade 3 learners. According to her, having an explicit awareness of morphemes may help in processing the structure of agglutinating words while reading. This should, in practice, lead to comprehension in reading as readers rely on reading meaningful grain sizes. But to what extent does an awareness of the morpheme influence reading strategies? This has implications for early reading instruction and development, given that the different language groups' orthographies reflect morphological features in different ways.
Although evidenced in the literature that phonological awareness and morphological awareness are important for alphabetic literacy acquisition, what remains unclear is how the characteristics of orthography (conjunctivism vs. disjunctivism) and their relationship with the spoken language influence the development of literacy (Durgunog˘lu & Öney 1999). This is highly relevant given that the linguistic features of a language are reflected in its writing system. For example, the presence of phonological processes of vowel coalescence and elision in the Nguni language group make the use of a disjunctive script impractical (Louwrens & Poulos 2006). This is illustrated in example (3) below where two vowels 'a' and 'u' in sequence coalesce into 'o', making disjunctive transcription at odds with the phonetic pronunciation (Probert & De Vos 2016).
(2) Utata na umama
→ realised as: utata nomama
father and mother
According to Mattingly (1992:14), this is why the reader must acquire awareness of those linguistic features and he suggests that the orthography itself determines which aspects of representation are singled out for awareness. Both morphological and phonological features of the Southern Bantu language orthographies are thus relevant to the process of learning to read (Trudell & Schroeder 2006).
Word recognition is a foundation skill for reading (Aaron et al. 1999; Invenizzi & Hayes 2010; Snowling & Hulme 2005) and involves retrieving information about the spoken form and meaning of a word from its written form (Invenizzi & Hayes 2010; Snowling & Hulme 2005). Previous psycholinguistic studies have shown that word recognition can be influenced by orthography (Scholfield & Chwo 2005; Simon & Van Herreweghe 2010). Much of the research on word recognition and its interaction with orthography is guided by the orthographic depth hypothesis (ODH), originating with Katz and Frost (1992b). According to this hypothesis, the reading process is different for users of different orthographies, and these differences are usually because of their differing morphology and phonology. Readers of a shallow orthography rely more on phonological encoding - direct phoneme-to-grapheme mappings - whereas readers in a deep orthography rely more on orthographic processing - most likely a whole-word mapping. This 'strong' version of the ODH, however, gave way to a weaker version as it became apparent that readers of shallow orthographies rely not only on grapheme-to-phoneme correspondences but are also able to use the stored phonology from the lexicon, particularly when approaching unfamiliar or less transparent words (Katz & Frost 1992a; Probert & De Vos 2016). The weak ODH makes provision for the use of lexical decoding strategies by readers of shallow orthographies, as well as for the use of phoneme-to-grapheme mappings in deep orthographies. However, readers of deep orthographies cannot rely on phoneme-to-grapheme strategies alone (Probert & De Vos 2016). According to the hypothesis, the type of linguistic unit (grain size) that best predicts successful reading depends on the language and the characteristics of the orthography that children are learning (Goswami 2002; Share 2008).
The psycholinguistic grain size theory (PGST) was established to build upon the assertions of the ODH. 'Grain size' refers to the literacy processing units learners use to unpack words when reading (i.e. through the use of whole words, syllables, morphemes or phoneme-to-grapheme mappings). The PGST proposes that because languages vary in the consistency with which the phonology is represented in the orthography, there are developmental differences in the grain size of lexical representations (Ziegler & Goswami 2005). Differences in reading accuracy and reading speed found across orthographies reflect fundamental differences in the nature of phonological recoding and reading strategies that are developing in response to the orthography (Ziegler & Goswami 2005). The process of learning to read across different languages and orthographies involves a system of mapping the correspondences between symbols and sounds (Share 1995; Ziegler & Goswami 2006). Orthographies vary only in the degree to which they represent these. Alphabetic orthographies primarily aim at sequential representation of phonemes, but they also reflect linguistic features on the syllabic or morphemic level (Cook & Bassetti 2005).
The PGST describes the way in which a novice reader builds up the connections between print and speech at the very start of reading acquisition. The PGST explains that readers must solve three problems, phonological availability, orthographic granularity and consistency in order to learn to read. Children initially read by identifying larger units (i.e. the syllable) before smaller units (i.e. the phoneme). This is in line with the hierarchy model of word recognition (Anthony & Lonigan 2004; Scheule & Boudreau 2008; Ziegler & Goswami 2005). Research amongst Spanish readers aged 6-7 years has shown that languages with a simple phonological structure and a consistent orthographic representation display a lower association between phonemic awareness and reading, and higher associations between syllable awareness in early reading (Tolchinsky & Jisa 2017). This was attributed to the simplicity and saliency of the Spanish syllable structure and vowel system, which is reinforced by the consistency of the Spanish orthography. Learners were found to be significantly less proficient in phoneme isolation than in syllable deletion and were able to achieve reading success in Spanish without being able to explicitly segment words into phonemes (Tolchinsky & Jisa 2017). This accounts for a greater role that syllables play in reading at initial stages of literacy acquisition (Carraeiras & Perea 1998; Jiménez & Ortiz 2000). Readers of more phonologically transparent writing systems are therefore more likely to use strategies which focus on letter-phoneme conversion, and/or syllables (Cook & Bassetti 2005) than strategies of whole-word recognition or morpheme recognition when attempting to read at a young age.
The transparent nature of the Southern Bantu languages would thus yield the successful use of phonological decoding, in particular for correct pronunciation of the words, but it will not necessarily result in access to meaning. Given the agglutinating morpheme complexity found within the Southern Bantu languages, it would stand to reason that morphological awareness and morpheme recognition would be important in reading for meaning.
Therefore, linguistic factors which need to be considered in understanding reading in the African languages include the type of orthography, phonological and morphological features (see also Trudell & Schroeder 2007) and how these influence the grain size of word processing. Mindful of this, the main goal of this study was to investigate the effect of morphological and syllabic grain sizes on reading in conjunctive and disjunctive orthographies, respectively.
The following research questions are addressed in this article:
ORIGINAL RESEARCH
Barriers and bridges between mother tongue and English as a second language in young children
Nora E. Saneka; Marike de Witt
Department of Psychology of Education, University of South Africa, Pretoria, South Africa
ABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: Social and economic aspirations held by parents can reflect a desire for their children to learn English as a second language. Bilingual education has the potential for empowering traditionally disadvantaged groups, particularly through competence in English, a language that positions identity with power, privilege and status, thus being a political and an economic issue.
AIM: The aim was to look critically at the language development of young second-language learners within their social context
SETTING: An early childhood centre in Durban, South Africa.
METHODS: Methodologically, a qualitative praxeological framework was used. Parent partnership in sustaining the mother tongue was sought and explored in focus group interviews, using an action-reflection cycle to understand the dilemma of young second-language learners in South Africa. Ways of overcoming language barriers using the strengths of the child were explored using persona dolls. These methods helped to develop sustained, shared thinking between children, their parents and the researcher.
RESULTS: Young children found their own means of engaging in meaning-making processes both at home and at school. The issue of linguicism was tackled by encouraging parental participation in sustaining the mother tongue while children learned English as a second language
CONCLUSION: As long as English means access to improved economic opportunities, there will be a bias against those whose home language is not English. The dilemma of the young English language learner remains an issue of equity, access and redress for past injustices.
Keywords: parent participation; the young second-language learner; the right to participation; socio-constructivism; critical constructivism; praxeological research.
Introduction
The purpose of this research was to look critically at the language development of young second-language learners within their social context, in relation to theory and practice (praxis). Language and communication are seen as fundamental to the child's right to participation, according to the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989). Young children, seen as agents of their own life, find their own means to engage in meaning-making processes both at home and at school. In this research, different ways were explored to overcome language barriers using this strength of the child, in the process documenting the child's capabilities to share with the parents and in discussion with them, to build up an image of identity of each child. The research became a means of encouraging parent participation in sustaining the mother tongue while the child learned English as a second language, that is, additive bilingualism.
Social and economic aspirations held by parents for their children can reflect a desire for their children to learn English as a second or additional language. Robb (1995:19) argues that bilingual education has the potential for empowering traditionally disadvantaged groups, particularly through competence in English, a language that positions identity in relation to power, privilege and status. Therefore, it is not just a political issue but also an economic issue.
The dilemma of the young English language learner from a lower socio-economic environment is that additive bilingualism means more; however, the mother tongue tends to be subtracted in favour of English. This results in what is known as subtractive bilingualism - to the detriment of the young child. Additive bilingualism can add complexity of thought; the young child can think conceptually beyond the restrictions of the one right word to multiple perspectives. Added vocabulary can also add a richness and complexity to thought. However, this type of intellectual development, mediated through more than one language and culture, is seen in elite bilingualism as additive bilingualism. Elite bilingualism develops within higher socio-economic classes where families provide books in both languages and have the leisure time to support the mother tongue as well as the additional language(s). In such families, high levels of conceptual skills are encouraged in both English and the mother tongue. However, children from lower socio-economic communities tend to have parents who are faced with many challenges including a lack of formal education, the low social status of their mother tongue and a lack of time if they work long hours away from their children. Their mother tongue may also not have a value within the formal education system or the economy. Common bilingualism as subtractive bilingualism or semilingualism tends to develop (Toukomaa 2000:215). The child may have acquired basic interpersonal communication skills in the second or additional language of English, but finds difficulty with cognitive academic language proficiency (Cummins 1979). This is the dilemma of the young second or additional language learner.
Children can also develop an arrogance when they use English because language use reveals social positioning. This can manifest in what has been termed 'linguicism' (Phillipson 2007). When children become more schooled than their parents or grandparents (in South Africa this schooling would be in English), this can lead to an intergenerational breakdown in communication. Wong Fillmore (1991:323-346) describes the resulting lack of respect of children for their older family members and loss of traditional family values or the wisdom of the elders.
Therefore, linguicism refers to the hegemony of language, the language spoken by the dominant social class. In South Africa, this tends to be English, possibly left over from the colonial era, where English has become a language seen as holding status and power. A family's mother tongue does not have this advantage. In spite of the Constitution, not much happens at grassroots level to enforce indigenous language use in South Africa. Children become aware of subtle social cues and see the power in language from their parents and are aware of non-dominant languages. Language ties in with race, ethnicity and social class which in turn reflect unequal access to resources in terms of job opportunities, social status and political power. English has its power in being the language of global communication.
Active collaboration between school and home becomes important, especially when the teachers do not speak the home language(s) or mother tongue. The early years are a vital period of time, but in this research the English language learner was already showing a choice to speak English in preference to the home language(s) or mother tongue. It was also seen that some parents encouraged their children to speak English as a home language even when their own spoken English was very limited (Saneka 2014:128).
Similar results have been found from research in other countries: '… they may refuse to use their home language anymore as it is difficult to use both, and English may have greater status in the children's eyes' (Gordon & Browne 2008:490). Wong Fillmore (1991) went so far as to suggest that learning a second language means losing the first.
The Republic of South Africa's (1997) language-in-education policy is that of additive bilingualism. The particular pre-primary school used in this research has been registered under the South African Department of Basic Education. It follows the curriculum and has both Zulu- and Xhosa-speaking teachers as well as English-, French- and Afrikaans-speaking teachers. However, as there is a need for children to be prepared for English-medium primary school education, English is the language of learning and teaching. Therefore, English is spoken by the teachers and English is the language the children are encouraged to use in response. The children are also free to converse with each other during free play in whichever language they prefer.
Issues arise for the mother tongue, particularly for children who come from disadvantaged backgrounds. This is especially the case when, according to Heugh (1995:179), the young English language learner receives such a strong, positive message about English in contrast to that of his or her mother tongue. Therefore, this research sought ways of encouraging the parents of young children to sustain mother tongue practice in the home while their child learned English as a second language in an early childhood centre situated in a lower socio-economic area.
Research methods and design
The setting for this study was an early childhood centre in a lower socio-economic area in Durban, South Africa. At the time of this research, 90 children within the age range 2-6 years old attended this centre and were educated at Grade 000, 00 and 0 (or R, the reception year) levels in preparation for entering school at the Grade 1 level. In terms of the nature of the research approach used, these children together with their parents and five teachers formed an inclusive purposive sample.
The researcher as a practitioner in the early childhood centre used a participatory action research methodology within a praxeological conceptual framework, using a socio-cultural and critical theoretical framework to examine practice (praxis). She used this methodology to explore the interface between the role players, the socio-cultural language context and interventions which could affirm the importance of sustaining the mother tongue of the young child while he or she was learning English as a second language. Parent partnership in sustaining the mother tongue was sought and explored in focus group interviews, with an action-reflection cycle used to understand the dilemma of the young second-language learner in South Africa. While participation was open to all parents, there were 16 who participated in the first round of focus group interviews and 8 in the second round 5 months later.
The inclusion of children as participants was motivated by the right to participate (United Nations General Assembly 1989), where participation was seen as a lens through which to critically examine values and beliefs. As Carla Rinaldi (2006:101) says: 'It is the value of research, but also the search for values'. Aims (reflecting our values) and methods (pedagogical practice) can be conceived of as closely interlinked. These aims and methods are socio-cultural in nature and therefore reflect how the norms and values of language practice are shaped and developed within a social and historical context.
In working with the children and their teachers, different methods were used in the research process to explore ways of overcoming language barriers using the strengths of the child. These methods, as '100 ways of listening to children' (Clark 2007:77) ultimately helped to develop 'sustained, shared thinking' between the children, their parents and the researcher and co-construction of knowledge around language practices (Siraj-Blatchford et al. 2002:10). Specifically, for this research, persona dolls were used (Saneka 2014):
Persona dolls are used as a 'tool' for the implementation of anti-bias education and are a means to 'narrate and create' the persona doll's life-story, in dialogue with the children. Each doll has its own 'persona', family history and individual identity. This is seen as a non-threatening way to include issues of language, identity, culture, race, class, and other anti-bias issues. The story of each doll is recorded in their 'I.D. Book' which can also be a type of 'journal' of the events in that doll's life as it is a record of the dialogue between the doll and the insights of the children. Children's participation (the dialogue between the 'persona doll' and the children) enables the story of the doll's life-situation to unfold in terms of how she/he (the persona doll) reacts and responds to the events in his/her life, with questions, suggestions and advice from the children. Each time he or she visits the children and 'chats' to them, the persona doll gives the children a 'voice' to express their thoughts and fears, hopes and struggles, leading the children from interpersonal awareness to intrapersonal awareness. The doll can become a 'mirror' to reflect the children's life-situation back to them, in order for them to reach a deeper understanding of their own thoughts and feelings and learn to empathize with the feelings of others, including the persona doll. (pp. 110-111)
Data were obtained from observing the behaviour of the children when interacting with the persona dolls. A picture of the persona dolls may be seen in Figure 1.
The research followed a praxeological methodology to discern the principle of the best interests of the child in relation to the right to participation and language practice at home and school (United Nations General Assembly 1989). Praxeology can lead to critical reflection on practice, particularly when using dialogue with others on subjective perceptions and values in relation to knowledge and experience (Pascal & Bertram 2012:480-486). According to Saugstad (2002:380-381), the Aristotelian description of knowledge is not just episteme ('factual knowledge' or 'universal, certain, eternal, general, non-contextual and abstract knowledge') but knowledge developed through praxis, incorporating values and ethics. Phronesis, through 'knowledge of political, social and ethical practice' becomes 'an ability to act morally correctly on the basis of the correct deliberations' (Saugstad 2002:380-381). Similarly, Pascal and Bertram (2012:486) outlined six principles for praxeological research, namely that it is ethical, democratic, critical, subjective, systematic and action based. These can all be seen as relevant to research on language practice, as the research could then explain the social and cultural context within which meaning-making develops, as well as provide the means of enquiring into the dilemma of the young second-language learner, with a view to transformative action to motivate and support parents.
Ethical considerations
This research received ethical clearance from the University of South Africa College of Education Research Ethics Committee (Reference Number 2013 MAY 4056485/CSLR).
Results
There were four broad sets of results, namely observations from interaction with the teachers, the first focus group interview, the second focus group interview and observations from the use of the persona doll. These findings are presented briefly here and explored in more depth in the discussion.
The interaction with the teachers is provided as anecdotal and used for background purposes as the teachers did not sign consent for participation in this research at this stage. There were weekly review meetings to discuss concerns and plan interventions. Concerns raised included observations that languages have different dialects, with Zulu being no exception. With its different dialects, the question of what pure Zulu is was raised. Some dialects can sound like slang. Thus, the purity of the mother tongue was challenged. Further challenges were noted where parents chose not to speak their mother tongue to their children, as well as children opting to speak English in preference to their mother tongue.
The first focus group interview with 16 parents was able to identify the advantages of English easily. It was argued that English is a universal language and makes it easy to communicate throughout the world. They also felt that English was necessary in education, particularly at tertiary level, as concepts are not easily translatable. Furthermore, they noted that there are not enough books available in the mother tongue. Additionally, the mother tongue became problematic when trying to communicate with their children on a number of levels - it was useful for discussing problems when children were younger than 4 years old, but older children would respond in English. The breakdown of communication also became intergenerational - when children went back home to the rural areas, they could not communicate with their grandparents who now saw their grandchildren as having a 'white' education and the grandparents doubted the value of this. Children would be labelled terms like 'coconut' (black on the outside and white on the inside). The parents noted that their children understood their mother tongue but refused to speak it to parents because of the school environment with much exposure to English. Finally, the parents were concerned about their children being isolated and bullied if they spoke only one language against a majority who spoke another language. They felt one language alone was incomplete and another was needed for better understanding.
There was a conceptual shift in the second focus group interview with 8 parents which took place 5 months later. It was noted that children isolated themselves from other Zulu-speaking children in the townships and would not play with them. English became the language of choice even if they were spoken to in an indigenous language such as Zulu. As the children were attending the centre in a lower socio-economic area, there was also the issue of exposure to 'street English' where the language usage would come across as rudeness and was seen as a culturally unacceptable way of speaking, for example, swearing. Thus, English was seen as not all good, especially when sounding disrespectful. It was necessary to promote the mother tongue home language, such as in having more story books available in other languages. It was difficult to reprimand in the second language as children could ignore their own language or block it out. Therefore, it was important to hold on to identity and family values, and language was tied to identity and power.
The use of the persona dolls with the children was a useful way to dialogue with them where they could identify on common ground, develop empathy and develop friendship, thus being able to discuss problems and situations. Thus, the dolls gave the children a chance to be heard, thereby also helping parents to communicate with their children, and the children would not be excluded by language. Specific instances of persona doll interactions are explored in depth in the next section.
Discussion
Children reached out intentionally to others seeking information and through gesture and language, used different modes and means of expression. They showed their curiosity: they investigated, expressed their ideas and feelings and wanted to be taken seriously (United Nations General Assembly 1989, Article 12). Some of the modes and means of expression in the research included painting and drawing, wooden block construction and outdoor play with water and sand. They also took their own photographs to show what their likes and dislikes were in their school environment. The research broadened the idea of participation from mere consultation to ways of listening to children for adults to understand their point of view. As Lansdown (2005) points out, a culture of listening to children is not generally the norm for adults (cited in Morrow & Richards 1996:97).
A central concern in the research was that children who are learning in a second or additional language can be silenced in many ways. This is why using the right to participation and children's rights as a lens for critical reflection on the research process emphasised the right to seek, receive and impart information, share experiences and ideas (United Nations General Assembly 1989, Article 13) and hold one's own opinion on matters (United Nations General Assembly 1989, Article 14). Of course, these rights are dependent on respectful and inclusive adult support and guidance (Lansdown 2004:5), as well as taking into account the evolving capacities of the child, as discerned by the adults (United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child 2005:42). The challenge for adults was to take account of the abilities, strengths and ways children expressed their own ideas, including the culture of childhood. In actualising these rights, we are informed that we have a duty to consider 'the best interests of the child as a primary concern' (Organization of African Unity (OAU) 1990, Article 3, (1) and Article 4; United Nations General Assembly 1989). However, there may be differing cultural and social perspectives on the value of the mother tongue or home language(s) in relation to English - a language of power. Therefore, the 'best interests' principle can become a matter of interpretation, contestation and debate between parents, children and teachers. In the post-apartheid situation, additive bilingualism is also a political question of equity and access.
Language as co-construction of meaning, but also of self-expression or identity, is shaped by the socio-cultural context. Affirming the child's emotions in the mother tongue as well, English becomes an important way for the child to develop empathy with others (Saneka 2014:131): 'Through others, we become ourselves' (Vygotsky 1931). This resonates with the deep African philosophical value of uBuntu, showing humanity, expressed as 'umuntu, ngumuntu, ngabantu'. This is translated as 'a person is a person because of other people'. In Africa this can be seen as expressing both humaneness as care or empathy for the other, and social solidarity. This can challenge us to ask the question about what kind of society we want and how our actions realise the values of that society. Many of the children in this research were enrolled in the early childhood centre to learn English because of the perceived social and economic advantage, but could become 'an English-speaking someone' which would cause a barrier between themselves and their friends at home (Saneka 2014:283).
The results of the research in the second focus group discussion revealed a perceived powerlessness experienced by the parents in the face of what seemed to be this choice or option for English made by their children, even when they spoke the mother tongue to them (Saneka 2014:159), and, in the case of one child, when he had had a Zulu-speaking teacher for the past 2 years (Saneka 2014:162). However, by the end of the research both the parents and the teachers were more aware of the issues in relation to language, power and identity. At the second focus group discussion, which concluded the research, a parent stated emphatically: 'The children must not lose their identity, but cling onto it and carry on with everything else. They must plant that one tree, then grab whatever they can, from everything else!' (Saneka 2014:294). Article 29 (c) of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (AOU 1989) stipulates the critical importance of:
… the development of respect for the child's parents, his or her own cultural identity, language and values, for the national values of the country in which the child is living, the country from which he or she may originate, and for civilizations different from his or her own. (p. 9)
The sense of belonging, which can come through interactions with peers, family or their teachers, is said to be a way to create 'a caring community of learners' (NAEYC 2009:16). A sense of belonging is essential for an infant to thrive and later for the well-being of the young child, as seen in attachment theory (Richter 2004:15). However, those who are perceived as not belonging may experience discrimination, bullying or teasing and the child may feel forced to conform to peer pressure, including in language practices.
The problem of linguicism
A crucial factor in the child's language development is the child's attitude towards the second or additional language(s), the value given to these languages by the parents and motivation to use the mother tongue. As an illustration, in the research process a newly enrolled Zulu-speaking child was observed by teachers in the fantasy play area, which they said was like a 'mother tongue nest', playing silently on the old computer while the other children were chatting to each other in their mother tongue, Zulu. In going through what has been termed the initial silent period while learning English, she was silent even in the midst of this busy hive of activity, surrounded by children speaking her mother tongue. Over the next couple of months at her school, single words in English and Zulu slowly started emerging and she proved to be highly verbal.
Some of the parents from the Congo were also choosing to speak English to their children at home, rather than their own mother tongue or French, another international language, even though their own proficiency in English was limited. Their children were identified as 'inventing imaginary words' or 'using formulaic speech to fill the gap' (Saneka 2014:128, 238).
Children were also seen to get the message that a way of speaking, an accent or certain language including English but not limited to English, is of higher prestige than others. However, this can create a barrier. For example, some of the teachers who spoke the mother tongue or home language(s) tended to use it for the discipline or correction of the child (Saneka 2014:129) and not for 'sustained shared thinking' (Siraj-Blatchford et al. 2002:10). Interactive conversation, playful exchanges of ideas, storytelling and other teaching situations were all in English, which seemed to reinforce the authority of English with the authority of the teacher (Saneka 2014:285). A parent also reported reprimanding his son in the mother tongue, before switching to English (Saneka 2014:279). Therefore, this encouraged a negative association with the mother tongue or home language(s). However, a parent also reported that her son only listened to her if she reprimanded him in English, instead of the mother tongue (Saneka 2014:286), '[b]ecause it's about power, and children love power' as the parent explained.
In one example, which was discussed by a parent at the first focus group discussion, his child had started testing adult attitudes to social norms of communication, in order to see how his parent would respond. The parent experienced difficulties with the child's lack of cooperation, especially when his child showed defiance. He was upset when his child shouted at him: 'No, no!', as that was interpreted as showing disrespect as it went against his social norms and values (Saneka 2014:268). Some of the other children also tested the limits by deliberately blocking out words in the home language with white noise, and one parent reported her child as saying 'Blah, blah, blah' while she attempted to talk to her (Saneka 2014:282) and showed selective hearing to avoid responding to her parent. Language use also revealed insiders and outsiders and a type of power play between the children as a form of linguicism (Saneka 2014:261).
The following two examples from the research are illustrative of this linguicism (Saneka 2014:151-154):
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Contextualising school readiness in South Africa: Stakeholders' perspectives
Erica Munnik; Mario Smith
Department of Psychology, Faculty of Community and Health Sciences, University of the Western Cape, Cape Town, South Africa
ABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: Preparing children for mainstream school occurs in systems that act as an overarching context. The perspectives of stakeholders influence how they prepare children for mainstream education.
AIM: The aim of this study was to develop an understanding of the contextual factors that affect school readiness as identified by stakeholders. School readiness was conceptualised as a function of contextual influences and connections between individual and systemic factors enabling the child to benefit from the curriculum.
SETTING: This exploratory study was conducted in the Metro North Education District in Cape Town.
METHODS: Five focus group interviews were conducted with a snowball sample of 35 stakeholders including parents (n = 9) and professionals from education (n = 17) and health (n = 9) systems. Transcriptions were thematically analysed. Resultant themes were summarised to reflect stakeholders' perceptions.
RESULTS: The results showed four major groups of factors that affect school readiness: community, adverse experiences, educational and familial factors. Firstly, community factors thematically identified were unemployment, socio-economic status (SES) and culture as impacting school readiness. Secondly, adverse experiences included violence, trauma and substance abuse that affect school readiness. Thirdly, educational factors identified are lack of stimulation, barriers to learning, teacher support and cooperation between stakeholders that influence readiness. Fourthly, familial factors such as parental support, variation in child-rearing practices and caregiver literacy exert influence on school readiness.
CONCLUSION: Acknowledgement of and engagement with the above-mentioned four factors could result in a nuanced and contextual understanding of school readiness and might foster cooperation between stakeholders.
Keywords: school readiness; stakeholder perspectives; factors; qualitative study; contextual understanding; caregivers; educators; professionals; ecological framework; South Africa.
Introduction
The transition for young children from early learning environments to formal schooling is one of the most important and influential transitions. Being ready for formal schooling is seen as an important contributing factor that affects enrolment, attendance and completion rates. Literature on school readiness has primarily examined definitions of readiness (Mohamed 2013), individual and sociocultural barriers (Ward & Makusha 2015), factors facilitating learning and academic performance (Donald, Lazarus & Lolwana 2010), assessment practices (Amod & Heafield 2013) and individual differences in the young child (Winter & Kelley 2008), as well as interventions (Isaacs 2012) and statutory responses (Department of Basic Education [DBE] 2015). School readiness and readiness to learn in children are contested and debated constructs (Rimm-Kauman & Sandilos 2017). Kagan (1990) makes the important distinction between readiness to learn and readiness for school. Readiness to learn refers to the ability or aptitude to learn. Readiness for school is associated with abilities that will enable a child to benefit from the academic curriculum.
Definitions and conceptualisations of school readiness vary depending on stakeholders' perceptions and theoretical perspective. The perspectives on school readiness of role players such as, teachers, caregivers and professionals emerged as an important focus in research on school readiness. International studies reporting on stakeholder perceptions included teachers (Grady 2016), parents (Hanniffy 2017), theorists and professionals (GEEARS 2017). Local studies reporting on stakeholders' perceptions included teachers, parents and professional perspectives (Foxcroft et al. 2004; Goldblatt 2004; Vorster et al. 2016).
Theorists, educators, professionals and politicians hold different, and, sometimes, divergent views, beliefs and understandings about school readiness, the skills that are needed and how it develops (Dockett & Perry 2002). For example, parents defined school readiness in terms of academic skills, while teachers defined readiness in terms of conduct and ability to follow directions (La Paro & Pianta 2000). South African teachers and parents had similar expectations regarding school readiness (Goldblatt 2004). For parents and teachers, readiness was directly related to what the child was able to do (thus skill based), on a physical, academic, as well as social and emotional levels. Thus, theoretical perspectives were embedded in stakeholders' understandings of school readiness (Mohamed 2013).
The ethnic, cultural and educational backgrounds of role players informed their perceptions of school readiness and how readiness was constructed in their communities (Grady 2016). Teachers and parents had similar expectations about readiness. However, teachers emphasised socio-emotional skills and parents emphasised academic competence as an important factor of school readiness (Hanniffy 2016). South African teachers and parents stressed the importance of a collaborative partnership for optimal growth and development including school readiness (Goldblatt 2004). This interactionist approach to school readiness conceptualises the readiness for school as a function of the family, classroom and community attributes. More than a decade later, Rimm-Kaufmann and Sandilos (2017) reported that teachers emphasised self-regulatory and interpersonal skills as important determinants of readiness above numeracy and literacy skills. In this study, parents also placed emphasis on academic skills as a prerequisite for successful entry into mainstream education.
Psychological assessment practitioners identified that school readiness and the instruments used in the assessment of readiness requires urgent attention (Foxcroft et al. 2004). Professionals expressed concerns about using measures that reflect test bias remaining from the Apartheid era (Laher & Cockroft 2014). Thus, professionals acknowledged that assessment measures were still biased and that the need existed for contextually sensitive assessment measures. The need to develop instruments for school readiness assessments that is easy to administer, developmentally-focused, criterion-referenced, aligned with the learning outcomes of Grade 0 and Grade 1, and more qualitative in nature was underscored. The development of such a measure must be done in collaboration with major stakeholders, such as teachers and parents.
International (Sheridan et al. 2010; Webster-Stratton & Taylor 2001; Yoleri 2016) and local (Albino & Berry 2013; Vorster et al. 2016; Ward & Makusha 2015) researchers addressed stakeholder perceptions of factors affecting child development and school readiness. Teachers emerged as the stakeholder group that was consulted most frequently. The studies typically examined two stakeholder groups, and there remains a need to include more stakeholder groups in a single study.
Several factors are identified as predictors of variance from the broader body of literature in child development. For example, socio-economic factors and social class were identified as the most important predictors in modern cultures (Ward & Makusha 2015). Well-being depends heavily on the pro-social behaviour of members of society (Albino & Berry 2013). The quality of social norms and institutions strongly influence measures of well-being (for example emotions and life evaluations) at the individual and national level. These include family and friendships at the individual level, the presence of empathy and trust at the neighbourhood and community level, and the power and quality of the overarching social norms that determine the quality of life within and among nations and generations. When these social factors are well rooted and readily available, communities and nations are more resilient (Helliwell, Layard & Sachs 2015).
Children's care is the responsibility of both the public and private spheres, including family and extended family networks, health systems, early childhood education centres and formal schooling systems (Tomlinson 2013). Stakeholders such as caregivers, teachers and professionals make decisions regarding children's school readiness. Caregivers are responsible for fulfilling the day-to-day needs of children, while teachers' primary focus is on the attainment of cognitive, emotional and social skills to prepare children for formal education. Professionals often play a diagnostic and/or remedial role. These role players' understandings and decisions regarding readiness are related to the systems in which they function (Rimm-Kaufman & Sandilos 2017).
In South Africa, low levels of education, economic and environmental deprivations compromise the ability of families and caregivers to provide the requisite support and environment to achieve school readiness (Ebrahim, Seleti & Dawes 2013). Despite governmental attempts to find appropriate ways to help caregivers or parents, the responsibility for fulfilling the basic needs of children remains the primary responsibility of the caregiver (Department of Education 2001a). Thus, the perceptions of primary caregivers and other stakeholders representing various systems become important considerations.
Research on factors influencing school readiness focused on barriers and facilitators of early child development and school readiness. For example, a range of factors such as unemployment, socio-economic status (SES), poor nutrition, early deprivation and neglect of children that adversely impact development were identified in international literature (UNICEF 2009). UNICEF (2016) reported that children in sub-Saharan countries were more susceptible to these factors. The former Department of Education (2001a) stated in the White Paper on Education that approximately 40% of young children in South Africa grow up in conditions of abject poverty and neglect. These conditions predispose them to stunted growth, poor adjustment at school, increased repetition and school dropout. Unfavourable environmental conditions such as poor housing, lack of access to water, sanitation and poor household hygiene contribute to infections and disease in young children (Slemming & Saloojee 2013). Exposure to violence and crime threaten the normal developmental trajectory of children (Berry, Dawes & Biersteker 2013). These factors compromise children's development and later school performance. This article attempts to begin addressing this gap by reporting on the perceptions related to school readiness of three major stakeholders in school readiness, namely caregivers, educational and health professionals. These stakeholders represent the familial, educational and health systems, respectively.
Theoretical framework
The study was located within an ecological framework. School readiness is conceptualised as a function of many contextual influences and connections between individual and systemic factors, for example, the child's home, educational environment and the broader community (Dockett & Perry 2002). The ecological framework conceptualises school readiness as a multi-dimensional construct incorporating interactions between systems, people and their relationships (Wesley & Buysse 2003). In this framework, school readiness is dependent on children's skills and characteristics, home-school connections, the philosophy of teachers (for example, views, beliefs and activities), school policies, educational structure and activities, that is, the schools' readiness to accommodate the child (Winter & Kelly 2008) and broader philosophies reflected in the fifth and sixth White papers (Department of Education 2001a, 2001b). For this study, school readiness was thus defined as the accumulative ability to engage curricular activities resulting in the mastery of prescribed learning outcomes within the school context.
Research methods and design
Study design
This study used an exploratory research design with qualitative methodology. Qualitative methodologies are particularly appropriate for exploratory research and topics that are under-researched (Cresswell 2007). Qualitative methods allowed for an in-depth understanding of the perceptions of these role players.
Setting
The Metro North Education District in Cape Town, South Africa was the research setting. The district includes a mixture of SES that provided a cross-section of contextual considerations. Both governmental and non-governmental schools including private and community-based options for enrolment into the reception year (Grade R) exist in the district.
Study population and sampling strategy
A snowball sample of 35 participants was recruited from three stakeholder groups including caregivers of preschool children, educators working in the reception year (Grade R) and pre-reception year (Grade RR), and professionals registered with the Health Professionals Council of South Africa (HPCSA). Index participants were identified based on the work they have done, from websites and schools with large preschool cohorts. The index participants recommended other potential candidates.
The caregiver group included nine mothers who were single (n = 5) and married (n = 4) women. Mothers included first-time mothers (n = 2), mothers who already had an older child (n = 2) in school and mothers with their first child in Grade R and a second child that is younger (n = 5). Two mothers had part-time work, and the others were unemployed. Mothers' ages ranged between 23 and 46 years. Four of the mothers stayed in high to middle SES areas, while five mothers stayed in low SES areas as defined by provincial census data (Statistics South Africa 2012). Although the caregiver subgroup theoretically included parents and caregivers of children in Grade R, only mothers responded to the invitation to participate.
The mothers reportedly assumed primary responsibility for childcare during this developmental phase or were single parents. The gendered nature of the response was noted and was thought to be reflective of who engaged with the education structure or school on behalf of the child for this sample. Thus, the recruitment of male participants was not pursued further in the present study. Fathers were identified as a subgroup for further exploration.
Educators (n = 17) represented 10 preschools from the governmental and non-governmental (private and community-based) sectors. One school was recruited from the fifth quintile (governmental school). Two schools were recruited from the fourth quintile (a private and a governmental school). Two schools were recruited from the third quintile (DBE 2017). Five community-based preschools were recruited from each of the second quintile (n = 3) and first quintile (n = 2) based on the quintile ranking assigned to the electoral wards where they were located (Statistics South Africa 2015).
The targeted educators included two subgroups: (1) Qualified preschool teachers working in the reception year (Grade R) or pre-reception years (Grade RR), and (2) Facilitators who have completed certified training in social-emotional competencies in preschool children and were employed to provide skills training at preschools with children in Grade R and Grade RR. Educators' experience across both subgroups varied from two to 23-years post-qualification. All the participants were women.
The health professional group (n = 9) consisted of three psychologists, four social workers, one occupational therapist and a paediatrician. The professionals reportedly focus primarily on early intervention, assessment or treatment in the school readiness domain. All participants were regarded as experts in the field of child development based on 12-21 years of experience, post-qualification. The majority of health professionals worked in Early Childhood Development (ECD) across governmental and non-governmental sectors and were therefore aware of contextual challenges.
Data collection
Unstructured focus groups were the method of data collection. Five focus groups were facilitated: Two caregiver groups with four and five respondents, respectively, two educator groups with eight and nine respondents respectively and one professional group with nine respondents. The primary author facilitated the focus groups and presented participants with a single stimulus question, 'Identify the factors that might impact a child's readiness to engage the learning activities in Grade 1'. Responses were explored using reflection of content and process. Groups lasted between 60 and 90 minutes. Data collection and analysis commenced in parallel until saturation occurred.
Data analyses
Transcriptions were analysed thematically following the steps outlined by Cresswell (2007). Firstly, the data was prepared and organised for analyses. Secondly, the major themes from the data were identified and noted. During this process, the data was coded according to relationships among one or more of the themes. Thirdly, the process of focusing on the finer nuances of the themes was done (Evers 2015). The major themes were divided into sub-themes. Fourthly, similarities and differences across stakeholder groups were identified and discussed. Fifthly, the findings were prepared and presented with illustrative quotes. The sixth and last step included the author's reflection on the process. Trustworthiness of the data was enhanced by independent analysis of data by the author and the co-author. Reflections of a personal nature, which were embedded in the authors' culture, history and experiences, enhanced trustworthiness of the data.
The conventions of credibility, transferability, dependability and authenticity also received attention. To facilitate continuous self-awareness and reflexivity, written reflections were made after each of the groups. Data collection and analysis happened under continuous supervision and mentoring. A clear description of the research setting and participants was provided to allow the reader to assess the extent to which the results are transferrable. Double rating, consensual validation, reflexivity and supervisory input as external auditing were used to enhance the dependability of the data analysis and interpretation. Conformability was enhanced through triangulation, and the acknowledgement of predispositions that the authors had in the analysis. To counter these, the analysis was done in a systematic way with predetermined steps. To support authenticity peer review was carried out.
Ethical considerations
Ethics clearance was obtained from the Senate Research Committee of the University of the Western Cape (Reference number: SR14/2/8). Participants received an information brochure which explain what participation would entail and the rights and responsibilities of the researcher and participants. Participants gave written consent to participate in the study, for audio recording and for the dissemination of findings in the form of thesis, conference presentations and manuscripts. All ethics principles were upheld.
Findings and discussion
Four thematic categories were identified namely community factors, adverse experiences, educational factors and familial factors. Each category contains themes. Table 1 presents the themes that stakeholders identified with direct quotations including the source as caregivers (C), teachers (T) or professionals (P). These categories are interrelated and not mutually exclusive.
Theme 1
Community factors
Community factors included the broader social and economic factors as perceived by stakeholders.
Unemployment: Chronic financial struggle due to unemployment and cost of living impact parents' ability to provide a nurturing and secure environment that optimally facilitates school readiness:
'I know mothers that keep their children at home; they try to survive, they do not have a job or money to care for themselves and their children.' (C6, female, single mother, low SES environment)
The above quote from a single mother living in a low SES environment emphasises how unemployment and cost of living affect caregivers' decisions and prevent them from exposing children to early stimulating academic environments. Similarly, a social worker working in a community setting reflected that broader socio-economic challenges impact parents' ability to provide or engage with early academically stimulating environments:
'Parents don't stimulate their children, because of the environment that they grew up in and their children are now growing up in. Some parents do not want to send their children to school earlier than 5-years old because they cannot afford it; they are unemployed and struggle to get food on the table. The first formal contact with education is Gr. R or even Gr. 1.' (P3, female, social worker, community setting)
These perceptions resonated with the literature reporting that community factors, such as unemployment and financial strains, have a significant impact on child development and school readiness (Ebrahim, Seleti & Dawes 2013; Vorster et al. 2016; Ward et al. 2015). Young (2015) underscored that financial survival and unemployment remain a primary challenge for caregivers.
Socio-Economic Status (SES): Across stakeholders groups, the impacts of familial, economic and social position on school readiness were underscored. SES was based on income, education and occupation in relation to others. Mothers who lived in lower SES areas emphasised that access to education and stimulating environments are dependent on income and therefore was unattainable for the majority of mothers. Consequently, their children are not exposed to enriched early academic environments. They mentioned that a lack of stimulating environments usually leads to school dropout and engagement in behaviours, such as substance use and promiscuity. When mothers spoke about school readiness, it brought up social challenges they experienced as a direct effect of socio-economic difficulties. For example, financial struggles, partner violence, sexual and substance use and abuse:
'You don't often see a child of this area going to University. Not a lot of our children have the opportunity to finish Gr. 12, they drop out of school, start to drink, as small as 6 years old, they use drugs, engage in sex.' (C7, female, low SES, unemployed)
Teachers identified that success was linked with opportunities and experiences associated with SES and stimulating environments:
'The children that are excelling are the children with good life experiences, rich environments, notwithstanding the area that they live.' (T17, female, non-governmental school)
High SES was not a guarantee of student success or readiness as parent involvement often was compromised:
'In higher SES environments, most parents are too busy… Parents do everything for their children, children are never taught to be responsible, work ethics are lacking.' (T12, female, governmental school)
Parenting was often compromised in low SES settings:
'In low SES there is less of an understanding of what parenting entails, most parents swear, use substances and are also lower functioning. There is a lack of discipline; parents let their children do whatever they want to.' In lower SES in most cases, there is just no parenting, no responsibility, lower cognitive functioning or less child-rearing practices.' (P8, female, psychologist, governmental and non-governmetal schools' based)
In short, across stakeholders groups, there were concerns about SES. Both low and high SES were identified as having the potential to impact school readiness adversely. In low SES, knowledge and opportunity were the primary concerns. Parental involvement was compromised in high SES despite ready access to resources. These findings in line with the researches studies that stress the direct relationship between SES and the quality of care for the child in general (Bradley & Corwyn 2002; De Lannoy & Swarts 2015).
Teachers focused on the relationship between quality of care, child-rearing practices and SES. One teacher (T14, female), teaching at a private school, stressed how caregivers prioritise work and finance above child-rearing activities. Subsequently, their children's educational needs are often secondary, overlooked and neglected. Another teacher (T2, female), working in a community-based setting, stressed that the area that families are living in is not the deciding factor per se, but the availability of caregivers and attunement to the child's needs are the most important facilitator for readiness. The concerns of teachers about parenting closely resemble findings reported by Tomlinson (2013) that stressed the importance of available and attuned caregivers for the optimal development of children.
Psychologists and social workers also identified that low SES environments affect parenting and child-rearing practices. Practitioners stressed that less stimulation usually results in lower cognitive functioning. Professional viewpoints were consistent with literature reporting that a direct relationship exists between children's readiness to pursue schooling and the type of SES environment that a child emanates from (Raikes, Dua & Britto 2015; Richter et al. 2012).
Culture as moderator: Stakeholders' understandings of school readiness were embedded in their own attitudes, customs, beliefs, values and traditions. Caregivers were aware of the impact that values and norms have on understandings of school readiness, but only referred to it vaguely. One parent, whose child attends a governmental preschool, shared how difficult it was for him to adjust to the new setting because he was from a different culture and nationality than the children at the school:
'A lack of understanding of cultural differences can influence a child's emotional and social functioning. As a foreigner my child was the outsider and he found it very difficult to adjust, other children were nasty towards him.' (C3, female, part time employee, married)
Teachers felt that the interpretation of what readiness entails was embedded in culture, that is, beliefs, traditions and values. A teacher at a governmental preschool referred to specific social behaviour in children related to specific customs and stated that in a specific culture the behaviour would be acceptable, while in another it would not be:
'Social is also culturally defined, what is acceptable in one culture is not always in the other, e.g. good manners to let the girl walk in front is acceptable in one culture but not in another.' (T9, female, governmental school)
Professionals showed awareness that an understanding of readiness is dependent on role players' ethnic and educational backgrounds, as well as the way that readiness is perceived in their respective communities:
'Cultures differ and caregivers have different understandings of what to prioritise in their children's development.' (P5, female, psychologist)
Professionals illustrated their understandings with examples. A paediatrician commented that:
'Some children are not encouraged to share emotions, because interpersonal relationships and the needs of the group take precedence over the perception that emotions need to be regulated and shared.' (P1, female, paediatrician, locum at semi-urban areas)
The professional group felt that in societies where collectivism is emphasised, social skills would take preference over emotional competence, while in a more westernised society, the focus would be on the mastery of emotions and independence. The perceptions of stakeholders resonated with research findings that underscored that development is experience dependent, and therefore, varies with different cultural and contextual influences (Janus & Offord 2007; Raikes et al. 2015). Stakeholders' viewpoints on community factors replicate findings in the literature that emphasises the significance of community factors, such as unemployment and the impact of culture on understandings of child development and school readiness (Ngwaru 2012; Ward et al. 2015; Webster-Stratton & Taylor 2001).
Theme 2
Adverse experiences
Adverse experiences included experiencing the effect of violence, trauma and substance abuse in their home or neighbourhood.
Violence, trauma and substance abuse: Most of the stakeholders acknowledged that violence and abuse have a direct impact on family functioning and child-rearing practices that, in turn, impact school readiness. They were able to identify the link between unemployment and social problems, like violence, abuse and neglect in homes and schools:
'Children are exposed to sex and violence too early. My child knows when they are shooting outside and tell me to be careful. I need to be so careful that my child is not exposed to abuse. She has witnessed violence a few months ago but was too scared to tell me about it.' (C6, female, single mother, low SES)
'The child was exposed to drinking, swearing and drugs. When the child got to Gr. 1 the child practiced the same at school, he started bullying other children. He will most probably drink and fight someday.' (C8, female, low SES, unemployed)
The above quotes illustrate how caregivers in lower socio-economic areas spoke about violence in their neighbourhoods and how this impacted their behaviour at home and school. One single, unemployed mother (C5, female) shared the story of her child that witnessed a rape in the neighbourhood, but that she only became aware of it several days later. Thus, caregivers in low socio-economic communities are often not able to track exposure to violence that, in turn, impacts the child's emotional well-being and functioning. Most mothers felt that parents, who engage in destructive or aggressive behaviour, model this behaviour to their children, who replicate the behaviour at school (for example swearing, bullying). Educators (T) illustrated how exposure to swearing and violence affects the behaviour of children at school:
'Children are exposed to group pressures and risks; they come face to face with bullying and violence. Maybe if a parent's language is all about swearing, every second word a swear word, the child is going to bring it across. The child will accept it in their language, there is nothing wrong with it.' (T7, female, community based school)
One teacher (T8, female) commented on how a child uses foul language at school because such language was being used at home. Teachers were able to convey excerpts of situations in class where children's behaviour reflected their experiences at home and in their community.
One psychologist (P9) who works across settings emphasised that children are shaped by their environment and that challenges in their environment usually manifests in emotional and behavioural difficulties. The psychologist commented that not all children are affected in a negative way and that some children become resilient. The quotes below emphasise that contextual challenges and socio-economic contexts impact children's readiness:
'Trauma, death and divorce impacts children's emotional development. Some children develop notwithstanding these issues; others find it difficult to cope.' (P3, female, social worker, community based setting)
These findings reiterated the importance of a safe environment and early stimulation for optimal development (Barbarin, Richter & DeWet 2001; Dawes, Donald & Louw 2000; Kumpulainen et al. 2016; Mistry et al. 2010; Vorster et al. 2016).
Theme 3
Educational factors
Educational factors included the lack of early stimulation, teacher support, barriers to learning, collaboration between stakeholders and early stimulation in the learning context.
Early stimulation: Stakeholders saw exposure to an early stimulating academic environment as essential for school readiness. Mothers across SES contexts were able to recognise that children needed exposure to formal learning contexts such as crèches and preschools, to develop physical, emotional and social skills.
'Early stimulation prepares children to go to school. It is important that children go to crèche or pre-school. They get used to being with teachers and many children, playing and learning.' (C2, female, middle SES)
Professionals saw attendance of crèches and preschools as synonymous with the opportunity for early identification of factors that might impact school readiness. They emphasised the importance of early intervention to enhance children's chances to be school ready.
'Earlier exposure to formal teaching from Gr. R provides the opportunity for earlier assessment; and an opportunity to see if the child is able to adjust to the formal structure of school, thus ensuring earlier intervention if necessary.' (P8, female, psychologist, governmental and non-governmental school based)
Teachers emphasised the importance of early stimulation to optimise emotional and social skills. One teacher spoke about the importance of social frameworks other than the family.
'Initially it is important to include children in social frameworks to prepare them for school. They have to attend crèche or get used to playing with friends.' (T4, female, governmental school based)
It becomes evident that environments other than the home could provide opportunities for development. The findings echoed research that reported early exposure to a conducive learning environment fostered academic and emotional-social skills (Jones, Bailey & Jacob 2014; Webster-Stratton & Reid 2004).
Role of teachers: Teachers were seen as key figures in the development of children's skills and abilities in preparation for the formal academic environment. Teachers were seen as educators, role models and facilitators of optimal growth, and they serve as guides in the process of learning. Teachers were described as partners that support children to acquire the essential building blocks for academic, emotional and social skills.
Mothers' perceptions of the contribution teachers make to children becoming school ready were based on their personal experiences with educators and school systems. For example, a single, unemployed mom living in a low SES environment (C8, female) felt that teachers could act as 'substitutes' for parents to stimulate and educate the child in situations where they are unable to do so:
'If parents are absent teachers can act as replacements, they can nurture children.' (C8, female, single mother, unemployed, low SES)
Another single mother (C9, female) from the same area, expressed concerns about teachers being 'bad role models' as they swear and resort to hidings if the children do not comply with their demands:
'Some teachers are bad role models; they swear, give hidings and are abusive towards children.' (C9, female, single mother, unemployed, low SES)
Teachers saw their role as supportive and corrective. For example, to assist children in the classroom to acquire cognitive, social and emotional skills and to act as role models if parents are not able to set an example for their children. One teacher (T5, female), teaching in a low SES community setting commented:
'A child whose mother is always shouting and screaming, in the classroom you will say, no, no, my darling that is not the way to do it, don't shout like that, it scares me. If the child stops you will praise him and say well done, praising the child for what he did.' (T5, female, low SES, community based)
Teachers underscored that they play a supportive role to parents who are the primary educators of the child. One Teacher (T6, female) mentioned that her primary focus is to build on existing skill sets in the classroom:
'The parent's contribution is essential. They have an equal role to play in their child's education. Learning starts at home. We build on the basic skills in the classroom.' (T6, female, non-governmental school)
Professionals saw teachers as important facilitators of learning. For example, an occupational therapist mentioned the essential role that teachers play to facilitate optimal development on all levels:
'Teachers need to help children to acquire the basic skills needed for school entry.' (P7, female, occupational therapist, governmental and non-governmental schools)
Professionals also identified that teachers must hold the balance between being change-oriented and validating of children's performance and learning. Professionals stressed the importance of teachers being 'in sync' with children's' abilities, and to not 'push children' too hard:
'It is important for teachers not to push children too much.' (P2, female, social worker)
Professionals also felt that teachers should identify early barriers through assessment practices that inform decisions about intervention practices:
'Teachers observe, make notes on what the child find easy or struggle with. They have themes weekly that is used to teach and assess where children is at. Themes have cognitive, social, emotional or behavioural contexts. They observe what the child finds easy and what the child struggles with.' (P4, female, social worker, community based)
The findings in this theme highlighted the quality of the relationship between teachers and children, and how teachers take up their role in order to facilitate school readiness. Research similarly emphasised that a close, nurturing relationship between children and teachers plays an important role in the acquisition of academic as well as, social and emotional skills (Howes et al. 2008; Mashburn et al. 2008; Yoleri 2016).
Barriers to learning: Role players agreed that the educational context is in constant flux. They identified lack of teacher qualification and the lack of infrastructure in preschools as important barriers to learning that, in turn, affects teaching practices and ultimately school readiness.
Mothers raised concerns about teacher qualifications. For example, one caregiver (C3, female) from a high SES preschool commented:
'Not all teachers are qualified teachers.' (C3, female, married, part-time employed, high SES)
The mothers from low SES areas in particular felt that unqualified teachers lacked important skills. For example, C7 (a caregiver from a low SES educational environment) commented that:
'Not all teachers are trained teachers. They lack the skills to teach. They don't know how to help them to learn. We need trained teachers and teachers that are good for our children.' (C7, female, low SES, unemployed)
As a result, the mothers felt that unqualified teachers could not provide optimal stimulation or conducive learning environments for children in order to prepare them to be school ready:
'We need teachers that are good for our children. Some teachers are just there for the money but they treat our children badly. They swear, and hit them, they do not want to help them when they need it. They need to learn how to help our children.' (C9, female, low SES, unemployed)
Teachers mentioned other barriers, such as difficulties with infrastructure in the school environment - big classes, lack of qualified and motivated personnel, unrealistic expectations from their superiors, changing curriculums and unrealistic demands from caregivers. They agreed with caregivers that this impacted negatively on children's chances to benefit optimally from learning. Teachers also expressed concern about differential teaching strategies and a lack of resources as factors that affect their ability to assist in readying children:
'Not all schools are the same, the methods of teaching are not the same, it is hectic on the child if he needs to change schools.' (T11, female, governmental school)
Professionals, more specifically social workers, commented on the lack of infrastructure and resources in schools, such as inadequate classrooms, unqualified personnel and the number of children per class and how this impact on teachers' ability to assist in children's learning:
'Children also fail to learn the basic skills such as reading and writing in the foundational phase [Gr. 1-3] this highlights challenges with infrastructures at school, a lack of resources.' (P6, female, social worker, low and middle SES)
The above quotes emphasise the importance of teacher qualification in the provision of optimal stimulation of children. This confirms the importance of policy and action plans such as the Policy on Minimum Requirement for Programmes leading to Qualifications in Higher Education for Early Childhood Development Educators to operationalise training (DHET 2017). The availability of a more conducive environment to teach children, such as the provision of adequate infrastructure in schools, will also enhance optimal learning, which in turn affects school readiness. The operationalisation of action plans such as the National Action Plan for Children 2012-2017 (DWCPD 2012) and the National Audit of ECD policies and services 1994-2004 (Williams et al. 2001) needs ongoing attention to provide a conducive environment for children to learn.
Collaboration and cooperation between stakeholders: Stakeholders agreed that ongoing collaboration is paramount to children's school readiness. The importance of ongoing collaboration between caregiver, parent and professional was a focus in most of the discussions. Stakeholders felt that clear and continuous communication and collaboration would ensure that the child has the best possible chance to acquire skill sets necessary for optimal development and school entry and that this would create a balanced upbringing.
All mothers acknowledged the importance of a close collaborative relationship between caregiver and teacher with the primary focus on the child's need. One mother stated that both teacher and caregiver are 'raising the same child' (C8, female). Another mother (C7, female) reflected that the parent must actively enquire about the child's day at school:
'You need to ask as a parent, what did you do at school today? You need to work hand in hand with the teacher. You are raising one child and this is the future of the child.' (C7, female, low SES, unemployed)
Teachers echoed the perception of caregivers and emphasised the importance of a collaborative relationship between school and home:
'Teachers are usually in tune with the children's behaviour and will call the caregiver if they note something noteworthy or any changes in the child's behaviour.' (T9, female, governmental school)
Teachers and parents commented that effective communication is not always forthcoming and that they sometimes struggle to maintain a collaborative relationship, because of other chronic environmental pressures. Viewpoints from caregivers and teachers on professional involvement were not so prominent, most probably because professionals are mainly involved once assessment and intervention became the focus point.
Professionals stressed that communication between home and school is essential to foster optimal development of children's abilities. One social worker (P3) reflected that good communication contributes to an effective monitoring that covers the home and school environments:
'Communication between caregivers and teachers about children's behaviour at school and at home will foster reliable and valid monitoring of children's development and growth.' (P3, female, social worker, community based school)
The importance of collaboration between the different role players in child development has been the focus of various studies. Findings from these studies emphasised that collaboration between the different ecological systems (parents, educators, community) is of paramount importance for the optimal development of the child's academic and social skills (Janus & Offord 2007; Mashburn et al. 2008; Rimm-Kaufmann, Pianta & Cox 2000; Rimm-Kaufmann & Sandilos 2017).
Theme 4
Familial factors
Stakeholders identified parents as role models as the most important factor in the child's immediate family of origin or caregiving that affects school readiness. Other factors were variation in child-rearing practices and caregivers literacy.
Parents as role models: Stakeholders emphasised that caregivers act as primary role models for children to acquire academic and emotional-social skills. They felt that the home environment and relationship between parents are essentially the building blocks of children's general attitude towards school and others. Most stakeholders felt that skills (for example, emotional and social skills) can be taught, primarily through parental example.
Mothers were aware of the impact that their behaviour has on their children's general attitude towards others. One mother with a child in a governmental school stated that the example that she sets becomes the basis for her child's general attitude towards relationships and learning:
'A child learns through modelling, parents' attitude towards one another is the basis of the child's attitude towards peers and teachers.' (C3, female, married, part-time employee, high SES)
Teachers conveyed that children learn from their parents and that parental attitude and values are transferred to children who will display these attributes through their behaviour in the school environment:
'Social skills are taught through behaviour. Parents set clear examples of what is acceptable and non-acceptable behaviour.' (T7, female, community based school)
Similar to teachers' viewpoints, professionals felt that children would show the same attributes in their relationships in the school contexts that were shown to them by their caregivers in the family context:
'Children will gravitate towards other children that have the same type of experiences in social context.' (P1, female, paediatrician)
Stakeholders emphasised the importance of parental attitude and involvement in the development and education of children. Parents wittingly or unwittingly model attitudes to education through their involvement in readying the child and education. These findings were similar to findings reported in the literature (Ngwaru 2012; Ward et al 2015; Ward & Wessels 2013). These authors agreed that a lack of involvement, under-stimulation, and a lack of cooperation with other role players to foster cognitive, emotional and social skills in children hamper healthy development.
Variations in child-rearing practices: Stakeholders agreed that parental styles in the home environment have an important impact on children's stance towards academic and socio-emotional development and children's readiness to learn. Parents' availability and ability to express warm and accepting behaviour and to respond to the needs of children were the strongest facilitator of learning. Parents being unavailable, uninvolved, critical or overprotecting were identified as potential barriers that might affect children's ability to learn.
All mothers expressed awareness that they had to be present and responsive to their children's needs in order to facilitate school readiness:
'As parents, we have to play a vital role in our children's lives to teach them what is right and what is wrong, they have to be able to say no to abuse, feel comfortable to speak to us about emotions or things that happened at school that they are unsure about. If they can't trust us whom are they going to tell?' (C8, female, single, unemployed, low SES)
Mothers expressed concerns about their ability to be responsive to children's' needs. One mother (C5, female) from a low SES environment said that an abusive environment sometimes makes it difficult for her to attend to her child's needs, and that it causes a break in trust between herself and her child, which would then affect relationships at school:
'Children also learn from their parents. The father works all week, the father gets paid by the end of the week and drink the whole weekend. The mother needs to take care of the father and his drinking. She is not able to care for her child, the child turns to others for attention. The child never feels that the mother is there for her.' (C5, female, single, unemployed)
Teachers identified that parents who are unable to set appropriate boundaries for their children might cause children to display inappropriate behaviour at school. They also expressed concern about parents' inability to teach children to be independent and responsible:
'Most parents are just not interested. No discipline, children don't learn what is right and wrong. They never learn to do homework, to say thank you or to help others.' (T5, female, low SES, community based).
Professionals agreed that parents' actions at home have a direct effect on children's behaviour at school:
'Parental viewpoints and behaviour impacts school readiness. Parents need to act responsible and set appropriate boundaries, if they are overprotective or neglectful this might impact children's behaviour at school. Some parents over stimulate their children whilst others do nothing.' (P5, female, psychologist)
Teachers and professionals highlighted that parents need to be able to provide the 'blueprint' for their children through modelling and effective discipline. This would assist the child to build character and develop values such as respect and responsibility. Overall stakeholders underscored the importance of an immediate supportive family context to optimally develop school readiness in children.
The findings here indicated that involvement, appropriate attunement and responsiveness were important for developing school ready children that resonated with the notion of 'responsive parenting' in literature. Responsive parenting includes components of warmth and sensitivity, support for the child's emerging autonomy and active participation in learning (Sheridan et al. 2010). Research findings generally underscored that responsive parenting was beneficial and enhanced academic abilities in children (Landry et al. 2001; Sheridan et al. 2008). Similarly, unresponsive parenting, such as being overcritical, overinvolved and distant, acted as barriers to the development of academic and social-emotional skills (Denham & Weissberg 2004).
Caregiver literacy: All stakeholder groups identified caregiver literacy as an important factor that affects school readiness. Caregiver literacy summarised multiple references to parental education that was seen as an important factor influencing parents' ability to prepare and support their children to become school ready:
'Some parents might also not be educated enough in terms of what is required to help their children, generally, parents are not well read in terms of raising their children. This influence their ability to help their children with, for instance homework.' (C5, female, single, unemployed)
The above quote from a caregiver, who lives in a low SES area, illustrates that the fund of knowledge and level of education of parents impact the extent to which they are able to support their children's educational development. Similarly, teachers identified that parents lacked the academic skills to assist with their children's education. Teachers working in low socio-economic preschools further identified that children turn to siblings and peers for guidance and help when caregiver literacy is compromised as illustrated in the quote below:
'In our community a lot of parents never learned to read and write. We have a staggering number of children in the family where the older ones teach the younger ones, children learn faster from peers than from the adult that are in their environment.' (T4, female, governmental school)
In contrast, an educator teaching in a high SES environment (T2, female, community based) felt that parents, that are more educated, were generally more aware of their children's needs and were able to assist their children to become school ready. In addition, these caregivers were also actively involved and pursued knowledge and information to provide for their children's development:
'Parents [from high SES environments] seem more driven to be involved and to educate themselves in terms of development and the contribution that they can make in their child's life.' (T2, female, community based)
Stakeholders mirrored research findings that caregivers' literacy and education are important facilitators of development and school readiness (Albino & Berry 2013; Case, Fertig & Paxson 2005; Hall 2015).
Discussion
The findings are distilled into a graphic representation of four quadrants that represented each of the thematic categories extrapolated from stakeholders. Figure 1 depicts the themes as mutually influencing.
The first quadrant represented community factors that impact the development of school readiness. This theme emphasised that unemployment, SES and culture act as important barriers that might affect children's school readiness. The important role that broader ecological and societal factors play in preparation for school at a macro level is underscored. These factors are pervasive in the local context.
The second quadrant referred to adverse experiences that affect the development of school readiness. The focus is placed on factors such as violence, trauma and substance abuse. The importance of a safe environment for child development and ultimately school readiness was highlighted. This quadrant logically extends from the first. Adverse experiences and communal factors are intricately connected in the same manner that school readiness is a logical outflow of dynamic development.
The third quadrant related to educational factors that impact school readiness. Educational factors constitute an important component of school readiness. Role players emphasised the importance of educational factors in facilitating school readiness. The important role of early stimulation, teacher support, barriers to learning and the importance of a working relationship between caregiver and parents were identified. Education can be a natural extension of the familial system.
The fourth quadrant, related to familial factors. Caregivers, parental styles and caregiver literacy were identified as important components to facilitate school readiness. The fourth quadrant underscores the essential role of caregivers in providing a supportive context for development.
The above factors impact children's overall development and readiness for school. The child in the context of his or her family (quadrant four) lives in a particular environment (quadrant two) and community (quadrant one), and is being educated in a particular educational system (quadrant three) that perpetuates contextual challenges. The themes constitute as a whole in which the factors are mutually influencing in the context of ready communities, ready schools, ready families and ready children. Figure 1 illustrates how these factors act as barriers or facilitators of readiness for mainstream school and preschool child development. Figure 1 illustrated stakeholder insights into the various socio-cultural, ecological, communal and familial factors affecting school readiness. Findings provide affirmation that understandings of school readiness are situated in community, environmental, educational and familial factors and that these factors interact. Decisions around school readiness should therefore not be separated from broader contextual issues that affect the child, caregivers, schools and the community in which the child functions.
To conclude:
Limitations of the study
During the recruitment phase, only female caregivers and educators responded. The gendered pattern to participation was reflective of the pattern to engagement with the education structure or school on behalf of the child and who teaches in the foundational phase. Male perspectives were excluded and thus remain a limitation.
Trustworthiness of data could have been improved by using member checking. This limitation was off-set by the triangular nature of the multiple role-player groups.
Non-governmental schools included community-based and private schools that are not allocated to quintiles like governmental schools. The electoral wards were used as a proxy for quintiles based on provincial census data. However, census data also contain error and thus classification might have been flawed. The distribution of schools per quintile was relatively even. This was a function of the response to the invitation to participate rather than an explicit stratification for recruitment purposes. A more intentional consideration of quintiles would have strengthened the sample stratification.
The health professionals' subgroup consisted of mainly psychologists and social workers providing psychotherapeutic services. Recruitment from other health professions would have been beneficial.
Recommendations
A replication of this study is recommended to explore the perceptions of under-represented subgroups. In each of the stakeholder groups, there were specific subgroups identified as the focus for future research, including teachers at private schools, speech and occupational therapists as professionals and parents or caregivers.
Acknowledgements
The authors thank the National Research Foundation (NRF) for the financial support of this research project. This is based on the findings of the PhD thesis of Erica Munnik, University of Western Cape, Cape Town, South Africa.
Competing interests
The authors declare that they have no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced them in writing this article.
Authors' contributions
E.M. and M.S. participated in the conceptualisation and design of the study. E.M. conducted the study as part of a doctoral project and as such conducted the data collection, data analysis and write-up. M.S. supervised the doctoral study and critically revised the article.
Funding information
The National Research Foundation provided financial support for this overarching research project. The research has neither been commissioned nor does it represent the opinions of the NRF. No conditions or prohibitions were placed on the study or dissemination protocol as a result of the funding.
Data availability statement
Data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study.
Disclaimer
The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the authors.
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Correspondence:
Erica Munnik
emunnik@uwc.ac.za
Received: 18 July 2018
Accepted: 24 Aug. 2019
Published: 31 Oct. 2019
ORIGINAL RESEARCH
Measuring the outcomes of a literacy programme in no-fee schools in Cape Town
Mlungisi Zuma; Adiilah Boodhoo; Joha Louw-Potgieter
Section of Organisational Psychology, School of Management Studies, University of Cape Town, Cape Town, Rondebosch, South Africa
ABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: Most funders require non-governmental organisations to evaluate the effectiveness of their programmes. However, in our experience, funders seldom fund evaluation endeavours and organisational staff often lack evaluation skills.
AIM: In this outcome evaluation of Living through Learning's (LTL) class-based English-medium Coronation Reading Adventure Room programme, we addressed two evaluation questions: whether Grade 1 learners who participated in the programme attained LTL's and the Department of Basic Education's (DBE) literacy standards at the end of the programme and whether teacher attributes contributed to this improvement.
SETTING: The evaluation was conducted in 18 different no-fee schools in Cape Town. Participants comprised 1090 Grade 1 learners and 54 teachers.
METHODS: We used Level 2 (programme design and theory) and part of Level 4 (outcome) of an evaluation hierarchy to assess the effectiveness of the programme.
RESULTS: Evaluation results showed that most schools, except three, attained the 60% performance standard set by the LTL on all quarterly assessments. Most schools, except two, attained the 50% performance standard of the DBE for English first language on all quarterly assessments. We also found that in terms of teacher attributes, only teacher experience in literacy teaching was significant in predicting learner performance in literacy in the first term of school.
CONCLUSION: We explain why our results should be interpreted with caution and make recommendations for future evaluations in terms of design, data collection and levels of evaluation.
Keywords: literacy programme; no-fee schools; outcome evaluation; reading rooms; teacher attributes; theory evaluation.
Introduction
Various national and international assessments have shown the poor state of reading ability of South African learners (see the Department of Basic Education's [DBE] Annual National Assessments [ANAs] 2013; the Regional Southern and East Africa Consortium for Monitoring Education Quality Report - SACMEQ [Moloi & Chetty 2011] and the Progress in International Reading Literacy Studies - PIRLS [Howie et al. 2011; Mullis et al. 2016]). Grigg et al. (2016) mentioned how Non-governmental Organisations (NGOs) have implemented programmes to remedy this state of affairs. Increasingly, funders are requiring that these NGOs evaluate the effectiveness of their programmes. However, in our experience, little, if any, funding is provided for monitoring and evaluation of programmes. Combined with this lack of funds, we also find that while programme staff members show great expertise in the content and implementation of their own programmes, they often lack the necessary monitoring and evaluation skills. Grigg et al. (2016) attempted to address the latter shortcoming by proposing core evaluation questions and research designs for evaluating reading programmes. These evaluation questions focused on problem definition, theories of change, programme implementation, programme outcomes and impact, and programme cost. The research designs mainly focused on how change is measured, as it is assumed that all reading programmes are based on the assumption that learners will be better off after the reading programme than before.
In the study by Grigg et al. (2016), we noted that Living through Learning (LTL) provided its external evaluator with high-quality data. Living through Learning monitored Grade 1 learners' literacy performance four times per year by using their own assessments and the teachers' Curriculum Assessment Policy Statements (CAPS) assessments. These data enabled the evaluator to track over time whether a large group of children who were exposed to the programme improved their English literacy skills. In this study, we show how we used LTL's data for an evaluation of its Coronation Reading Adventure Room (CRAR) programme, an English-medium literacy development programme. We also address how data, collected by programme staff, influence the independence of the evaluation and the selection of an appropriate evaluation design. Finally, we show how to guide NGO staff towards more complex research designs, thus addressing a knowledge gap in collaborative evaluation.
Programme description of the Coronation Reading Adventure Room
Living through Learning started implementing the CRAR programme in 2012 (S. Botha, pers. comm., 27 February 2016) and is an NGO located in Wynberg, Cape Town. The main aim of the programme is to empower children from poor communities through education, specifically by means of developing and improving English literacy in learners, by building learners' confidence in reading and writing, and by equipping teachers with effective teaching skills to administer the programme successfully in schools (S. Adams, pers. comm., 04 March 2016). Current programme sites are Athlone, Belhar, Bishop Lavis, Delft, Grassy Park, Gugulethu, Lotus River, Mitchell's Plain, Nyanga, Parow, Stellenbosch and Strandfontein (S. Adams, pers. comm., 04 March 2016).
Any no-fee primary school close to the premises of LTL is eligible to apply for the programme (S. Adams, pers. comm., 04 March 2016). After receiving the application, LTL visits the schools where interviews and assessments are conducted to ensure that the schools have all the requirements needed for the programme.
The CRAR programme consists of two main activities, firstly, it builds teachers' skills to teach English literacy and manage a classroom and, secondly, it assists teachers to implement a child literacy programme for Grade 1 learners in the classroom. The teachers from participating schools attend all-day workshops for three consecutive Saturdays. Teachers receive training in classroom management, class discipline, barriers to learning, the role of the educator and the literacy programme. They also learn how to equip a reading adventure room and develop learning content for targeted learners (S. Adams, pers. comm., 04 March 2016). During and after the training, each teacher works with an LTL facilitator. These facilitators, who act as teaching assistants, work closely with the teachers to set up the programme and the reading room. They also provide support to the teachers throughout the duration of the programme.
Within each participating school, a specific classroom is allocated to CRAR and the room is decorated with vibrantly coloured educational images, letters and toys. Living through Learning provides learners' workbooks, a teacher's manual, board games, toys and stationery.
Teachers who deliver the programme are trained in the CRAR literacy method, which is an easy, systematic and phonics-based way to learn to read and write in English. The majority of children on the programme do not speak English as a first language. Before learners start the programme, they are assessed for their basic knowledge of English by means of formation of sounds, filling in missing sounds, picture matching, doing puzzles and following mazes. During the programme, learners start with sound recognition of familiar sounds (phonics), then use familiar sounds to form three-letter words (blends using sliding), thereafter they progress to recognition of more unfamiliar sounds and, lastly, they continue to form three-letter words using these unfamiliar sounds. For each English lesson, teachers follow a CRAR lesson plan to ensure that the literacy programme is implemented with fidelity and that active learning is taking place (S. Adams, pers. comm., 04 March 2016). The CRAR curriculum is aligned with CAPS, which is the national curriculum for public schools in South Africa.
Teachers provide LTL with regular feedback on learners' progress in the form of attendance registers, weekly assessments and end of term reports (S. Adams, pers. comm., 04 March 2016). At the end of each term, learners are assessed by means of both CRAR and CAPS assessments. Living through Learning designs the four CRAR assessments and the teachers design the four CAPS assessments (S. Adams, pers. comm., 04 March 2016).
Evaluation framework
We would like to introduce the evaluation hierarchy that we used as a framework for this evaluation. Rossi, Lipsey and Freeman (2004) outlined five levels in their evaluation hierarchy. We have added the core evaluation questions to each one of these levels (Table 1).
In consultation with the programme staff, we used Level 2 (design and programme theory) and part of Level 4 (outcome) for this evaluation. These are described in detail in the following section.
Programme theory
Like all development programmes, the CRAR programme is based on the assumption that it will change the programme beneficiaries. In this section, we explore the programme theory (also called the theory of change) that underlies the CRAR programme and assess whether it is plausible. This is Level 2 of the evaluation hierarchy.
A programme theory is a sensible and plausible model of how the programme activities will change the beneficiaries (Bickman 1987). It is basically the 'story of change' for the programme. The CRAR programme has a one-page document depicting its goals and outcomes and a detailed two-page logical framework consisting of programme elements, evaluative questions, indicators, targets and measures. We simplified these two documents into a diagram that would enable programme staff to understand the programme linkages at a glance. This simplified model for the Grade 1 programme is presented in Figure 1.
From the programme goals and outcomes document, the logical framework and Figure 1, it can be concluded that the following change assumptions underlie the CRAR programme, firstly, the activities of the CRAR programme may lead to improved foundational phase literacy; secondly, successful acquisition of early literacy may influence later academic performance; and thirdly, classroom resources may contribute to literacy acquisition. In order to test the plausibility of these assumptions, we used EBSCOhost and Google Scholar to source relevant literature for review. We used the following search words, namely, 'literacy programmes', 'primary school literacy interventions', 'literacy programme evaluations', 'conducive classrooms' and 'tutoring primary school learners'.
The first assumption is that the content of the CRAR programme may lead to the short-term outcome of early literacy acquisition. The CRAR programme consists of the following activities, namely, identifying sounds, identifying letters, blending words, writing and comprehension. It is assumed that these activities may result in improvement in fluency, familiarity with words and vocabulary, comprehension and word recognition skills.
Reynolds, Wheldall and Madelaine (2010) systematically reviewed American studies such as those conducted by the National Reading Panel (NRP), the Independent Review of the Teaching of Early Reading (IRTER) and the National Inquiry into the Teaching of Literacy (NITL) and found that effective literacy programmes contain all the following components, namely, phonological awareness, phonics, fluency, reading, writing, vocabulary and a range of reading material. Stahl and Murray (1994) noted that activities such as sound manipulation, recognition of rhyming words and the matching of consonants are important for early acquisition of phonological awareness. Torgesen (2000) found that literacy interventions that emphasised phonological awareness in primary schools were more effective in promoting fluent reading than interventions that did not emphasise the phonological component.
Apart from sound and word recognition, fluency and comprehension (Reynolds et al. 2010) also constitute important elements of reading performance. Reading with fluency is critical for young children because it serves as a connector between comprehension and word recognition. Interventions that seek to improve reading fluency teach learners how to read text accurately, fast and with expression (Reynolds et al. 2010).
Studies have also emphasised vocabulary skills as another important aspect of an effective literacy intervention (Krashen 1989; Reynolds et al. 2010). Vocabulary skills can be taught through reading storybooks, conversations in class, listening tasks, word recognition and task restructuring (Reynolds et al. 2010). In addition to vocabulary, a writing component is also considered important in a literacy intervention programme. Reading and writing are interlinked and therefore should be taught in conjunction (Reynolds et al. 2010).
From the literature cited here, it is plausible to assume that the CRAR programme's components could lead to improved foundation phase literacy.
The second assumption is that early literacy interventions may influence later school performance. According to Nel and Swanepoel (2010), it is important to address literacy problems early in order for learners to attain academic success. A learner's ability to read is a strong predictor of later academic success (Van der Berg 2008). Reading provides building blocks to learning, and it is therefore important for children to master reading and gain the necessary skills early in their development. Torgesen (2000) stated that it is important for children to be competent in literacy during the first years of school as children who fail to master reading at that stage are at high risk of academic problems. The works of Spira, Bracken and Fischel (2005) and Reynolds et al. (2010) support the link between poor early literacy and later academic and psychological problems. The relationship between low literacy and low academic achievement in South Africa is well documented (Macdonald 2002; Matjila & Pretorius 2004; Pretorius 2002; Pretorius & Mampuru 2007).
Foundation phase is the ideal place to start introducing literacy intervention programmes. In this phase, children are provided with fundamental building blocks that will be useful throughout their academic life (Slavin et al. 2009). Sound recognition, converting sounds into letters and letters into words provide children with stepping stones to later grades when they expand their vocabulary, build fluency in English and the ability to understand texts (Slavin et al. 2009).
From the literature cited here, it can be concluded that the optimal entry point of literacy programmes would be Grade R, the first grade in foundational education, but that Grade 1, the second grade, would be early enough for effective intervention.
The third assumption is that sufficient classroom resources may be necessary for early literacy acquisition. Competent literacy teachers who are supported by trained facilitators and make optimal use of the dedicated reading room are essential inputs for the CRAR programme.
Day and Bamford (1998) and Pressley et al. (2001) identified effective teaching skills of literacy teachers, active engagement of learners and classrooms that foster a positive learning environment as important factors in literacy acquisition. A positive learning environment is welcoming, supportive, attractive and provides instructions (Conroy et al. 2009). Furthermore, Fraser (1998) noted that primary school learners perform better in classrooms that are well organised, have greater cohesion, are well resourced and goal orientated.
Krashen (1981) supported the idea of a dedicated classroom containing visual aids. Kennedy (2005) noted that children find bright and high contrasting colours stimulating and that such stimulation may help them to focus on that task at hand.
Coronation Reading Adventure Room programme teachers and facilitators are trained in classroom management and literacy teaching and fully resourced with teaching manuals, lesson plans and workbooks for learners. A dedicated reading room that is decorated in brightly coloured alphabets, words, pictures and toys contributes to creating a setting that is conducive to learning to read and write. Therefore, it is plausible to assume that sufficient resources, in the form of trained teachers, supportive facilitators, teaching and learning materials and a special room for reading, may contribute to successful acquisition of early literacy.
In summary, when tested against relevant social science literature, we can conclude that the assumptions underlying the CRAR programme are plausible and it is reasonable to expect that the programme will deliver its intended outcomes.
Evaluation questions
The LTL programme staff indicated that an outcome evaluation would be useful for them. An outcome evaluation is concerned with change in the state of affairs or the state of the programme participants; in this case, it focused on whether the literacy skills of the Grade 1 learners changed during the school year. We used Level 4 of Rossi et al.'s (2004) hierarchy of evaluation plus the programme theory (Level 2) to formulate a single, outcome-focused evaluation question for the programme:
1. Are the Grade 1 learners who participated in the CRAR programme able to read and write according to LTL and DBE standards?
Here LTL standards refer to the 60% performance standard that LTL used as a yardstick for adequate performance. Initially LTL started out with a standard of 85%, but soon realised that it was too high for the programme participants. Living through Learning then reduced the standard to 60%. Learners' performance on the CAPS assessments was compared to the DBE's pass marks for English first language (50%) and English additional language (40%) at the time of the evaluation. Although all learners in the sample learned to read in English, most of them were not English first language speakers and therefore the English additional language standard was added. These pass marks rather than the national CAPS assessment levels were used here, as teachers generally find the CAPS assessment levels difficult to implement and of limited use for tracking reading improvement.
As the CRAR programme focuses on providing competent teachers and classroom resources for literacy teaching, we also added an evaluation question which would assess the influence of these resources:
2. Did the teachers' language teaching experience, English language proficiency, self-efficacy, perceptions of usefulness of the LTL materials and usage of the reading room have any influence on the learners' literacy performance?
Method
Ideally, evaluators should be involved at programme conceptualisation. In real life, this seldom happens. Quite often, funders or programme staff request an affordable evaluation based on existing data collected by programme staff. While pre-existing data certainly save costs, such data also raise other dilemmas. Firstly, such data are often of poor quality (e.g. incomplete, mainly binary attendance data, sometimes reams of qualitative participant opinions about the programme, etc.). Secondly, pre-existing data may mean that evaluators often have to surmise the evaluation design which guided the data collection, as programme staff may not have made this explicit. Thirdly, external evaluators cannot claim an independent evaluation when using such data. In the case of the CRAR programme, the data quality was good (i.e. two sets of repeated measures which were complete and systematically reported). However, the data restricted us to utilising a rather weak evaluation design and although we were external evaluators, we cannot claim that our evaluation was independent.
Design
The design for this evaluation will be presented in terms of the two evaluation questions.
1. Are the Grade 1 learners who participated in the CRAR programme able to read and write according to LTL and DBE standards?
To assess the outcomes for the learners in the literacy programme, a single-group quasi-experimental design with two sets (i.e. CRAR and CAPS) of four repeated post-test performance measures was employed. Here the single-group quasi-experiment refers to Grade 1 learners on the programme and implies the absence of a control group of learners who did not get the programme. The two sets of four repeated measures are the CRAR and CAPS literacy assessments that are administered quarterly. A post-test-only design was chosen (in other words, no pre-test was included), as the pre-programme diagnostic test dealt with different outcome variables than the post-tests.
While performance on the two sets of assessments cannot be compared directly because they are different and measure different outcomes, we thought it would be interesting to examine whether learners participating in the CRAR programme also improved on their CAPS assessments.
2. Did the teachers' language teaching experience, English language proficiency, self-efficacy, perceptions of usefulness of the LTL materials and usage of the reading room have any influence on the learners' literacy performance?
To assess the attributes of the teachers, a descriptive design was employed. Descriptive research describes the current state of affairs (Salkind 2009) and for this evaluation the aim was to examine whether or not specific characteristics of teachers influenced the literacy performance of the learners. Figure 2 shows the details of this design.
Setting and participants
There were two sets of participants in this evaluation.
The first set consisted of Grade 1 learners from 18 different schools. For ethical considerations, the names of the schools were not disclosed and instead numbers were used: we refer to schools 1-18. All schools were public schools located in low-income areas around Cape Town in the Western Cape. Within the selected schools, the unit of analysis was Grade 1 learners who received the CRAR programme in 2015. In total, the sample consisted of 1090 learners in 54 classes. Class sizes ranged from 30 to 45 learners.
The second set of participants consisted of 54 teachers in 18 different schools who implemented the CRAR programme. Each class had one teacher and one LTL facilitator.
Instruments and data collection
Living through Learning signed a contract with each school to provide teacher training, facilitator provision and quarterly assessments of learners. The assessment data remained the intellectual property of LTL. These secondary data were used to answer evaluation question 1.
Living through Learning staff designed the four CRAR assessments. The evaluators did not have access to the details of these assessments. However, the programme staff disclosed the main literacy skills that were assessed in each term. These quarterly tests included (1) finding a picture and stating what it is and matching a letter to the picture (marked out of 20 marks); (2) word search, reading and circling words (marked out of 30 marks); (3) filling in the missing words, spelling, matching words to a picture, writing and comprehension (marked out of 55 marks); and (4) matching words to a picture, writing, comprehension, spelling and reading (marked out of 50 marks). The teachers and facilitators administered the measures.
In addition to the CRAR quarterly assessments, learners were also assessed by quarterly CAPS assessments which were developed and administered by each teacher.
For evaluation question 2, the influence of teacher characteristics on learner performance, an eight-item questionnaire was used. The first five items, relating to teaching self-efficacy, were adapted from a scale developed by Midgley, Feldlaufer and Eccles (1989). These items were phrased as follows: If I try really hard, I can get through to even the most difficult and unmotivated learner; If some learners in my class are not doing well in reading, I feel that I should change how I teach them; I use different teaching methods to help a learner to read; I can motivate learners who show low interest in their school work; I can provide an alternative explanation or example when learners are confused. At the time of development, Midgley et al. (1989) reported an alpha coefficient of 0.65 for this brief scale. For the current evaluation, the alpha coefficient was 0.57. Item 6 of the questionnaire assessed the teachers' perceptions of the usefulness of LTL's literacy teaching materials, whereas item 7 measured self-reported usage of the reading room. The first 7 items used a five-point Likert response format. A text box was used for item 8 where teachers had to indicate their literacy teaching experience in number of years. Living through Learning supplied the home language of each teacher. This was used as a measure of English proficiency.
Data analysis
Descriptive statistics (means and standard deviations) were used to answer evaluation question 1. Learners' performance on the CRAR assessments was compared to a single LTL performance standard (60%). Learners' performance on the CAPS assessments was compared to the DBE's pass mark for English first language (50%) and English additional language (40%).
Regression analysis was used to analyse the data for the second evaluation question. The outcome measure was learners' performance on the four NGO assessments. The predictor variables and their levels were language teaching experience (number of years), English proficiency (yes/no English first language), self-efficacy (average score on five Likert-type items), usefulness of LTL materials (score on a Likert-type item) and use of reading room (score on a Likert-type item). As we had multiple predictors and a continuous outcome variable, a multiple linear regression was employed. Where our categorical predictors had more than two levels, they were dummy coded for the linear regression model.
To ensure that multivariate assumptions were met for the regression, the data were examined for outliers, normality, homoscedasticity, linearity and multi-collinearity.
Ethical considerations
The Director of LTL gave written permission to conduct the evaluation of the CRAR programme. The Commerce Ethics in Research Committee of the University of Cape Town granted the permission to use secondary data and collect primary data.
Results
The evaluation results are presented according to the two evaluation questions.
Evaluation question 1: Are the Grade 1 learners who participated in the CRAR programme able to read and write according to LTL and DBE standards?
Measures used in this analysis were the quarterly NGO and CAPS assessments. The four assessments in the two sets are independent of each other as they measure different aspects of literacy.
Initially, 1090 learners in 18 schools started on the programme. However, as the year progressed, some attrition occurred. In Table 2, an initial snapshot of quarterly performance on the two sets of assessments is expressed as mean scores. The number of learners who completed the assessments is also indicated.
It is clear from Table 2 that the mean scores on the four different NGO assessments exceeded the 60% LTL standard and the mean scores on the four different CAPS assessments exceeded the 50% English first language DBE standard.
We disaggregated the performance results by school, and Tables 3 and 4 display the mean scores of the NGO and CAPS assessments across the 18 schools for each of the four assessments. These tables also include the results of a one-sample t-test that compared the performance of each school with the specified standards.
From Table 3, it is clear that most schools reached the 60% LTL standard in all four terms. The exceptions, however, were school 5 (this level of performance not attained in term 3), school 8 (this level of performance not attained in terms 1 and 3) and school 13 (this level of performance not attained in term 3). These schools scored significantly lower than the 60% LTL standard in these terms.
From Table 4, it is clear that most schools significantly exceeded the DBE standard of 50% for English first language, except for school 8 in term 4 and school 9 in term 1.
We disaggregated the data in Tables 3 and 4 further by examining what proportion of learners in each school attained the set standards for each NGO assessment. We used an arbitrary cut-off point of 50% (at least half of the learners) for this analysis. Instances where less than half of the learners attained the 60% standard on at least one of the NGO assessments were identified in six schools (schools 1, 5, 7, 8, 13 and 15). School 8 stands out again in this analysis, with less than half of its learners attaining the 60% standard in two terms.
The same proportional analyses were performed for the performance on the CAPS assessments. Only the English first language standard (50%) was used, as more than 50% of learners attained the English additional language standard (40%) in all schools. Our analysis showed that in almost all schools (except school 1 in quarters 3 and 4) more than 50% of learners attained the English first language standard for all four CAPS assessments. This is also evident for school 8, which underperformed in the 50% CAPS assessment in term 4.
In summary, it can be concluded that most schools, except schools 5, 8 and 13, attained the LTL standard (60%) in their NGO literacy assessments in all four terms. Furthermore, all schools (18) attained the 40% DBE standard in the CAPS assessments, while all schools, except school 8 and 9, attained the 50% DBE standard in all four terms. In the proportional analyses, in 12 schools, more than 50% of learners attained the 60% LTL standard on all four assessments, whereas in 17 schools, more than 50% of learners attained the DBE's 50% English first language standard on all four CAPS assessments.
Evaluation question 2: Did the teachers' language teaching experience, English language proficiency, teaching self-efficacy, perceptions of usefulness of the LTL materials and usage of the reading room have any influence on the learner's performance?
Completed data were available for 40 teachers.
To address evaluation question 2, we employed a hierarchical multiple regression with performance on the four NGO assessments as the dependent variable. In this type of regression, sample size, the presence of outliers and various aspects of the relationship among the independent variables should be considered (Field 2013). Our sample size (N = 40) was smaller than the recommended sample size for five independent variables (a ratio of 10:1 is recommended), but was deemed adequate for the analysis as we were expecting a medium effect size. Cook's distance, a technique for identifying influential outliers, showed that of the 40 cases screened, none had a value of >1.00. With regard to the aspects of the relationships among the independent variables, tests showed:
1. low correlations among the independent variables (no perfect multicollinearity)
2. a normal distribution of errors
3. linear relationships between independent and dependent variables
4. similar variances for predicted scores (homoscedasticity) - refer to Zuma (2016:52-55) for details of these four tests.
To determine if the independent variables (i.e. the teacher characteristics) predicted literacy outcomes, four independent multiple regressions, based on the NGO assessment data, were performed. CAPS assessment data were not included in the regression model, as these data were not based on the workbook and measured different aspects than the NGO measures. The outcome variables were performance on each of the four independent NGO assessments, while the five predictor variables were language teaching experience, English proficiency, teacher self-efficacy, perceived usefulness of LTL materials and usage of reading room (Figure 2).
For a hierarchical regression, variables are entered into the variable blocks in SPSS in a pre-determined order (Pallant 2013). For the first block, language teaching experience was entered into the model. In the second block, the remaining predictor variables were entered into the model. Table 5 presents the regression model and indicates coefficients and their significant p-values.
In Model 1 for NGO1 assessment, teaching experience explained a significant proportion of variance in LTL literacy scores (R2 = 0.114, F(1, 35) = 4.37, p < 0.005).
In Model 2 for NGO1 assessment, with all the predictors included in the regression model, the total variance explained by the model was R2= 0.152, F(6, 35) = 0.868, p > 0.005. When the contribution of each variable is considered individually in Model 2, none of these were significant: English proficiency, β = 0.006, p = 0.975; teacher self-efficacy, β = 0.205, p = 0.278; usefulness of LTL materials, β = −0.056, p = 0.780; and usage of reading room, β = 0.020, p = 0.914.
Therefore, the first model where only one predictor was included was better in predicting the outcome variable and significantly contributed to the outcome (β = 0.34; p < 0.005).
When we examined the results for NGO2, NGO3 and NGO4 assessments, the contribution of all five predictors was not significant in both models 1 and 2.
In conclusion, the hierarchical multiple regression revealed that only teaching experience predicted performance on the NGO1 reading assessment during the first term.
Discussion
From the results reported in this study, it can be concluded that learners who received the CRAR programme in addition to school-based literacy teaching were able to read and write according to LTL and DBE standards at the end of Grade 1. When data were disaggregated per school, we found that 15 schools attained the LTL standard in all four terms, while 16 schools significantly exceeded the 50% DBE standard in all four terms. Further analysis showed that in 12 schools, more than half of the learners in the class attained the LTL standard on all four assessments, while in 17 schools, more than half of the learners in the class attained the DBE English first language standard on all four assessments.
In an analysis of teacher attributes, teacher experience in literacy teaching was the only variable that significantly predicted learner performance in literacy during the first term.
These results will be discussed in more detail under the relevant evaluation questions below.
Evaluation question 1: Are the Grade 1 learners who participated in the Coronation Reading Adventure Room programme able to read and write according to Living through Learning and Department of Basic Education's standards?
The results of the evaluation will be discussed in terms of learner performance (all learners' performance on each of the two sets of assessments during the full year), school performance (each of the 18 schools on each of the quarterly assessments) and school proportional performance (the number of schools where more than 50% of learners in a class attained the relevant literacy standards).
Learner performance
Analysis of the NGO data revealed that learners attained the 60% standard in all the quarterly assessments. However, there was a slight decline in the mean NGO test scores at year end (total assessment score for term 4 = 74.72%), compared to beginning of the year (total assessment score for term 1 = 76.82%). More remarkable, in term 3, there was a sharp decline in the mean NGO assessment scores (total assessment score for term 3 = 66.1%). A comparison of the NGO literacy activities that were assessed in terms 2 and 3 may explain this decline. According to the programme manager, in term 2 the learners' ability to read three-letter words was assessed, while in term 3 the assessment focused on the learners' ability to read simple sentences and know words that start with certain blends (fl, cl, bl, sh and th). At this stage, it is unclear whether the step from reading three-letter words to reading simple sentences is a bit too big. What is interesting here is that there was no decline in performance on Assessment 4 taken at year end, which measured a relatively complex operation, namely, writing own sentences.
The CAPS analysis showed that learners attained the standard of 50% for English first language in all four assessments. The learners' mean scores on the four CAPS assessments improved from year start (63.3%) to year end (68.59%), but mean scores also dipped in term 3 (66.9%). Again, it is difficult to explain this decline. At this stage, we simply do not know whether the literacy operation that is assessed at this time of the school year is inherently difficult, whether the assessment tool is flawed or whether something peculiar happens in schools in this term.
What is of interest here is that the learners who received CRAR support plus school-based literacy teaching could read and write according to LTL and DBE standards at the end of their first school year.
School performance
From the analysis that examined each school's mean performance on each quarterly NGO assessment, it is clear that most schools were able to reach the 60% LTL standard, except for school 5 in term 3, school 8 in terms 1 and 3, and school 13 in term 3. Here we note again that performance on term 3 assessments was problematic in these three schools. School 8, however, also performed poorly at year start and is the only school that performed below the 60% standard in two terms. We can only conclude that there may have been other factors affecting performance in this school. As the NGO data were anonymised, the evaluators could not investigate this further. The programme manager was alerted about the poor performance of the school and we suggested that the NGO staff, who could identify the school, should investigate why the learners in this school did not benefit from the programme to the same extent as the other programme schools.
From the analysis that examined each school's mean performance on each quarterly CAPS assessment, it is clear that all schools were able to reach the 50% DBE English first language standard, except for school 8 in term 4. What is of interest here is that this school also performed below the LTL standard of 60%. The programme manager was alerted to the fact that two different measures indicated that literacy levels at this school were not up to standard.
Proportional school performance
When we examined the quarterly assessments and isolated the schools where fewer than 50% of learners in a class attained the set standards, some variation appeared in the NGO scores. The number of schools that had proportions below 50% seemed quite random and comprised schools 1, 5, 7, 8, 13 and 15 in either terms 2, 3 or 4.
For the DBE English first language standard, we found that at least 50% of learners in all schools in all four terms (except school 1 in the third and fourth terms) attained the required standard of literacy.
We suggest that LTL alert literacy teachers to this proportional measure. While teachers usually attend to individual learners who perform poorly, they may not always be aware of class under-performance. Living through Learning itself may want to investigate the possibility of a special intervention for a class where more than half of the children cannot read and write according to set standards.
Strengths and limitations
When we tested the plausibility of the programme theory earlier, we found that the programme activities (i.e. what the learners do on the programme) were consistent with literacy programmes, which showed positive results (Krashen 1981; Reynolds et al. 2010; Stahl & Murray 1994; Torgesen 2000). We could thus assume that the programme would work. From our analyses and results, we can conclude that the CRAR literacy programme, as a proven and well-designed programme, works. Overall, the findings were positive, but they must be interpreted with extreme caution. We cannot claim that the improvement in literacy can be attributed to the CRAR programme alone, as the programme was embedded in the CAPS literacy curriculum which could have influenced the results. Additionally, we were not able to compare learners who did not receive the programme with those who received the programme. A design involving a control group may provide stronger causal claims regarding the benefit of the programme.
Recommendations
For this evaluation, we depended on secondary data collected by means of assessments designed by teachers and programme staff. This constrained the use of a strong evaluation design and we suggest that future evaluators utilise a stronger design that would enable them to make causal inferences about the programme. Ideally a randomised control design should be used, but a relatively strong quasi-experimental pre- and post-test design using treatment groups (schools that receive the programme) and relevant comparison groups (schools that do not receive the programme) would enable causal claims.
Furthermore, we suggest that future evaluators design independent assessments and use these in conjunction with CAPS (teacher) and LTL (programme staff) assessments. We also suggest that future evaluators design an assessment of emergent English literacy which should be administered as a pre-test before the programme starts. Although such a pre-test would be independent of the quarterly English literacy measures, evaluators could examine whether better performance on the pre-test predicts better performance on the post-tests.
This outcome evaluation was the first evaluation of the CRAR programme and focused on programme theory and outcomes. We recommend that future evaluations focus on implementation, outcome and impact. Adding an implementation level evaluation would allow evaluators to assess programme utilisation by learners (e.g. actual participants, dosage, attrition, etc.) and whether learners' demographic variables play any role in their English literacy performance. The number of books in the home plus exposure to pre-school and/or Grade R could be added to these variables. We specifically recommend that the influence of learners' home language on their performance on the English language CRAR programme should be investigated. Teaching and learning in a language other than the learners' home language is a contentious issue and it deserves systematic investigation.
Evaluation question 2: Did the teacher's language teaching experience, English language proficiency, teaching self-efficacy, perceptions of usefulness of the Living through Learning materials and usage of the reading room have any influence on the learner's performance?
We tested whether five teacher attributes contributed to learners' literacy acquisition and found that the only attribute that contributed significantly to learner performance was experience in literacy teaching. Furthermore, this attribute played a role only during the first term.
Specific teacher attributes, for instance, experience, qualifications, the ability to manage a classroom and many more, may influence the quality of teaching. In turn, quality of teaching is an important factor for attaining literacy outcomes (Conroy et al. 2009; Day & Bamford 1998; Fraser 1998; Pressley et al. 2001). The CRAR programme equipped the teachers with literacy teaching skills and supplied a dedicated classroom and learning materials. The NGO1 assessment measured performance right at the very beginning of literacy and tested the ability to know familiar sounds and write them. In this evaluation, experienced literacy teachers (and by implication older teachers) were better able to instil this fundamental literacy skill in learners than less experienced teachers. This finding contradicts research by Armstrong (2015) who found that often less experienced (and by implication, younger) teachers are more successful in teaching children to read and write than older teachers. Our results showed that teacher experience contributed significantly to learner performance at year start. However, it could be that more experienced teachers were simply better at managing discipline in class and therefore at creating a conducive atmosphere for foundational literacy learning.
Recommendations
We suggested earlier that an implementation level, specifically the sub-level of programme utilisation, should be added to future evaluations. An additional implementation level, namely, programme delivery, would enable future evaluators to assess English literacy teaching competency of the teachers who deliver the programme, before and after the CRAR training. This would provide more objective answers to questions regarding teacher competency. Apart from objective competency measures, we also suggest an implementation quality measure. Even if teachers are competent after the training, it is unclear whether they are implementing the programme as intended in their classrooms and the dedicated reading rooms.
Elbaum et al. (2000) stated that learners learn better and more effectively when a facilitator is present. Teaching assistants play a major role in the CRAR programme and we suggest that future evaluators should assess if and how teachers utilise this resource. Furthermore, the competency of these teaching assistants should be assessed before and after training, plus the possible influence their demographic variables have on their utilisation and effectiveness.
Conclusion
In this study, we showed how significant stakeholders set the agenda for an evaluation of an English-medium literacy development programme. We pointed out how this limited the evaluation in terms of independence, design and levels of evaluation. Despite the limitations of the evaluation, there is evidence that programme participants can read and write in English at LTL and DBE standards at the end of Grade 1. This outcome is probably because of a combination of a few different interventions (teaching, teaching assistant support, the programme and its stimulating reading room). Should future evaluators have more resources (funds and time), they could develop and use these features of the programme as independent measures and assess the contribution of each to literacy performance. There is a dearth of evaluations of medium-sized English literacy programmes which are presented in the class in addition to the usual classroom activities. Evaluations that contain the recommendations we have made here will contribute significantly to the knowledge of what works in terms of literacy in the classroom.
Acknowledgements
The authors would like to thank Living through Learning's Sonja Botha and Salma Adams for access to the programme, support during the evaluation and clean programme data.
Competing interests
The authors declare that they have no financial or personal relationships which may have inappropriately influenced them in writing this article.
Authors' contributions
M.Z. completed this evaluation as a dissertation requirement for a MPhil in Programme Evaluation, at the University of Cape Town. A.B. and J.L.-P. served as the supervisors of the study. J.L.-P. prepared the first draft of the manuscript for publication and M.Z. and A.B. provided input for the final draft.
Funding information
The authors would like to acknowledge and thank the funders: M.Z. - UCT Master's Need Scholarship; J.L.-P. - the National Research Foundation's Incentive Fund for Rated Researchers (IFR150126113160).
Data availability statement
Data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study.
Disclaimer
The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the authors.
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Correspondence:
Joha Louw-Potgieter
Joha.Louw-Potgieter@uct.ac.za
Received: 13 July 2018
Accepted: 27 Aug. 2019
Published: 07 Nov. 2019
ORIGINAL RESEARCH
The practice learning experiences of student teachers at a rural campus of a South African university
Sarah J. GravettI; Lindiwe JiyaneI, II
IFaculty of Education, University of Johannesburg, Auckland Park, Kingsway Campus and Soweto Campus, Johannesburg, South Africa
IIDepartment of Early Childhood Development, University of Mpumalanga, Siyabuswa, South Africa
ABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: There is considerable agreement that learning to teach is optimised when coursework learning is combined with quality practice learning experiences in schools.
AIM: The main aim of this study was to explore the views of a group of student teachers on their practice learning experiences in a 'teaching school' (TS) and in the other schools where they were placed for school experience.
SETTING: The study was conducted at a rural campus of a South African university.
METHODS: Quantitative (questionnaire) and qualitative (focus group) data were collected, involving all the student teachers in the programme (n = 100). The responses to the questionnaire were analysed descriptively, and the constant comparative method of data analysis was used to analyse the focus group interviews.
RESULTS: The overall pattern in the data shows that the practice learning experiences contributed to the student teachers' development as teachers - not only at the TS but also at the schools where they were involved in work integrated learning, despite challenges, including teacher absenteeism and lack of guidance. Involvement in these schools potentially enables an understanding of the challenges that are typical in many South African schools. However, school experience in a well-functioning school remains crucial. Were it not for the TS, the majority of the student teachers would not have been exposed to mentoring and good teaching practices to be emulated.
CONCLUSION: The study concludes that TSs indeed hold the potential to strengthen the teaching practice component of teacher education considerably. International experience with school partnerships and the experience at another South African university also attest to this.
Keywords: School Experience; Practicum; Teaching Practice; Work Integrated Learning; Teaching School.
Background and focus of the study
This article gives an account of the views of a group of fourth-year student teachers on their practice learning1 experiences in schools while enrolled for the Bachelor of Education in Foundation Phase2 Teaching at a rural campus of a university in South Africa.
It is widely acknowledged that good teacher education programmes have an integrative design - coursework learning and practice learning experiences in schools are mutually reinforcing (Darling-Hammond 2006). The practicum3 model, generally followed in South Africa, is the placing of student teachers in a variety of schools, in blocks, over the course of their 4 years of study, with the bulk of the school experience taking place during the fourth year. The expectation is that the school experience component, also referred to as Work Integrated Learning (WIL) in South Africa, should allow student teachers to experience the diversity of schooling in the country, although in functional schools, and that it should be formally supervised and assessed.
The model in the programme that we report on has an added dimension. In addition to the school experience in blocks, similar to other public teacher education institutions,4 the university collaborates with a public school located close to the university campus. This collaboration was initiated through an agreement with the school and the provincial department of education with a view to gradually establish the school as a 'Teaching School' (TS). Student teachers are involved in this school during all four years of the degree. Student teacher participation includes structured observation tasks, working as classroom assistants and doing limited teaching from their second year. Student teachers also participate in service learning, planning and implementing projects that will benefit the school. The teachers in the school are tasked to act as mentors to student teachers. The expectation is that they plan lessons with the student teachers and give guidance on the lesson preparation, assist with the development of teaching aids, assess student teachers when they teach, provide them with feedback on lesson presentation and guide them on classroom management.
The notion of a 'teaching school' emanates from the Strategic Planning Framework for Teacher Education and Development in South Africa 2011-20255 (Departments of Basic Education and Higher Education and Training [DBE & DHET] 2011). This Framework proposes the strengthening of the teaching practice or school experience component of teacher education programmes through, inter alia, establishing professional practice schools and TSs. Teaching schools, as envisaged in the Framework, show some similarities to university training schools in Finland (Ramsaroop 2016). Teaching schools are conceptualised as 'teaching laboratories' located close to a teacher education delivery site, where student teachers can engage in 'learning-from-practice' (DBE & DHET 2011:18). Learning from practice is explained in the Revised policy on the minimum requirements for teacher education qualifications as the study of practice using discursive resources to analyse practices to theorise practice (DHET 2015).
The gradual establishment of the TS commenced in 2013, starting with the upgrading of the infrastructure of the school. During that time the school was low-functional,6 not unlike many schools in South Africa, particularly in rural areas. Five years later, as a result of concerted development efforts, the school can be described as functional, although much still needs to be done to move it towards a high-functional school, which will enable student teachers to consistently experience a model environment and good teaching practices to emulate (Gravett & Ramsaroop 2017).
It is against this background that we report on a study that aimed to explore student teachers' views of their practice learning experiences in the TS and in other schools7 where they were placed for school experience. We wanted to delve into the proverbial 'black box' into which student teachers disappear during the practicum (Burn, Childs & McNicholl 2007) at schools. A secondary aim of the study was to investigate the validity of our perception that student teachers are of the view that their involvement in the TS substantially enhances practice learning. In addition, we were interested in obtaining insights into whether a TS indeed has the potential to considerably strengthen the teaching practice or school experience component of teacher education programmes through enabling meaningful WIL, as envisaged in the Framework (DBE & DHET 2011).
The next section explores the literature that frames the study. Then the research methods are discussed, followed by a presentation of the data and discussion of the findings.
School practicum as a fundamental component of initial teacher education
There is considerable agreement that learning to teach is optimised when 'theoretical knowledge' is combined with 'coherent, systematic, authentic and comprehensive practicum experiences' (Abdal-Haqq 1997:6). A recent study on high-performing education systems (Darling-Hammond et al. 2017) notes that teacher preparation in these systems includes well-mentored clinical experience. All of the countries recognise that student teachers learn best about teaching when they are in actual classrooms coached and supported by expert mentor teachers who model the practices they need to learn. In addition, student teachers across a range of international contexts attest to the value of school-based practicum in preparing them for teaching. They often claim that they gained more from the practicum than from the other components of their teacher education programme (White & Forgasz 2016).
Even though the practicum is clearly an indispensable component of pre-service teacher education, it is also contested. The teacher education literature abounds with questions and dilemmas related to the practicum (Bacevich et al. 2015; White & Forgasz 2016). These include questions about the purpose(s) of the practicum, timing, duration and sequence of the practicum within the programme; what student teachers should be doing (and not doing); how much responsibility they should be assigned; what they will learn and how; the assessment of their learning and development; and the type of contexts (mainly schools) suitable for practicum.
The purported purposes of the practicum vary. The term 'practice teaching' implies that the practicum provides the space for student teachers to learn the practice of teaching. The practicum is also viewed as workplace learning - a 'part of the learning process about the nature of teacher work' (McNamara, Jones & Murray 2015:8), 'a place in which the theory and practice divide may be overcome' (Flores 2015:246) and the setting for testing the validity of theories taught in coursework and for developing new theories through experiential learning (Korthagen 2011). The practicum allows student teachers to 'explore, practice, reflect, experiment, trial and demonstrate' (Hudson & Hudson 2011:321) coursework concepts, and to use the knowledge and try out the different teaching strategies that they are exposed to in their coursework (Feiman-Nemser 2001). From a sociocultural perspective, the practicum is conceptualised by Hollins (2015:x) as 'guided practice within a professional community', implying that student teachers learn 'with and from peers, expert practitioners and the students they teach' (Hollins 2015:xi).
Despite the many purposes that are considered in the literature, Bacevich et al. (2015:203) caution that the 'purpose frequently goes unexamined or unstated when teacher preparation programs create requirements for clinical experience. Clarity about purpose is critical in designing appropriate opportunities for novices' learning about teaching'.
The most favourable setting for school experience is also debateable. Some argue for placing student teachers in innovative and highly functional schools (Whitford & Metcalf-Turner 1999). Student teachers who were involved in teaching practice at well-functioning schools were more effective as teachers, even if they took up teaching positions in lower-functional schools (Ronfeldt & Reiniger 2012). Others maintain that student teachers must have a range of school experiences. Placing student teachers only in middle class schools may not prepare them adequately for challenges that are prevalent in low socio-economic schools (Cherry 2015; White & Forgasz 2016). Pennefather (cited in Robinson 2015:12) argues for placing student teachers in 'authentically diverse South African contexts'. In doing so, teacher education becomes more authentic. We agree that student teachers would benefit in the long run from exposure to a variety of schools, particularly if they encounter teachers who could serve as role models of how to deal with challenges in schools that are under-resourced or in impoverished communities - the situation in many schools in South Africa.
Research methods
We used a combination of quantitative and qualitative data to explore the student teachers' views of their practice learning experiences in the TS and at the WIL schools where they were involved in school experience.
We administered a questionnaire to the final-year student teachers (n = 100) enrolled in the Bachelor of Education in Foundation Phase Teaching. The questionnaire comprised questions with a Likert scale-type response. Students were asked to respond on a five-point scale, with 1 = not at all, 2 = a bit/some, 3 = an average amount, 4 = quite a lot and 5 = very much, to questions about how much they had learnt about specific teaching-related aspects through their involvement in the TS and WIL schools. The items included in the questionnaire not only related to aspects dealt with in the coursework methods courses, but also included aspects that are not typically dealt with in detail in the coursework, for example, classroom administration.
In addition, five focus group interviews were conducted, with 20 student teachers per group. Student teachers were asked to reflect on their learning experiences at the TS and WIL schools. The interviews allowed the student teachers to raise anything that they deemed important, but they were specifically prompted to talk about the nature of support and guidance they received from teachers. The interviews were audio-recorded.
Informed consent was obtained from the student teachers to use the data collected for research. They were notified of the purpose of the investigation, the procedures to be used to protect their anonymity and that their involvement was voluntary.
The responses to the questionnaire were analysed descriptively by counting the frequency of responses per item. To analyse the focus group interviews, we used the constant comparative method as adapted from Maykut and Morehouse (1994). We first obtained a holistic understanding of the interviews and noted the main ideas to be used as provisionally identified categories. Then we sorted identified units of meaning to the provisional categories, in the process of refining the categories, and also moving to higher levels of abstraction to eventually arrive at the themes that capture the prominent practice learning experiences of the student teachers - in WIL schools and in the TS. The credibility of the data analysis of the focus group interviews was addressed through testing of rival explanations. This implies that once categories were established, we purposefully looked for data not supporting the categories, thereby 'considering the weight of evidence' (Patton 1999:1191).
Results
The questionnaire results, showing the frequency of responses in relation to the items in the questionnaire, are presented in Table 1.
Figure 1 compares the views of student teachers (n = 100) on how much they learned at the TS and WIL schools, respectively, in relation to the questionnaire items.
Table 2 and Table 3 summarise the themes emanating from the analysed focus group data.
Table 2 and Table 3 pertain to the themes elicited from the focus group interviews in which student teachers were asked to reflect on their practice learning experiences at the WIL schools and the TS.
The questionnaire data show that, from the perspective of student teachers, practice learning in relation to the aspects dealt with in methods courses is indeed occurring during their involvement in schools - at TS and WIL schools. They indicate that some learning is taking place with regard to all the aspects included in the questionnaire. The data show that student teachers are of the view that they learned more through their participation in the TS than at WIL schools. This is to be expected. The TS is a functional school and teachers at the school are fully aware that they should be acting as mentors to student teachers.
Figure 1 shows that the student teachers rated their practice learning experiences in the TS positively with regard to all the items. The student teachers rated their practice learning experiences in terms of how much they learned at WIL schools in general much lower than at the TS, with the exception of one item - how to manage classroom administration.
When the results emanating from the focus group interview data are taken into account, the picture becomes bleaker. Overall, with a few exceptions, student teachers experienced their involvement at the WIL schools as discouraging. In general, they received little support and mentoring from teachers at these schools. Furthermore, they indicated contradictions between their coursework learning and what they observed at the schools.
A major challenge highlighted in relation to WIL schools is absent teachers or teachers who use the student teachers to work for them:
The teacher took leave as soon as I got to school. I was given her class to look after. It was difficult. I could not discipline the kids and felt frustrated.
Many times I was left to look after the kids and was frustrated by the kids' noise.
Teacher enjoyed having me around, she spent a lot of time in the staffroom and left me alone with the kids.
I am given a lot of responsibility, the teacher says it's her time to relax and watch me.
Student teachers indicated that little or no mentoring took place at WIL schools, as the following excerpts from the interviews attest:
Very little assistance is given to me concerning lesson planning, discipline and other classroom matters.
The teacher was good to me but insisted I just copy her lessons. I got no support or guidance on how to plan lessons.
The teacher could not understand my lesson plan and insisted I just take her lessons and copy them.
I don't like to go to the schools. Unlike XXX (the teaching school) teachers, these teachers don't like us, they give us a lot of work without explaining anything. (Student teacher, WIL school, n.d.)
Student teachers also experienced practices that are incongruent with what they learn in coursework at the WIL schools, particularly in relation to how to deal with school learners:
Learners were divided according to their abilities. Teacher focused on the clever kids only. (Student teacher, WIL school, n.d.)
The teachers do not pay attention to learners with learning barriers. They only work with the brilliant ones. Teachers' [sic] still use corporal punishment. Even though we were taught not to use it. (Student teacher, WIL school, n.d.)
Student teachers commented on the school environment of WIL schools, which was not conducive to learning:
The problem was that in the classroom there were two classes, learners from two classes and two teachers. The class was kind of over filled with 58 learners. (Student teacher, WIL school, n.d.)
The classroom was very empty, no teaching aids. Teacher says its time consuming to make them and she does not have money to buy. (Student teacher, WIL school, n.d.)
Even though negative observations dominate the student teachers' views on their learning experiences at WIL schools, positive experiences were also recounted, as shown in the following example:
The teacher is very welcoming and friendly and she has been teaching grade one for more than two decades and she has a lot of knowledge and she taught me discipline strategies, reading strategies and other important information. She guided me on how to do other things in class with the children. (Student teacher, WIL school, n.d.)
The student teachers reported on productive learning experiences at the TS. This included positive role modelling, assistance with lesson planning and helpful mentoring relationship with the teachers. They noted, for example:
The teacher helped me to prepare my lesson plans and showed me the themes and topics to use. She showed me all the teaching aids that they used during lessons and the workbooks both for classwork and homework. (Student teacher,TS, n.d.)
We plan with the teachers and they are of great help as they guide us on how to present the lessons and what teaching aids to prepare. (Student teacher, TS, n.d.)
The teacher was friendly. She made it easy for me in all times. She is a good mentor, good guiding skills and calm. The teacher was very supportive. (Student teacher, TS, n.d.)
The teacher showed some good qualities that a teacher should possess always. The teacher was always supportive to the learners and acted as guidance regularly. (Student teacher, TS, n.d.)
She told me just to be myself during my presentations, and showed me how to react when encountering disturbing issues like when there is chaos in the class. (Student teacher, TS, n.d.)
It was mentioned that some positive changes had occurred at the TS. The teachers at the school had not always been as welcoming. Thus, the development efforts at the school have paid dividends:
Teachers at the teaching school are welcoming now. In the previous years they did not want us in the classrooms and did not engage us in the lessons. They taught and we were left sitting there, without communicating with us, nor allowing us to do anything in their classroosms. (Student teacher, TS, n.d.)
Ethical considerations
The research-related work in this school had overall ethical clearance in a similar way as the teaching school (Funda UJabule School) at the University of Johannesburg Soweto Campus.
This study was carried out in accordance with the guidelines as set out by the University of Johannesburg, Faculty of Education Ethics committee and guidelines of governing body overseeing research in the teaching school. All participants gave written informed consent in accordance with the Declaration of Helsinki.
Student teachers' practice learning experiences: Fruitful and troubled
The overall pattern in the data shows that the student teachers are of the view that the practice learning experiences were fruitful - more so not only at the TS, but also at the WIL schools, despite difficulties experienced at these schools. It is of course difficult to ascertain whether or not the practicum in WIL schools reinforced patterns of behaviour, which may perpetuate the undesirable habits and practices present at low-performing schools. The workplace learning risk that Korthagen (2016:358) identifies is pertinent here. He warns that practical experience does not equal professional development. In fact, it can easily become a process of 'socialization into established patterns'.
The results also show the dilemmas that are prevalent with regard to the school experience component of initial teacher education programmes in South Africa. This is even more so in the rural areas.
We concur that student teachers should be involved in schools where they would experience some correspondence between coursework learning and the approach of the school where good practice is modelled (Banks et al. 2005; Darling-Hammond & Baratz-Snowden 2005). We also agree that coherent teacher education relies on the collaboration of the 'triad' (Bacevich et al. 2015:203) - student teacher, the supervising teacher at the school and the teacher educators.
However, this remains an elusive ideal at the majority of teacher education institutions (TEIs) in South Africa. At this university, all the students live in residences on the university campus. The number of schools that are within travelling distance of the residences is not sufficient to accommodate the student teachers. Furthermore, the student teachers must have the opportunity to teach in one of the two African languages offered by the university. One of the languages is not used in schools in the area surrounding the university. In addition, the vast majority of the student teachers come from impoverished backgrounds. Thus, they do not have sufficient financial means to travel long distances to schools. Despite being not ideal, the only reasonable way to deal with this is that student teachers are involved in school experience close to their homes. This would enable them to stay at home for the duration of the school experience. Many of these schools are low-functional. Another issue is that, because of the long distances and the wide spread of placements, the small group of teacher educators are not able to visit a student teacher more than once at the schools. Consequently, developing a collaborative relationship with the teachers who host student teachers at these schools is tricky. The research of Robinson (2015) indicates that the school experience issues at this university are not unique. Other TEIs in South Africa have similar predicaments and many concede that their arrangements for school experience and collaboration with the WIL schools are not optimal because of resource constraints.
Another dilemma is that teachers who are supposed to serve as mentors for student teachers are often not taking up this role. The data point to this. Some show no interest - they leave the student teachers alone with the children - while others do not provide any guidance. The research conducted by Marais and Meier (2004) with 165 third-year student teachers at a South African university also identifies inadequate mentoring as an issue. If mentoring is lacking, the result is that work becomes subordinate to learning - 'work rather than learning' becomes the 'leading activity' (Conway, Murphy & Rutherford 2014:221) during school experience. Student teachers are given limited or no opportunity for 'peripheral participation' (Lave & Wenger 1991) because they must take 'full responsibility roles prematurely' (Conway et al. 2014:230).
One can only speculate about the reasons for this teacher behaviour. However, research on school experience in the South African context reveals that what the student teachers describe in this study is not unique. The school experience component of teacher education programmes is often afflicted by difficulties (Mukeredzi & Mandrona 2013). Challenges include lack of time and space to mentor student teachers because of heavy teaching loads and overcrowded classrooms (Robinson 2015). Other studies note that teachers are unwilling or reluctant to mentor student teachers (Mutemeri & Chetty 2011; Odendaal 2015) and student teachers report on teachers 'disappearing' (Kiggundu & Nayimuli 2009).
The quantitative and qualitative data reveal supportive practice learning experiences in the TS. The questionnaire did not touch on the role of the mentor teachers in producing the learning. This can be inferred from the focus group interview data. Student teachers point to the personal attributes of teachers - calm, friendly and supportive. Furthermore, the data signal that the teachers are beginning to view themselves as 'teacher educators willing to plan for the learning of a novice' (Feiman-Nemser & Buchman 1985:64). This is encouraging particularly because the teachers at the school were not specifically selected for the role of teaching schoolteachers - they are 'ordinary' teachers employed in the school.
In describing their experiences in the TS, student teachers noted the guidance role of the teachers, especially in terms of lesson planning and presentation. Modelling of good practice, aligned with coursework, is also mentioned, particularly in relation to classroom discipline and working with children with differing abilities. Thus, the teachers are delivering on the tasks assigned to them as mentor teachers. However, the data signal that teachers are not moving beyond providing support and giving practical advice on the presentation of lessons and classroom management skills, as important as these are. Mentoring needs to guide student teachers towards pedagogical decision-making within the complexity of the classroom (Ramsaroop 2016). School experience is the ideal space to foreground the 'unpredictability and messiness inherent in practice' (Grossman et al. 2009:2061). This implies inter alia that mentor teachers need to 'inquire into reasons for actions' rather than telling student teachers how to perform (Smith & Ulvick 2014:268).
So - what is to be done? We are of the view that despite the challenging environment that the WIL schools presented and the incongruence between coursework and school experiences that student teachers encountered, school experience in these schools potentially enables an understanding of the challenges that are typical in many South African schools. Thus, we argue for placing students in a variety of schools, even low-functional schools. An important point here is that student teachers must be prepared thoroughly for the circumstances that they may encounter, even though some were probably educated in similar schools. As students of teaching they must be assisted to move beyond and challenge the 'apprenticeship of observation' (Lortie 1975). For this, they need 'lenses for seeing and making sense of practice' (Cochran-Smith & Lytle 1999:292) that will help them to actively seek practice learning opportunities and to avoid a deficit attitude towards the school experience. They must be prepared to look intentionally for what the teachers in the WIL schools 'do have to offer' (instead of what they do not offer), even if the teachers' teaching practices 'do not align to the ideal of ambitious practice' (Horn & Campbell 2015:154).
Thorough debriefing after returning from school experience could become a productive practice learning experience through eliciting 'student concerns' (Kessels & Korthagen 2001) as 'generative themes' (Shor 1992) to invoke discussion and reflection. Student teachers should be allowed to express their frustrations, but practice learning should be foregrounded. Student teachers could be requested to comment, in turn, on at least one important learning during school experience and how this has influenced their vision of teaching (Beck & Kosnik 2017). Debriefing conversations also provide the space to reinforce the relevance of coursework for the challenges that student teachers encountered. Kessels and Korthagen (2001) explain how guided reflection on student teachers' concrete experiences and 'concerns' could generate powerful learning. The guided reflection helps to structure the experiences and concerns for student teachers through, for example, 'clarification, classification, extracting core ideas and principles inherent to the experience and making tentative generalizations through extrapolation' (Gravett & Ramsaroop 2017:7). Such guided reflection conversations make for fertile ground to fruitfully (re)introduce pertinent ideas from the coursework.
However, we maintain that student teachers must preferably be exposed to good practice before encountering challenging practice. Once student teachers have experienced a high-functioning school and modelling of exemplary teaching practices, combined with mentoring by expert teachers, they will be in a much better position to deal with the challenges in low-functional schools (Ramsaroop 2016). The student teachers at this university encountered the dailyness of teacher work in a functional school. Also, there was some modelling of good practice and some mentoring. Were it not for the TS, the majority of the student teachers would not have been exposed to practice that has some congruence with coursework learning and teachers who model such practice. It potentially also implies that student teachers within the same programme may have vastly different practicum experiences, resulting in unequal opportunities to learn the practice of teaching (Bacevich et al. 2015:203).
We are of the view that a TS holds much promise for serving as an intentionally designed 'learning place' (Conway et al. 2014) for educating student teachers. To us this is a place where 'intentional investigation of practice' (Cochran-Smith & Lytle 1999:250) can take place and where 'cognitive apprenticeship' (Collins, Brown & Holum 1991) learning can be foregrounded. Apprenticeship learning in teacher education would involve that the mentor teacher uses modelling, scaffolding, fading and coaching to guide student teachers. However, we argue that these actions are inadequate on their own. Teaching is complex. Therefore, it is not beneficial to student teachers to emulate the behaviour or actions of mentor teachers unless the student teachers gain access to the reasoning that underlies the expert teachers' actions. Mentor teachers must make their thinking explicit to student teachers (Gravett & Ramsaroop 2017).
Our study, although involving only one TEI, suggests that a TS as a teacher education site holds the promise to strengthen initial teacher education considerably. Darling-Hammond et al. (2017) note that in virtually all of the countries with high-performing school systems, school-university partnerships are developed or strengthened to provide clinical experience for connecting theory and practice. Finnish teacher education is widely acknowledged as a world leader in teacher education (Darling-Hammond et al. 2017). In Finland, the bulk of practice teaching takes place at university-affiliated schools. These schools work very closely with the university and are integral to the initial teacher education system in Finland. During their practice teaching, student teachers observe lessons taught by expert teachers and they teach under the guidance of the supervising teachers (Sahlberg 2010). Also, within the South African context, encouraging results are reported (Gravett & Ramsaroop 2017; Loukomies, Petersen & Lavonen 2018) in relation to the potential of TSs for bolstering student teacher learning for the teaching profession (Ramsaroop 2016), despite challenges (Gravett, Petersen & Petker 2014).
However, we argue that if the full affordances of TSs are to be developed, investment in these schools is required. This investment needs to focus particularly on the leadership of and teachers at the school. Commitment of the school leadership towards developing the school into an environment where student teachers will experience exemplary practice is crucial, coupled with the development of the teachers to strengthen their practice towards becoming 'expert teachers'. Student teachers need the guidance of expert teachers as mentors who can demonstrate how to organise 'productive learning activities and respond to both predictable and unexpected problems that arise in classrooms' (LePage et al. 2005:353). There are similarities between experienced teachers and expert teachers, but expert teachers have a multidimensional perspective of the classroom; they integrate a range of skills, strategies and routines to make appropriate judgements in the classroom and they perform 'at a significantly higher level than what is gained through experience in itself' (Smith & Ulvik 2014:269).
Furthermore, focused mentor development is required. A good (and even expert) teacher does not automatically become a good mentor teacher, and the skills needed for mentoring do not 'naturally grow out of accumulated teaching experience' (Smith & Ulvik 2014:268). Feiman-Nemser and Buchman (1985) rightly make the point that:
If classrooms are to become settings for learning to teach that go beyond adaptation and unreflective imitation, purposes of learning to teach cannot automatically be subordinated to the goal of pupil learning. Teachers also must see themselves as teacher educators willing to plan for the learning of a novice. (p. 64)
They also maintain that becoming a teacher educator implies that the teacher must shift into another role. A teacher's experience as teacher alone is not sufficient. Teachers must be prepared for their roles as mentor teachers (Smith & Ulvik 2014).
Conclusion
In this article, we reported on the practice learning experiences of a group of final-year student teachers. We found that student teachers are of the view that through their involvement in WIL schools and the TS they learned about a variety of aspects related to teaching practice. Thus, school involvement fosters practice learning, despite difficulties encountered in WIL schools. Furthermore, student teachers reported on significant learning gains in the TS.
We made the case that student teachers could benefit from school experience even when the circumstances are less than favourable. However, they need to be prepared well to enable them to see these schools as sites of learning. In addition, reflection guided by post-school experience, coupled with input from teacher educators, drawing on coursework ideas, is essential. Furthermore, we are of the view that the notion of TSs suggested in the Framework (DBE & DHET 2011) indeed has the potential to strengthen the teaching practice or school experience component of teacher education programmes through enabling meaningful WIL. International experience with school partnerships and the experience with a TS at another South African university also attest to this.
Acknowledgements
The support from funders, USAID and Elma Foundation, to support the development of the teaching school is gratefully acknowledged.
Competing interests
The authors declare that they have no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced them in writing this article.
Authors' contributions
L.J. was responsible for data collection and analysis and input into the writing. S.J.G. was responsible for guiding the research design, literature review and writing up of the article.
Funding information
The development work in the teaching school was supported mainly by a USAID and Elma Foundation grant.
Data availability statement
Data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study.
Disclaimer
The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the authors.
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Smith, K. & Ulvik, M., 2014, 'Learning to teach in Norway: A shared responsibility', in O. McNamara, J. Murray & M. Jones (eds.), Workplace learning in teacher education: International practice and policy: 10 (Professional learning and development in schools and higher education), Kindle edn., pp. 262-278, Springer, Heidelberg.
White, S. & Forgasz, R., 2016, 'The practicum: The place of experience?', in J. Loughran & M.L. Hamilton (eds.), International handbook of teacher education, pp. 231-266, Springer, Singapore.
Whitford, B.L. & Metcalf-Turner, P., 1999, 'Of promises and unresolved puzzles: Reforming teacher education with professional development schools', in G. Griffin (ed.), The education of teachers: 98th NSSE Yearbook of the National Society for the Study of Education, pp. 257-278, National Society for the Study of Education, n.p.
Correspondence:
Sarah Gravett
sgravett@uj.ac.za
Received: 04 Sept. 2018
Accepted: 23 Mar. 2019
Published: 07 Nov. 2019
1 . We use the term 'practice learning' to refer to student teachers' learning from and in practice at the 'teaching school' and the other schools where they are involved in school experience.
2 . The term 'foundation phase' refers to the first 4 years of schooling in South Africa.
3 . Many terms are used in the literature to refer to the time that student teachers spend in schools as part of their teacher education programmes, for example, practicum, teaching practice, student teaching, practice teaching, field experience and clinical experiences. In South Africa, the term 'work integrated learning' (WIL) is used to refer to learning in the workplace - classroom and school settings. It includes 'learning-from-practice' and 'learning-in-practice', taking place in classrooms and school settings. The term 'school experience' is also widely used. We use both terms in the article when referring to the South African situation.
4 . In South Africa, the far majority of teachers are educated at public higher education institutions, namely, universities or universities of technology. We use the term 'teacher education institution' in this article to refer to these institutions.
5 . Hereafter referred to as 'the Framework'.
6 . We view a functional school as a well-run and well-managed school in which there is basic compliance in terms of teaching hours, curriculum coverage and good teaching practices. The school environment is clean and there is evidence of efforts to create an environment conducive for teaching and learning.
7 . Also referred to as WIL schools in the rest of the article.
EDITORIAL
Elizabeth PretoriusI; Sarah MurrayII
IDepartment of Linguistics, University of South Africa, Pretoria, South Africa
IICentre for Social Development, Rhodes University, Grahamstown, South Africa
Traditional tales serve not only to entertain children but also to impart values and convey important life lessons. In the traditional tale of Goldilocks and the Three Bears, the seemingly fussy little protagonist dismisses things that are either too hot or too cold, too high or too low, too hard or too soft - she wants things to be 'just right'. The metaphysical insight from this fairy tale has been adopted in the scientific world and dubbed the Goldilocks effect; it refers to a situation where a set of 'just right' conditions must be obtained for something to flourish. The theme of this special collection of the South African Journal of Childhood Education, 'Reducing inequalities in and through literacy in the early years of schooling', represents an ongoing quest in the academic, research and education community to improve the literacy levels of learners in our schools. Like Goldilocks, we also want things to be 'just right' in homes and schools so that our learners can flourish.
Over a decade of findings from both large- and small-scale studies in South Africa - and Southern Africa - consistently reflect low reading abilities of learners, not only at primary school but also at high school and tertiary level. Clearly, our learners are not flourishing, which means that the Goldilocks conditions specific to reading development are not all in place. To reduce inequalities in and through literacy in the early years requires an understanding of the Goldilocks effect in reading.
However, an understanding of the Goldilocks effect in any field of scientific study requires a sound understanding of both the phenomenon under study and the conditions that separately and collectively enable the phenomenon to flourish. Understanding the Goldilocks effect also requires understanding what happens when one, some, or all of these conditions are not obtained and how this affects the different components of the phenomenon, causing it to go into distress.
Reading is a complex phenomenon with different facets or components. Understanding the Goldilocks effect depends heavily on an in-depth understanding of how literacy develops in all our languages, cognitively, linguistically, affectively and socially; how various factors in the environment support or impede literacy development; how learners come to use literacy for different purposes in critical and meaningful ways; and what pedagogical implications can be drawn from all these findings.
We already know much about reading and its Goldilocks conditions. Sixty years of reading research across the world has provided converging evidence from diverse academic disciplines and perspectives for us to know that reading is multifaceted; it is an individual cognitive-linguistic, neurolinguistic and affective accomplishment. It is also a socially constructed phenomenon serving different purposes across diverse communities. We also know that children are launched on successful reading trajectories if they have parents who read storybooks to them at home, have ready access to books in homes and at school, have opportunities to read on a regular basis, are actively motivated to read by role models around them, know the code in which written language is represented and have supportive and knowledgeable teachers.
However, much of this knowledge comes from reading research conducted on reading in English (the language in which most reading research has been conducted) or reading in different European alphabetic languages, or Asian languages with logographic writing systems. English is an isolating language and most European languages are inflectional languages. African languages are agglutinating languages. Much of the reading research also comes from fairly industrialised societies, with higher socio-economic indices, higher adult literacy rates and ample physical and written resources available in homes and schools. In contrast, education systems in Africa and other developing countries have to deal with widespread poverty, lower adult literacy rates, fewer physical resources in schools and fewer written materials in various languages.
Although we already know quite well about reading and its Goldilocks conditions, we need to build on this knowledge, extend it, fine-tune it and continuously critique it to ensure that our knowledge base includes understandings of differences across languages, orthographies and contexts. For example, we need to know more about how early reading develops in syllabic agglutinating African languages with transparent orthographies. We also need to know how the conjunctive and disjunctive orthographies of the Sotho and Nguni language families affect early reading trajectories in these languages. This kind of fine-tuning in our reading knowledge has implications for fine-tuning our teaching practices. Early reading instruction in African languages needs to be informed by a carefully researched evidence base of the cognitive-linguistic processes at play when reading in African languages, and how pedagogy can effectively support these processes. We need to move away from instruction that is tangentially informed by reading practices derived mainly from English, or by anecdotal reassurances that 'this really works!' derived from intuitive claims about language and hunches about what is happening in the mind of a young reader while reading.
We also need to expand and fine-tune our knowledge of the written resources available in our various languages, various age groups for which they are targeted, the genres they serve and the ways in which teachers can put such materials to productive and meaningful use in classrooms. Expanding and fine-tuning is also needed regarding our knowledge of the way in which oral language proficiency, especially in dynamic multilingual, multicultural countries such as South Africa, impacts reading in one or more languages, and how reading in turn impacts oral language. Although having knowledgeable teachers in classrooms is desirable, what exactly do teachers need to know and how well do they need to know it to launch their learners on successful reading trajectories?
The aim of this special issue is to move the field of research on early reading instruction in multilingual African contexts forward by examining more closely and rigorously the interplay between resource, learner, language and teacher factors in early literacy development. The six articles in this special edition make a contribution to this expansion and fine-tuning in various ways.
The first article by Yvonne Reed draws attention to one of the fundamental conditions needed for children to become readers - namely, availability of and easy access to reading material. However, as she points out, there is a paucity of authentic texts available in African languages that are suitable for young readers. Reed uses the case of the African Storybook (ASb) initiative as a potential model for cost-effectively generating and publishing literature online in multiple languages for young readers. The ASb website provides free access to stories produced by teachers, librarians and education students across Africa who form the website community, and also to stories created by ASb staff in the central office in Johannesburg. The opportunity exists for community members to translate stories from one language into another. Drawing on reports, evaluations and interviews, Reed explores the successes of the ASb initiative and some of its challenges. She concludes that its success is largely because of its digital open licence publishing model, its responsive website and mixed delivery methods, its collaborative approach involving formal and informal partnerships, and the creativity and responsiveness of staff involved. Its main challenge is engaging with national and provincial governments where decisions about teacher education, curricula and provisioning are made because these decisions influence teachers' engagement with the website and uptake of the resources.
The next three articles by Carien Wilsenach, Tracy Probert, and Janeli Kotze and Martine Schaeffer focus on the early cognitive-linguistic aspects of reading accomplishment, especially in relation to agglutinating African languages with conjunctive and disjunctive orthographies. Because African languages are syllable timed languages, it is pedagogically intuitive to teach early reading using a syllabic approach. However, African languages use an alphabetic orthography that represents language at the phonemic level in writing. Furthermore, African languages are agglutinating languages with a rich morphology, and morphemes can vary in size, from a single phoneme, to a syllable or a unit larger than a syllable. Wilsenach and Probert look at the role of grain sizes in decoding in Northern Sotho, Xhosa and Setswana, respectively, in relation to phonological (and morphological) awareness amongst Grade 3 (and 4) learners. Both authors used innovative measures that were especially adapted to the phonological and morphological features of the languages in which they tested the children. Both authors also reported that the reading abilities of the learners in both studies were low and that they read very slowly. However, while Wilsenach found phonemic awareness to be a significant predictor of word recognition in Northern Sotho (similar to findings by Malda, Nel and Van de Vijver [2014] for Setswana, and Kotze and Schaefer for isiZulu and siSwati [this edition]), Probert found syllabic awareness to be a significant predictor of word recognition in isiXhosa and Setswana (similar to Tolchinsky and Jisa [2017] in Spanish - a syllabic language with a transparent orthography like the African languages). Are these different findings artefacts of the tools used to assess the learners? Do these findings reflect learners at different stages of early reading? The fact that the learners performed better in syllable awareness than in phoneme awareness tasks reflects the developmental sequence of larger grain sizes (syllables) developing before smaller ones (phonemes), as documented in other alphabetic languages (e.g. Alcock et al. 2010; Ziegler & Goswami 2006). However, the jury is still out with regard to which grain size predicts successful reading in agglutinating African languages and more research, especially of a longitudinal nature, needs to be conducted in this area. What we learn from both studies is that phoneme awareness does not develop early. Although neither of the studies looked at the way in which decoding was taught in the classrooms, the findings suggest that phoneme awareness does not spontaneously develop in languages with a simple syllable structure and a transparent orthography; classroom instruction helps develop such awareness. Both these studies contribute to an understanding of how linguistic and orthographic features of African languages need to be taken into consideration for better understanding reading development in these languages and the kind of classroom pedagogy that can best support it.
Another under-researched area in our multilingual country is how reading develops in two languages within the formal schooling system. Kotze and Schaeffer use longitudinal data over a year to look at the interaction between various language- and reading-related skills amongst Grade 1 learners who are becoming biliterate in isiZulu or isiSwati as Home Language (HL) and English as First Additional Language (FAL). They examine which HL and FAL skills at the start of Grade 1 are associated with English FAL literacy at the end of Grade 1. Their data are drawn from a larger intervention study involving 3327 learners who were randomly selected from 180 Quintiles 1-3 isiZulu and SiSwati medium schools in Mpumalanga. To eliminate specific instructional effects, they included only the data from 1347 Grade 1 learners from 80 control schools in this study. These learners were assessed on various isiZulu or SiSwati and English skills at the start and end of Grade 1. Various findings are of relevance to a better understanding of Goldilocks conditions in bilingual reading when it is 'business as usual' in schools, without specific interventions. For example, oral proficiency in both languages was positively associated with word reading ability. However, a wide variability was found in HL vocabulary and listening comprehension at the start of Grade 1, pointing to the need of more research in the way that oral language proficiency, especially vocabulary, develops in the African languages and can support reading in both HL and English FAL. In addition, phoneme awareness and knowledge of letter-sound correspondences in HL were predictors of word reading abilities in both languages at the end of Grade 1. Significantly, they found a higher number of learners in the control schools who could not identify a single letter sound correctly after spending a year in Grade 1 and who could not therefore read words accurately, either from a word list or in a passage. Having a better understanding of the kinds of skills that children need for successful early reading in both HL and FAL helps us focus on the classroom and teaching conditions needed to help learners flourish.
While some may regard attention to these kinds of cognitive-linguistic minutiae as too technicist for their liking, it is imperative to undertake this kind of research in the African context to further advance theory building in the early stages of reading across different languages.
The last two articles look at issues related to teacher knowledge and practices and have relevance for the 'just right' teacher and classroom conditions that can help learners flourish in their reading. Lieke Stoffelsma looks at the English vocabulary teaching strategies of eight Grade 3 teachers in two different contexts: four teachers who taught English HL learners and four Xhosa HL teachers who taught English FAL learners, both in the Eastern Cape province. What the teachers had in common was that they all taught in schools that serve poor communities. Interviews and classroom observations were used for data collection. While the teachers showed a fairly wide range of vocabulary teaching strategies that are commonly identified in the literature, the strategies seemed to serve immediate short-term needs, such as explaining the meaning of a word, but did not seem to serve more enduring needs, such as challenging and engaging the learners in active learning, or using the strategies to help learners take ownership of their own vocabulary learning. The English FAL teachers relied heavily on their L1 for vocabulary instruction. The findings have implications for both pre- and in-service teaching development programmes, where teachers are made aware of the different ways in which vocabulary can be nurtured in bilingual education systems.
Matiekase Kao and Jabulile Mzimela look at a much neglected aspect of reading, especially in the African context, namely, that of teaching early reading to learners with visual impairment. Using a small case study design involving three teachers in a School for the Blind in Maseru, Lesotho, they examine the technological, pedagogical and content knowledge that teachers need for the effective teaching of Braille reading in classrooms with visually impaired learners. Document analysis, interviews and classroom observations were used for data collection. They found that the teachers tended to teach Braille as a 'stand-alone' skill and without linking it to the children's own world and experiences, while the development of oral language proficiency and the teaching of other pre-reading skills to Grade R learners were neglected. The study calls for more quality in-service teacher education programmes that can support Grade R teachers of learners with visual impairment and help them develop a wider range of knowledge and skills to nurture emergent literacy skills in inclusive classrooms.
The Goldilocks effect requires an understanding of 'just right' conditions at all levels of the reading phenomenon. If children do not have easy and regular access to texts in their languages, or if they do not understand the written code well enough to recognise words fast and accurately on their own, they go into distress rather than flourish, resulting in reading comprehension failure, as documented in the Progress in International Reading Literacy Study (PIRLS) 2016 results (Howie et al. 2017). Similarly, even if teachers are well intentioned and try their best in the classroom, inadequate grasp of content or pedagogic knowledge related to reading can jeopardise the classroom conditions needed for learners to flourish as engaged and critical meaning-making readers. We believe that readers will enjoy reading the articles in this special edition as they all make a contribution to a deeper reflection and understanding of the various 'just right' conditions needed for reading to flourish in African schools.
References
Alcock, K.J., Ngorosho, D., Deus, C. & Jukes, M.C.H., 2010, 'We don't have language at our house: Disentangling the relationship between phonological awareness, schooling and literacy', British Journal of Educational Psychology 80(1), 55-76. https://doi.org/10.1348/000709909X424411 [ Links ]
Howie, S., Combrinck, C., Tshele, M., McLeod Palane, N. & Mokoena, G., 2017, PIRLS 2016: South African highlights report, University of Pretoria, Pretoria.
Malda, M., Nel, C. & Van de Vijver, F.J.R., 2014, 'The road to reading for South African learners: The role of orthographic depth', Learning and Individual Differences 30, 34-45. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.lindif.2013.11.008 [ Links ]
Tolchinsky, L. & Jisa, H., 2017, 'Literacy development in Romance languages', in N. Kucirkova, C.E. Snow, V. Grover & C. McBride (eds.), The Routledge international handbook of early literacy education: A contemporary guide to literacy teaching in a global context, pp. 112-123, Routledge, Oxford, New York.
Ziegler, J.C. & Goswami, U., 2006, 'Becoming literate in different languages: Similar problems, different solutions', Developmental Science 9(5), 429-436. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-7687.2006.00509.x [ Links ]
Correspondence:
Elizabeth Pretorius
pretoej@unisa.ac.za
ORIGINAL RESEARCH
A comparison of the early reading strategies of isiXhosa and Setswana first language learners
Tracy N. Probert
Department of English Language and Linguistics, Rhodes University, Makhanda, South Africa
ABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: A large amount of evidence highlights the obvious inequalities in literacy results of South African learners. Despite this, a sound understanding of how learners approach the task of reading in the African languages is lacking.
AIM: This article examines the role of the syllable, phoneme and morpheme in reading in transparent, agglutinating languages. The focus is on whether differences in the orthographies of isiXhosa and Setswana influence reading strategies through a comparative study of the interaction between metalinguistic skills and orthography.
SETTING: Data was collected from Grade 3 first-language and Grade 4 Setswana home-language learners attending no fee schools in the Eastern Cape and North West Province respectively.
METHODS: Learners were tested on four linguistic tasks: an open-ended decomposition task, a phonological awareness task, a morphological awareness task and an oral reading fluency task. These tasks were administered to determine the grain size unit which learners use in connected-text reading.
RESULTS: The results indicated that syllables were the dominant grain size in both isiXhosa and Setswana, with the use of morphemes as secondary grains in isiXhosa. These results are reflected in the scores of the metalinguistic tasks.
CONCLUSION: This research contributes to an understanding of how linguistic and orthographic features of African languages need to be taken into consideration in understanding literacy development.
Keywords: early literacy; reading strategies; isiXhosa; Setswana; grain size in word recognition; metalinguistic skills; conjunctive versus disjunctive orthography.
Introduction
South African education continues to be crippled by a literacy crisis. This is highlighted by ongoing school literacy evaluations. For example, according to the most recent Progress in International Reading Literacy Study (Howie et al. 2017), 78% of South African Grade 4 learners do not have basic reading skills and are at least 6 years behind the top performing countries, with 8 in 10 children unable to read for meaning (Howie et al. 2017). Reading performance in the African languages was particularly low, with 90% of Grade 4 learners tested in Setswana unable to read for meaning, with a similarly large percentage in isiXhosa learners, 88% (Howie et al. 2017). This has implications for later academic success for these learners, as they are constantly playing catch-up and this further entrenches inequalities in early literacy, which are evident in the current literacy results. The sources of the problem of the literacy crisis are multifaceted, with the majority of the studies on educational inequality focusing on social, historical and political issues.1 In addition, there are linguistic dimensions that need to be considered, such as the unique structure of the Southern Bantu languages, the different writing systems which they employ and decoding challenges associated with these orthographies. This is important in that the type of linguistic unit that best predicts successful reading depends on the language and the characteristics of the orthography in which children are learning to read (Goswami 2002; Ziegler et al. 2010), which, in turn, has pedagogical implications for early reading instruction.
One of the reasons why South African readers are listed as some of the poorest in the world (Howie et al. 2008, 2012, 2017) is that very little is known about how reading works in the African languages. Attempts at reducing inequalities through literacy depend to a large extent on understanding the factors that promote success in reading in these languages. Appropriate pedagogical methodologies which are based on the unique features of the African languages will prove immensely advantageous for improving literacy levels and empowering speakers of these languages.
Orthography and word structure in isiXhosa and Setswana
IsiXhosa and Setswana fall within the Southern Bantu language family, more specifically the Nguni language group (which includes isiXhosa, isiZulu, isiNdebele and SiSwati) and the Sotho language group (Setswana, Southern and Northern Sotho), respectively. The Southern Bantu languages2 in South Africa are agglutinating languages with mostly transparent orthographies. A word in the Southern Bantu languages includes rich, overt morphology. Nouns include noun class prefixes as well as stems, whereas verbs include morphological reflexes of subject marking, object marking, tense, aspect, mood, causativity and negation amongst others (Nurse & Phillipson 2003). Therefore, what is said to constitute a word in the Southern Bantu languages (specifically in the Nguni languages) tends to be much longer than what would be said to constitute a word in English:
(1) (a) star (English)
~ inkwenkwezi (isiXhosa)
NC9.star
(b) to use (English)
~ ukusebenzisa (isiXhosa)
INF.use.CAUS.FV
Furthermore, linguistic structure is mediated through orthography (Probert & De Vos 2016). Both isiXhosa and Setswana are agglutinating languages containing long, multimorphemic words; however, the Sotho group tends to have a disjunctive orthography,3 while the Nguni group has a conjunctive orthography. The examples below show that in isiXhosa, the morphological word coincides with the orthographic word (2a), but that in Setswana, the morphological word is represented by several orthographic words in that blank spaces are placed between the morphemes that make up the word (2b). The morphological word refers to the piece of speech which behaves as a unit of pronunciation as well as meaning in context, and as a domain for linguistic procedures, while the orthographic word refers to a written sequence bounded by spaces at each end (Trask 2004). It is the correspondence between orthographic and morphological words which distinguishes conjunctive orthographies from disjunctive orthographies:
(2) a. Ndiyababona SM1.SG.PRES.OM2.see.FV4
'I see them' (isiXhosa)
(one morphological word and one orthographic word)b. Ke a ba bona
SM1.SG.PRES.OM2.see.FV
'I see them' (Setswana)
(one morphological word and four orthographic words)
When learning to read, a reader is faced with language-specific processing challenges when attempting to recognise words in a particular language which, in turn, presupposes language-specific reading strategies. This leads one to the question of how readers unpack words in the Southern Bantu languages where the notion of what constitutes a 'word' differs across the different language groups. This is important for reading instructional methods and materials, as there is no one-size-fits-all approach to fluent reading across languages (Probert & De Vos 2016).
Current methods used to teach reading in the African languages often fail to consider the unique linguistic characteristics of these languages (Probert & De Vos 2016). Much of the current instructions used in South African classrooms is borrowed from the teaching of early reading in English (Pretorius & Spaull 2016). This is not necessarily the best way to teach early reading in African languages, given that the writing systems of the African languages are different to that of English, as illustrated in (1) and (2). English is an analytic language with an opaque orthography, whereas the African languages are agglutinating with transparent orthographies. Linguistic differences and similarities between English and the African languages which influence aspects of reading are seldom dealt with in teacher training programmes (Pretorius & Spaull 2016). Therefore, there is a lack of applied knowledge about how best to teach reading in the African languages, which is informed by linguistic principles. Furthermore, there is a complete absence of research on how differences in the disjunctive and conjunctive writing systems might engender different reading profiles or developmental trajectories, which has pedagogical implications for how best to teach reading in agglutinating African languages.
Word recognition, orthography and metalinguistic skills
The term 'metalinguistic skill' refers to the 'ability to identify, analyse and manipulate language forms' (Koda 2007:2). The two metalinguistic skills under investigation in this study are morphological awareness and phonological awareness. Morphological awareness is the readers' conscious awareness of the morphemic structure of words and their ability to reflect on and manipulate the meaningful parts of words (Kirby et al. 2012; McBride-Chang et al. 2005). Phonological awareness is the awareness that words can be broken down into units so that one can manipulate the individual sounds and syllables, which may not have meaning (Anthony & Francis 2005; Chard & Dickson 1999; Stahl & Murray 1994).
A number of studies have demonstrated that phonological awareness plays a fundamental role in reading success in alphabetic orthographies (Bradley & Bryant 1985; Castles & Colheart 2004; Stanovich, Cunningham & Cramer 1984). Phonological awareness is especially important in the early stages of literacy acquisition, when the regularity of phoneme-to-grapheme correspondence helps the reader recognise or decode new words. Wilsenach (2013) and Diemer, van der Merwe and de Vos (2015) show the significance of phonological awareness for reading in Northern Sotho and isiXhosa, respectively. In particular, Diemer et al. (2015) showed that learners perform much better at syllable awareness tasks than they do at phoneme awareness tasks. It must be acknowledged that while the syllabic nature of African languages might contribute to high levels of syllable awareness, this is not the only contributory factor. Children tend to do better at syllable awareness tasks than phoneme awareness ones as phoneme level tasks are more difficult. Therefore, younger children master syllable awareness more easily than phoneme awareness (Perfetti 1994; Shankweiler & Fowler 2004; Wilsenach 2013). In addition to this, phoneme awareness is influenced by learning of letter-sound relationships. It is for this reason that phoneme awareness generally correlates with reading success more than syllable awareness (Diemer 2015; Cunningham 1989; Godoy, Pinheiro & Citoler 2017). Furthermore, reading in the early years cannot be divorced from its classroom context. For example, much of what passes for early instruction in African language classrooms is the chanting of syllabic 'ba-be-bi-bo-bu' patterns of sounds. Learners are therefore very tuned into syllables. It is unsurprising that they do better on syllable-related tasks, given the syllabic nature of the African languages, but how does it impact on word and/or sentence reading?
Similarly, there is evidence that morphological awareness promotes literacy development in both early (Casalis & Louis-Alexandre 2000) and later literacy (Carlisle 2000), with correlations with comprehension, spelling and vocabulary (Carlisle 2003, 2000; Land 2015) and fluency scores (Rees 2016; Saiegh-Haddad & Geva 2007). Linking prefixes, suffixes and base words with an understanding of their meaning and function helps the reader recognise familiar words and access meaning (Carlisle & Stone 2005). Given the distinct morphological character of the Southern Bantu languages, the Bantu verb is of particular interest. Rees (2016) found a significant relationship (r = 0.61, p ˂ 0.0001) between morphological awareness and oral reading fluency (ORF) when she assessed 74 isiXhosa Grade 3 learners. According to her, having an explicit awareness of morphemes may help in processing the structure of agglutinating words while reading. This should, in practice, lead to comprehension in reading as readers rely on reading meaningful grain sizes. But to what extent does an awareness of the morpheme influence reading strategies? This has implications for early reading instruction and development, given that the different language groups' orthographies reflect morphological features in different ways.
Although evidenced in the literature that phonological awareness and morphological awareness are important for alphabetic literacy acquisition, what remains unclear is how the characteristics of orthography (conjunctivism vs. disjunctivism) and their relationship with the spoken language influence the development of literacy (Durgunog˘lu & Öney 1999). This is highly relevant given that the linguistic features of a language are reflected in its writing system. For example, the presence of phonological processes of vowel coalescence and elision in the Nguni language group make the use of a disjunctive script impractical (Louwrens & Poulos 2006). This is illustrated in example (3) below where two vowels 'a' and 'u' in sequence coalesce into 'o', making disjunctive transcription at odds with the phonetic pronunciation (Probert & De Vos 2016).
(2) Utata na umama
→ realised as: utata nomama
father and mother
According to Mattingly (1992:14), this is why the reader must acquire awareness of those linguistic features and he suggests that the orthography itself determines which aspects of representation are singled out for awareness. Both morphological and phonological features of the Southern Bantu language orthographies are thus relevant to the process of learning to read (Trudell & Schroeder 2006).
Word recognition is a foundation skill for reading (Aaron et al. 1999; Invenizzi & Hayes 2010; Snowling & Hulme 2005) and involves retrieving information about the spoken form and meaning of a word from its written form (Invenizzi & Hayes 2010; Snowling & Hulme 2005). Previous psycholinguistic studies have shown that word recognition can be influenced by orthography (Scholfield & Chwo 2005; Simon & Van Herreweghe 2010). Much of the research on word recognition and its interaction with orthography is guided by the orthographic depth hypothesis (ODH), originating with Katz and Frost (1992b). According to this hypothesis, the reading process is different for users of different orthographies, and these differences are usually because of their differing morphology and phonology. Readers of a shallow orthography rely more on phonological encoding - direct phoneme-to-grapheme mappings - whereas readers in a deep orthography rely more on orthographic processing - most likely a whole-word mapping. This 'strong' version of the ODH, however, gave way to a weaker version as it became apparent that readers of shallow orthographies rely not only on grapheme-to-phoneme correspondences but are also able to use the stored phonology from the lexicon, particularly when approaching unfamiliar or less transparent words (Katz & Frost 1992a; Probert & De Vos 2016). The weak ODH makes provision for the use of lexical decoding strategies by readers of shallow orthographies, as well as for the use of phoneme-to-grapheme mappings in deep orthographies. However, readers of deep orthographies cannot rely on phoneme-to-grapheme strategies alone (Probert & De Vos 2016). According to the hypothesis, the type of linguistic unit (grain size) that best predicts successful reading depends on the language and the characteristics of the orthography that children are learning (Goswami 2002; Share 2008).
The psycholinguistic grain size theory (PGST) was established to build upon the assertions of the ODH. 'Grain size' refers to the literacy processing units learners use to unpack words when reading (i.e. through the use of whole words, syllables, morphemes or phoneme-to-grapheme mappings). The PGST proposes that because languages vary in the consistency with which the phonology is represented in the orthography, there are developmental differences in the grain size of lexical representations (Ziegler & Goswami 2005). Differences in reading accuracy and reading speed found across orthographies reflect fundamental differences in the nature of phonological recoding and reading strategies that are developing in response to the orthography (Ziegler & Goswami 2005). The process of learning to read across different languages and orthographies involves a system of mapping the correspondences between symbols and sounds (Share 1995; Ziegler & Goswami 2006). Orthographies vary only in the degree to which they represent these. Alphabetic orthographies primarily aim at sequential representation of phonemes, but they also reflect linguistic features on the syllabic or morphemic level (Cook & Bassetti 2005).
The PGST describes the way in which a novice reader builds up the connections between print and speech at the very start of reading acquisition. The PGST explains that readers must solve three problems, phonological availability, orthographic granularity and consistency in order to learn to read. Children initially read by identifying larger units (i.e. the syllable) before smaller units (i.e. the phoneme). This is in line with the hierarchy model of word recognition (Anthony & Lonigan 2004; Scheule & Boudreau 2008; Ziegler & Goswami 2005). Research amongst Spanish readers aged 6-7 years has shown that languages with a simple phonological structure and a consistent orthographic representation display a lower association between phonemic awareness and reading, and higher associations between syllable awareness in early reading (Tolchinsky & Jisa 2017). This was attributed to the simplicity and saliency of the Spanish syllable structure and vowel system, which is reinforced by the consistency of the Spanish orthography. Learners were found to be significantly less proficient in phoneme isolation than in syllable deletion and were able to achieve reading success in Spanish without being able to explicitly segment words into phonemes (Tolchinsky & Jisa 2017). This accounts for a greater role that syllables play in reading at initial stages of literacy acquisition (Carraeiras & Perea 1998; Jiménez & Ortiz 2000). Readers of more phonologically transparent writing systems are therefore more likely to use strategies which focus on letter-phoneme conversion, and/or syllables (Cook & Bassetti 2005) than strategies of whole-word recognition or morpheme recognition when attempting to read at a young age.
The transparent nature of the Southern Bantu languages would thus yield the successful use of phonological decoding, in particular for correct pronunciation of the words, but it will not necessarily result in access to meaning. Given the agglutinating morpheme complexity found within the Southern Bantu languages, it would stand to reason that morphological awareness and morpheme recognition would be important in reading for meaning.
Therefore, linguistic factors which need to be considered in understanding reading in the African languages include the type of orthography, phonological and morphological features (see also Trudell & Schroeder 2007) and how these influence the grain size of word processing. Mindful of this, the main goal of this study was to investigate the effect of morphological and syllabic grain sizes on reading in conjunctive and disjunctive orthographies, respectively.
The following research questions are addressed in this article:
ORIGINAL RESEARCH
A comparison of the early reading strategies of isiXhosa and Setswana first language learners
Tracy N. Probert
Department of English Language and Linguistics, Rhodes University, Makhanda, South Africa
ABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: A large amount of evidence highlights the obvious inequalities in literacy results of South African learners. Despite this, a sound understanding of how learners approach the task of reading in the African languages is lacking.
AIM: This article examines the role of the syllable, phoneme and morpheme in reading in transparent, agglutinating languages. The focus is on whether differences in the orthographies of isiXhosa and Setswana influence reading strategies through a comparative study of the interaction between metalinguistic skills and orthography.
SETTING: Data was collected from Grade 3 first-language and Grade 4 Setswana home-language learners attending no fee schools in the Eastern Cape and North West Province respectively.
METHODS: Learners were tested on four linguistic tasks: an open-ended decomposition task, a phonological awareness task, a morphological awareness task and an oral reading fluency task. These tasks were administered to determine the grain size unit which learners use in connected-text reading.
RESULTS: The results indicated that syllables were the dominant grain size in both isiXhosa and Setswana, with the use of morphemes as secondary grains in isiXhosa. These results are reflected in the scores of the metalinguistic tasks.
CONCLUSION: This research contributes to an understanding of how linguistic and orthographic features of African languages need to be taken into consideration in understanding literacy development.
Keywords: early literacy; reading strategies; isiXhosa; Setswana; grain size in word recognition; metalinguistic skills; conjunctive versus disjunctive orthography.
Introduction
South African education continues to be crippled by a literacy crisis. This is highlighted by ongoing school literacy evaluations. For example, according to the most recent Progress in International Reading Literacy Study (Howie et al. 2017), 78% of South African Grade 4 learners do not have basic reading skills and are at least 6 years behind the top performing countries, with 8 in 10 children unable to read for meaning (Howie et al. 2017). Reading performance in the African languages was particularly low, with 90% of Grade 4 learners tested in Setswana unable to read for meaning, with a similarly large percentage in isiXhosa learners, 88% (Howie et al. 2017). This has implications for later academic success for these learners, as they are constantly playing catch-up and this further entrenches inequalities in early literacy, which are evident in the current literacy results. The sources of the problem of the literacy crisis are multifaceted, with the majority of the studies on educational inequality focusing on social, historical and political issues.1 In addition, there are linguistic dimensions that need to be considered, such as the unique structure of the Southern Bantu languages, the different writing systems which they employ and decoding challenges associated with these orthographies. This is important in that the type of linguistic unit that best predicts successful reading depends on the language and the characteristics of the orthography in which children are learning to read (Goswami 2002; Ziegler et al. 2010), which, in turn, has pedagogical implications for early reading instruction.
One of the reasons why South African readers are listed as some of the poorest in the world (Howie et al. 2008, 2012, 2017) is that very little is known about how reading works in the African languages. Attempts at reducing inequalities through literacy depend to a large extent on understanding the factors that promote success in reading in these languages. Appropriate pedagogical methodologies which are based on the unique features of the African languages will prove immensely advantageous for improving literacy levels and empowering speakers of these languages.
Orthography and word structure in isiXhosa and Setswana
IsiXhosa and Setswana fall within the Southern Bantu language family, more specifically the Nguni language group (which includes isiXhosa, isiZulu, isiNdebele and SiSwati) and the Sotho language group (Setswana, Southern and Northern Sotho), respectively. The Southern Bantu languages2 in South Africa are agglutinating languages with mostly transparent orthographies. A word in the Southern Bantu languages includes rich, overt morphology. Nouns include noun class prefixes as well as stems, whereas verbs include morphological reflexes of subject marking, object marking, tense, aspect, mood, causativity and negation amongst others (Nurse & Phillipson 2003). Therefore, what is said to constitute a word in the Southern Bantu languages (specifically in the Nguni languages) tends to be much longer than what would be said to constitute a word in English:
(1) (a) star (English)
~ inkwenkwezi (isiXhosa)
NC9.star
(b) to use (English)
~ ukusebenzisa (isiXhosa)
INF.use.CAUS.FV
Furthermore, linguistic structure is mediated through orthography (Probert & De Vos 2016). Both isiXhosa and Setswana are agglutinating languages containing long, multimorphemic words; however, the Sotho group tends to have a disjunctive orthography,3 while the Nguni group has a conjunctive orthography. The examples below show that in isiXhosa, the morphological word coincides with the orthographic word (2a), but that in Setswana, the morphological word is represented by several orthographic words in that blank spaces are placed between the morphemes that make up the word (2b). The morphological word refers to the piece of speech which behaves as a unit of pronunciation as well as meaning in context, and as a domain for linguistic procedures, while the orthographic word refers to a written sequence bounded by spaces at each end (Trask 2004). It is the correspondence between orthographic and morphological words which distinguishes conjunctive orthographies from disjunctive orthographies:
(2) a. Ndiyababona SM1.SG.PRES.OM2.see.FV4
'I see them' (isiXhosa)
(one morphological word and one orthographic word)b. Ke a ba bona
SM1.SG.PRES.OM2.see.FV
'I see them' (Setswana)
(one morphological word and four orthographic words)
When learning to read, a reader is faced with language-specific processing challenges when attempting to recognise words in a particular language which, in turn, presupposes language-specific reading strategies. This leads one to the question of how readers unpack words in the Southern Bantu languages where the notion of what constitutes a 'word' differs across the different language groups. This is important for reading instructional methods and materials, as there is no one-size-fits-all approach to fluent reading across languages (Probert & De Vos 2016).
Current methods used to teach reading in the African languages often fail to consider the unique linguistic characteristics of these languages (Probert & De Vos 2016). Much of the current instructions used in South African classrooms is borrowed from the teaching of early reading in English (Pretorius & Spaull 2016). This is not necessarily the best way to teach early reading in African languages, given that the writing systems of the African languages are different to that of English, as illustrated in (1) and (2). English is an analytic language with an opaque orthography, whereas the African languages are agglutinating with transparent orthographies. Linguistic differences and similarities between English and the African languages which influence aspects of reading are seldom dealt with in teacher training programmes (Pretorius & Spaull 2016). Therefore, there is a lack of applied knowledge about how best to teach reading in the African languages, which is informed by linguistic principles. Furthermore, there is a complete absence of research on how differences in the disjunctive and conjunctive writing systems might engender different reading profiles or developmental trajectories, which has pedagogical implications for how best to teach reading in agglutinating African languages.
Word recognition, orthography and metalinguistic skills
The term 'metalinguistic skill' refers to the 'ability to identify, analyse and manipulate language forms' (Koda 2007:2). The two metalinguistic skills under investigation in this study are morphological awareness and phonological awareness. Morphological awareness is the readers' conscious awareness of the morphemic structure of words and their ability to reflect on and manipulate the meaningful parts of words (Kirby et al. 2012; McBride-Chang et al. 2005). Phonological awareness is the awareness that words can be broken down into units so that one can manipulate the individual sounds and syllables, which may not have meaning (Anthony & Francis 2005; Chard & Dickson 1999; Stahl & Murray 1994).
A number of studies have demonstrated that phonological awareness plays a fundamental role in reading success in alphabetic orthographies (Bradley & Bryant 1985; Castles & Colheart 2004; Stanovich, Cunningham & Cramer 1984). Phonological awareness is especially important in the early stages of literacy acquisition, when the regularity of phoneme-to-grapheme correspondence helps the reader recognise or decode new words. Wilsenach (2013) and Diemer, van der Merwe and de Vos (2015) show the significance of phonological awareness for reading in Northern Sotho and isiXhosa, respectively. In particular, Diemer et al. (2015) showed that learners perform much better at syllable awareness tasks than they do at phoneme awareness tasks. It must be acknowledged that while the syllabic nature of African languages might contribute to high levels of syllable awareness, this is not the only contributory factor. Children tend to do better at syllable awareness tasks than phoneme awareness ones as phoneme level tasks are more difficult. Therefore, younger children master syllable awareness more easily than phoneme awareness (Perfetti 1994; Shankweiler & Fowler 2004; Wilsenach 2013). In addition to this, phoneme awareness is influenced by learning of letter-sound relationships. It is for this reason that phoneme awareness generally correlates with reading success more than syllable awareness (Diemer 2015; Cunningham 1989; Godoy, Pinheiro & Citoler 2017). Furthermore, reading in the early years cannot be divorced from its classroom context. For example, much of what passes for early instruction in African language classrooms is the chanting of syllabic 'ba-be-bi-bo-bu' patterns of sounds. Learners are therefore very tuned into syllables. It is unsurprising that they do better on syllable-related tasks, given the syllabic nature of the African languages, but how does it impact on word and/or sentence reading?
Similarly, there is evidence that morphological awareness promotes literacy development in both early (Casalis & Louis-Alexandre 2000) and later literacy (Carlisle 2000), with correlations with comprehension, spelling and vocabulary (Carlisle 2003, 2000; Land 2015) and fluency scores (Rees 2016; Saiegh-Haddad & Geva 2007). Linking prefixes, suffixes and base words with an understanding of their meaning and function helps the reader recognise familiar words and access meaning (Carlisle & Stone 2005). Given the distinct morphological character of the Southern Bantu languages, the Bantu verb is of particular interest. Rees (2016) found a significant relationship (r = 0.61, p ˂ 0.0001) between morphological awareness and oral reading fluency (ORF) when she assessed 74 isiXhosa Grade 3 learners. According to her, having an explicit awareness of morphemes may help in processing the structure of agglutinating words while reading. This should, in practice, lead to comprehension in reading as readers rely on reading meaningful grain sizes. But to what extent does an awareness of the morpheme influence reading strategies? This has implications for early reading instruction and development, given that the different language groups' orthographies reflect morphological features in different ways.
Although evidenced in the literature that phonological awareness and morphological awareness are important for alphabetic literacy acquisition, what remains unclear is how the characteristics of orthography (conjunctivism vs. disjunctivism) and their relationship with the spoken language influence the development of literacy (Durgunog˘lu & Öney 1999). This is highly relevant given that the linguistic features of a language are reflected in its writing system. For example, the presence of phonological processes of vowel coalescence and elision in the Nguni language group make the use of a disjunctive script impractical (Louwrens & Poulos 2006). This is illustrated in example (3) below where two vowels 'a' and 'u' in sequence coalesce into 'o', making disjunctive transcription at odds with the phonetic pronunciation (Probert & De Vos 2016).
(2) Utata na umama
→ realised as: utata nomama
father and mother
According to Mattingly (1992:14), this is why the reader must acquire awareness of those linguistic features and he suggests that the orthography itself determines which aspects of representation are singled out for awareness. Both morphological and phonological features of the Southern Bantu language orthographies are thus relevant to the process of learning to read (Trudell & Schroeder 2006).
Word recognition is a foundation skill for reading (Aaron et al. 1999; Invenizzi & Hayes 2010; Snowling & Hulme 2005) and involves retrieving information about the spoken form and meaning of a word from its written form (Invenizzi & Hayes 2010; Snowling & Hulme 2005). Previous psycholinguistic studies have shown that word recognition can be influenced by orthography (Scholfield & Chwo 2005; Simon & Van Herreweghe 2010). Much of the research on word recognition and its interaction with orthography is guided by the orthographic depth hypothesis (ODH), originating with Katz and Frost (1992b). According to this hypothesis, the reading process is different for users of different orthographies, and these differences are usually because of their differing morphology and phonology. Readers of a shallow orthography rely more on phonological encoding - direct phoneme-to-grapheme mappings - whereas readers in a deep orthography rely more on orthographic processing - most likely a whole-word mapping. This 'strong' version of the ODH, however, gave way to a weaker version as it became apparent that readers of shallow orthographies rely not only on grapheme-to-phoneme correspondences but are also able to use the stored phonology from the lexicon, particularly when approaching unfamiliar or less transparent words (Katz & Frost 1992a; Probert & De Vos 2016). The weak ODH makes provision for the use of lexical decoding strategies by readers of shallow orthographies, as well as for the use of phoneme-to-grapheme mappings in deep orthographies. However, readers of deep orthographies cannot rely on phoneme-to-grapheme strategies alone (Probert & De Vos 2016). According to the hypothesis, the type of linguistic unit (grain size) that best predicts successful reading depends on the language and the characteristics of the orthography that children are learning (Goswami 2002; Share 2008).
The psycholinguistic grain size theory (PGST) was established to build upon the assertions of the ODH. 'Grain size' refers to the literacy processing units learners use to unpack words when reading (i.e. through the use of whole words, syllables, morphemes or phoneme-to-grapheme mappings). The PGST proposes that because languages vary in the consistency with which the phonology is represented in the orthography, there are developmental differences in the grain size of lexical representations (Ziegler & Goswami 2005). Differences in reading accuracy and reading speed found across orthographies reflect fundamental differences in the nature of phonological recoding and reading strategies that are developing in response to the orthography (Ziegler & Goswami 2005). The process of learning to read across different languages and orthographies involves a system of mapping the correspondences between symbols and sounds (Share 1995; Ziegler & Goswami 2006). Orthographies vary only in the degree to which they represent these. Alphabetic orthographies primarily aim at sequential representation of phonemes, but they also reflect linguistic features on the syllabic or morphemic level (Cook & Bassetti 2005).
The PGST describes the way in which a novice reader builds up the connections between print and speech at the very start of reading acquisition. The PGST explains that readers must solve three problems, phonological availability, orthographic granularity and consistency in order to learn to read. Children initially read by identifying larger units (i.e. the syllable) before smaller units (i.e. the phoneme). This is in line with the hierarchy model of word recognition (Anthony & Lonigan 2004; Scheule & Boudreau 2008; Ziegler & Goswami 2005). Research amongst Spanish readers aged 6-7 years has shown that languages with a simple phonological structure and a consistent orthographic representation display a lower association between phonemic awareness and reading, and higher associations between syllable awareness in early reading (Tolchinsky & Jisa 2017). This was attributed to the simplicity and saliency of the Spanish syllable structure and vowel system, which is reinforced by the consistency of the Spanish orthography. Learners were found to be significantly less proficient in phoneme isolation than in syllable deletion and were able to achieve reading success in Spanish without being able to explicitly segment words into phonemes (Tolchinsky & Jisa 2017). This accounts for a greater role that syllables play in reading at initial stages of literacy acquisition (Carraeiras & Perea 1998; Jiménez & Ortiz 2000). Readers of more phonologically transparent writing systems are therefore more likely to use strategies which focus on letter-phoneme conversion, and/or syllables (Cook & Bassetti 2005) than strategies of whole-word recognition or morpheme recognition when attempting to read at a young age.
The transparent nature of the Southern Bantu languages would thus yield the successful use of phonological decoding, in particular for correct pronunciation of the words, but it will not necessarily result in access to meaning. Given the agglutinating morpheme complexity found within the Southern Bantu languages, it would stand to reason that morphological awareness and morpheme recognition would be important in reading for meaning.
Therefore, linguistic factors which need to be considered in understanding reading in the African languages include the type of orthography, phonological and morphological features (see also Trudell & Schroeder 2007) and how these influence the grain size of word processing. Mindful of this, the main goal of this study was to investigate the effect of morphological and syllabic grain sizes on reading in conjunctive and disjunctive orthographies, respectively.
The following research questions are addressed in this article:
Research methods and design
Participants' schooling context
Data were collected from 74 primary school children in Grades 3 and 4 at four different schools in the Eastern Cape and North West provinces. The four schools all served low socio-economic communities and were situated in semi-rural townships. The learners were either isiXhosa or Setswana first language speakers.5
To protect the anonymity of the schools and for ease of reference, each school will be referred to by a group code. The first school, X.EC, is an isiXhosa-medium school in a small coastal town in the Eastern Cape. The second school, E.EC, is a small English-medium school, also from a small town in the Eastern Cape. The majority of the children at this school are isiXhosa first language speakers. For the isiXhosa sample, the learners tested were in the final quarter of Grade 3 (Term 4). The third school, T.NW, is a Setswana-medium school in a small district in the North West Province. The fourth school, E.NW, is an English-medium school in the same district. The Setswana sample is composed of learners in the first quarter of their Grade 4 year (Term 1).6
Measures, procedure and analysis
To determine the grain size unit (Ziegler & Goswami 2005; Ziegler et al. 2001) that learners use when reading conjunctive and disjunctive scripts, learners undertook four tasks: an open-ended decomposition task, a phonological awareness task, a morphological awareness task and an ORF task. There are currently no standardised measures of the metalinguistic skills for any of the Southern Bantu languages. These measures were therefore specifically developed for this study in both isiXhosa and Setswana and informed by linguistic principles unique to each of the languages.
All tasks were administered in the learners' first language (isiXhosa or Setswana) by a first language speaker of the language. The tasks took the form of word games. Learners were tested individually over a period of 2 days, with each participant spending a maximum of 20 minutes out of the classroom at a time. The ORF, phonological awareness task and parts of the morphological awareness task were recorded using a Dictaphone and Marantz recorder.
Table 1 provides a summary of the different tasks completed by the learners, the type of words used (real vs. pseudo) and the subtasks of each. Data coding for each task is discussed in more detail under each of the tasks.
Phonological awareness
The phonological awareness task consisted of three independent subtasks, each varying in linguistic and developmental difficulty. The three tasks included a segmenting, an isolation and a deletion task, which were co-developed by Probert (2016) and Diemer (2015).
The subtasks were all administered orally as follows: for the segmenting task, participants were given a pre-selected word and asked to segment it into relative phonological units (i.e. the syllable or the phoneme), for example, /gefɪnɐ/ segmented according to syllables would be /ge-fɪ-nɐ/, and /tʊzɐ/ segmented according to phonemes would be /t-ʊ-z-ɐ/. The isolation task required participants to identify a specific phonological unit within a whole word, for example, 'what is the first sound in /jʊnɐlɐ/?', the correct response would be /j/, and for 'what is the first syllable in /jʊnɐlɐ/?', the correct response would be /jʊ/. The third task was a deletion task in which participants were asked to delete a specific phonological unit from a word, for a phoneme example, say '/setɪrɐ/ without /s/'. The correct response being /etɪrɐ/.
Pseudo-words were chosen for the stimuli and all pseudo-words conformed to the orthographic and phonological properties of the language and were all pronounceable. They would therefore not have been seen by the participants prior to testing. Furthermore, shorter words were used as stimuli because the longer the word, the more difficult the task and the greater the cognitive load (Anthony et al. 2003). Therefore, two- and three-syllable pseudo-verbs were used, for example, tika, junala and tsilaba. Verbs were chosen, in particular, as the use of nouns requires noun class morphemes to be attached to the root, whereas for pseudo-verbs, there is no need for added morphemes and the manipulation can take place on the root alone.
Each of the phonological awareness tasks was coded separately on a three-point ordinal scale. A score of 2 was given for the correct answer, a score of 1 for a partially correct answer and a score of 0 for incorrect answers. There were equal items for each section of the assessment (10). Separate composition scores were computed for the set of syllable and phoneme tasks, respectively.
Morphological awareness
The morphological awareness task was originally developed by Rees (2016) for isiXhosa and adapted to Setswana (Probert 2016). The morphological awareness task consisted of two separate subtasks. They were (1) an oral manipulation of a singular and plural morphology task, more commonly known in the literature as the 'Wugs' test, and (2) a morpheme identification task. The oral manipulation of a singular and plural morphology task is an adaptation of the traditional test of inflectional awareness ('Wugs Test') (Berko 1958; Carlisle 2000) which requires learners to perform inflections on pseudo-words. This task aims to test children's inflectional morphological awareness, specifically their understanding of the noun classes in the language being tested. Participants were either asked the plural form after being given the singular form or asked for the singular form after being given the plural form. For example, the participant was presented with a pseudo-word containing the singular morpheme /le/ which is found in noun class 5. To make this word plural, the participant would need to replace the noun class morpheme /le/ with the plural noun class /ma/ from noun class 6. This subtask was administered orally, with the aid of pictures indicating singular versus plural.
For the 'Wugs' task, there were two criteria for each answer according to which the learners were assessed: (1) faithfulness to noun class (whether they used the correct noun class) and (2) singular to plural or plural to singular (whether they were able to go from singular to plural or plural to singular), for example, mora (sg) - mera (pl) / abazonko (pl) - umzonko (sg). Under each of these, the learners received a score of 1 if correctly identified and 0 if incorrect.
The morpheme identification task consisted of two parts: the first required the children to identify the part(s) of the word which mean negative. The second part asked them to identify past tense morphemes. It was chosen to look specifically at negation and past tense morphemes as these contain a range of allomorphs, for example, negation in the passive form, negation in the past tense, and so on. This was a written task and the participants were asked to highlight the morphemes which correspond to either negative or past tense in each of the respective languages. The children were given examples with different versions of the morphemes under investigation to avoid them replicating the example in every sentence. Morpheme identification is a decomposition task and tested both derivational and inflectional morphology. Real sentences were used, with morphemes at different syntactic positions in the sentences.
The identification task was scored on a three-point ordinal scale. The learners received a score of 2 if they identified at least one correct morpheme. A score of 1 was given when the learners highlighted the orthographic word where the morpheme rests, for example, the entire verb. Thus, for the sentence, 'Umama akaphekanga' the child highlighted 'phekanga', rather than 'aka' and 'anga'. A score of 0 was given when the child failed to identify the correct morpheme. Using the same example, the child may have highlighted 'umama', or 'aka'.
A composite score was computed for morphological awareness based on the above set of tasks.
Open-ended decomposition task
The open-ended decomposition task is the first of its kind in South Africa.7 This task required the participants to segment sentences8 in any way they felt appropriate. Given the open-ended nature of this task, the participants were not provided with examples of how to break up the sentences according to phonemes, syllables or morphemes, as they may have based their responses on the last or on the best explained example. The sentences appeared in large print on an A4 paper which had been laminated and the participants used a whiteboard marker to indicate where they would break up the sentences (see Figure 1). A research assistant then replicated how the child had broken up the sentence on a separate list.
For the coding of the participants' responses, model answers were created according to whether the sentences were broken up into phonemes, syllables or morphemes (see Table 2).9 Each participant's answers were then judged against this model. It is important to indicate at this point that none of the participants broke up the sentences using a purely phonemic approach.10 The use of the syllable and morpheme in approaching sentence reading was therefore chosen as the particular point of focus. The correct, incorrect (incorrectly divided a syllable or morpheme) and total number of syllable or morpheme boundaries inserted were then counted. The scale used for the scoring of the decomposition task was ordinal, composed of intervals.
The participant PA2-011 in the example given in Table 3 below, scored one out of two for having correctly identified morpheme boundaries and four out of four for syllable boundaries for the first sentence.
The d-prime statistical method was run on the results of the open-ended decomposition task to test for relative grain size.11 D-prime was originally developed within signal detection theory. It is a measure of sensitivity, computed on a basis of hit and false alarm rates (Kataoka & Johnson 2007). Given the open-ended nature of this task, the d-prime statistic is the most appropriate analysis tool in that, according to the signal detection theory, nearly all decision-making takes place in the presence of some uncertainty (Kataoka & Johnson 2007). A 'hit' was when a learner correctly identified a syllable or morpheme boundary where there was one present. A 'false alarm' was when a learner incorrectly identified a syllable or morpheme boundary where there was not one. D-prime was used as it uses a filter out effect, penalising guess work, as well as taking non-decisions and word breaks into account.
Oral reading fluency
Reading ability was measured using an ORF task. Participants were timed for 1 minute while reading the passage. This task was administered orally by first language speakers. Stories chosen were fictional and were at the appropriate grade level of the participants.12 The isiXhosa story had a total of 783 characters (110 words), and the Setswana story had a total of 1132 characters (285 words).
For the coding of the ORF task, the number of characters13 read accurately during the 1 minute interval was calculated. This was performed by subtracting the errors from the total number of characters read in a minute to get a score of correct characters read per minute (ccrpm).
Ethical considerations
Approval to conduct this research was obtained from the following gatekeepers: Rhodes University Ethical Standards Committee (ethical clearance tracking number: RU-HSD-14-02-0001), the Eastern Cape and North West Departments of Basic Education and school principals. In addition, parental consent and learner assent were sought and gained prior to testing. Each participant was assigned a code in order to ensure anonymity. All schools and participants were asked to volunteer to participate in this study.
Data analysis
Univariate statistics were conducted on the tasks undertaken by the learners. The probability plot correlation coefficient (PPCC) for normality was used to determine the normal distributions between the two language samples. Scores were normally distributed for each sample.14t-Tests (independent samples) were then used to test for statistical differences between the two groups, that is, isiXhosa and Setswana. For the decomposition task, the d-prime statistical method was run on the results to test for grain size. Pearson's correlation matrix was used to investigate the relationship between the metalinguistic skills. Finally, a multiple linear regression analysis was conducted to determine the relative contribution of phoneme awareness, syllable awareness and morphological awareness in predicting ORF scores. A reliability analysis (Cronbach's alpha) was also performed for each set of tasks (excluding ORF15).
Results
Research Question 1: What is the relative contribution of Phonological Awareness and Morphological Awareness in determining grain size literacy processing units in isiXhosa and Setswana?
Table 4 provides the descriptive statistics for isiXhosa and Setswana. This includes the mean percentages, standard deviations, t-score and p-value and reliability measure (alpha) for the metalinguistic tasks for isiXhosa and Setswana. As can be seen, the alpha indices for syllable awareness and phoneme awareness were high, but not so for morphological awareness.
Setswana learners did significantly better with phonological awareness (both syllable and phoneme awareness) than the isiXhosa learners. This is shown through the higher mean scores for these tasks for the Setswana group. Using a two sample t-test, it was found that the difference for syllable awareness and phoneme awareness between the isiXhosa learners and the Setswana learners was statistically significant (syllable awareness t (72) = 4.56 p < 0.001; phoneme awareness t (72) = 2.59, p < 0.05). Furthermore, the results show that performance on the syllable awareness task is higher than that for phoneme awareness for both isiXhosa (72.4 in comparison to 44.39) and Setswana learners (87.53 in comparison to 56.06). This difference was statistically significant for both groups (isiXhosa: t (39) = 7.25, p < 0.001; Setswana: t (31), p < 0.001).
For morphological awareness, the isiXhosa learners scored higher than the Setswana learners (M = 57.36 vs. M = 43.28). The difference in scores of the morphological awareness task was also found to be significant (t [72] = -4.83, p < 0.001). However, the results must be interpreted cautiously, as the reliability index was low (0.44).
To determine which of these variables best predicted reading fluency, a multiple regression (see Table 5) was conducted using the standard method, with ORF (ccrpm) as the dependent variable and phoneme awareness, syllable awareness and morphological awareness as independent variables. The r-values of the Pearson correlations are given in Table 6. Significance is indicated with an asterisk.
Results from the regression analysis showed that only syllable awareness significantly predicted ORF for both isiXhosa (p = 0.011) and Setswana (p = 0.034), and accounted for 14% (R2 0.148, SE = 0.148) and 19% (R2 = 0.194, SE = 0.161) of the variance, respectively. Neither morphological awareness (Xhosa: p = 0.39; Setswana: p = 0.12) nor phoneme awareness (Xhosa: p = 0.37; Setswana: p = 0.107) was found to significantly predict ORF.
Research Question 2: How do types of grain size literacy processing units differ in isiXhosa and Setswana readers?
This section explores the preferences in grain size while reading connected linguistic units. This is based on the results of the decomposition task using the d-prime statistical method. Particular attention was paid to the use of syllables and morphemes in breaking up sentences.16Table 7 provides a summary of the results on the decomposition task for isiXhosa and Setswana learners.
The Setswana learners (M = 1.49, SD = 0.826, HR = 75%) were more inclined to break up sentences into syllables than the isiXhosa group (M = 1.20, SD = 1.07, HR = 71%). This is indicated by the mean scores and hit rates. The difference found was, however, not statistically significant (t [72] = 1.64, p = 0.11). This is consistent with the results in Table 4 which shows that readers for both languages scored very well on syllable awareness measures, as well as with the regression model which shows that only syllable awareness was predictive of ORF in both isiXhosa and Setswana.
For morphemes, the isiXhosa learners (M = 0.58, SD = 0.57, HR = 60%) tended to the morpheme more than the Setswana learners (M = -0.23, SD = 0.28, HR = 45%). This difference was statistically significant (t [72] =7.22, p < 0.001). In particular, the Setswana readers had a false alarm rate of 55% which, if statistically significant, is worse than chance. For the open-ended task, learners were not primed to parse in any particular way. The fact that some learners chose to parse morphologically is important. It suggests that (1) these readers include a morphological component in their reading strategies but (2) it is not helpful to them. This suggests that a morphological parsing strategy is not helpful to Setswana readers (even for those readers who chose to parse in this way). In contrast, isiXhosa readers achieved better-than-chance success at identifying morpheme boundaries which shows that morphological parsing is a useful part of their text-decoding strategy. As Setswana is written largely disjunctively, the blank space often separates out at least some morphemes (especially in the verbal complex - but not for noun class prefixes amongst others). Thus, a morphological parsing strategy would be redundant at least part of the time. In contrast, the conjunctive style of isiXhosa presents readers with longer, multimorphemic words. Presented with this type of textual puzzle, a morphological parsing strategy can significantly assist in breaking up long words into smaller units. Consequently, it is expected that isiXhosa learners would include a morphological parsing as part of their reading strategy. It therefore appears that conjunctivism sets up the need for heightened morphological awareness.
Discussion
The general reading ability of the learners was extremely low. According to Spaull et al. (2017), the thresholds for reading in Grade 3 in Northern Sotho (similar to Setswana) are 39-48 words correct per minute (wcpm) and 20-32 in isiZulu (similar to isiXhosa). The learners in this study were reading at an average of 29 wcpm in Setswana and 12 wcpm in isiXhosa, which is substantially below the threshold. The findings showed the dominant use of the syllable when reading connected-text very slowly, which was supplemented by the use of the morpheme in isiXhosa. The syllable was also found to be the only significant metalinguistic skill which correlated to and was predictive of ORF scores.
Effect of conjunctivism and disjunctivism on grain size reading processing units
The decomposition task showed that learners use multiple grain sizes. This was particularly true for the isiXhosa learners. Using multiple grains in reading can be situated in the flexible-unit-size hypothesis (Brown & Deavers 1999; Ziegler & Goswami 2005), which states that English readers use a mixture of small and large grain size units in decoding strategies (Pae 2014; Ziegler & Goswami 2005). This hypothesis, however, has been limited to English word identification. The findings show that it can be extended and applied beyond English. In particular, even readers of a consistent orthography make use of more than one grain size. In the Southern Bantu languages, there is often an overlap in syllables and morphemes in the prefix domain. It is thus logical for these learners to develop syllable- and morpheme-sized units in parallel.
For phonological awareness, both isiXhosa and Setswana learners scored higher on syllable awareness than phoneme awareness. This finding is consistent with that of Tolchinsky and Teberosky (2017) and that of Diemer et al. (2015). She reported similar results and showed that isiXhosa learners show greater awareness of the syllable as a phonological unit than the phoneme. This finding can also be situated within the hierarchical model of word recognition (Anthony & Lonigan 2004; Scheule & Boudreau 2008; Ziegler & Goswami 2005), which confirms that an awareness of larger units (e.g. the syllable) precedes awareness of smaller units (e.g. the phoneme) (Ziegler & Goswami 2005). This is attributable to phonological development on the part of the learner, but also because of the nature of the Southern Bantu languages' phonological structure which tends to favour the syllable because of its consistent CV structure, with few consonant clusters and codas (Diemer 2015). Furthermore, the scores of the decomposition task suggest that the syllable is a primary grain size for both isiXhosa and Setswana learners. Syllable awareness was also found to be predictive of ORF in both isiXhosa and Setswana. This finding is particularly interesting in that the use of characters per minute is novel and shows that syllable awareness is important. However, when orthographic words per minute are used, the literature has shown that only phoneme awareness is important (Cunningham 1989; Diemer 2015; Godoy et al. 2017). It is therefore dependent on what is used to calculate what the ORF is. Nevertheless, these findings suggest that the use of the syllable could be a productive reading strategy for learners to use when reading connected-text in these languages. In contrast, it has generally been found that although English-speaking children have higher syllable awareness than phoneme awareness when beginning to read, it does not necessarily make it productive for them to use syllables as a grain for word recognition. This is probably because of the diversity of syllable types in English. However, the question remains whether this is true for the Southern Bantu languages in which the structure of syllables is simpler. Given this, the syllable could conceivably be more useful in word reading in these languages. Because the African languages are strongly syllabic, children find it relatively easy to identify syllables in their words.
Although the syllable was found to be the dominant grain size unit used in connected-text reading in both languages, the isiXhosa readers showed a greater sensitivity towards the use of the morpheme. This could be attributed to the conjunctive nature of isiXhosa. IsiXhosa learners need to know where the morphological segments are when breaking up sentences. This is because words are made up of a combination of prefixes and suffixes that are added to noun and verbal elements, so the ability to use morphological knowledge while reading is very important. They therefore pay closer attention to the morpheme which holds meaning. In contrast, the Setswana orthography tends to break up the linguistic word into syllables. However, some morphemes in Setswana are syllabic. The syllable and morpheme are often confounded. For this reason, when referring to grain size used by these learners, it may appear that they use the syllable as the dominant grain, but the morpheme cannot be excluded.
Studies across many different languages, such as Dutch (e.g. Libben 1994), English (e.g. Bradley 1980; Marlson-Wilson et al. 1994; Taft & Forster 1976), Italian (e.g. Caramazza, Laudanna & Romani 1988) and Serbo-Croatian (e.g. Feldman & Andjelkovic 1992), support the view that morpheme recognition and analysis contribute to word decoding. This is because reading strategies which involve morpheme recognition provide to some extent a direct mapping onto the lexicon of spoken words (Elbro & Arnbak 1996). For example, the mental lexicon may be organised in terms of stems and their endings rather than as wholes (Marlson-Wilson et al. 1994). Because of the nature of the conjunctive orthography, words in isiXhosa are particularly long; therefore, it follows that learners break up words into meaningful sections rather than attempting whole-word recognition. Using a grapheme-to-phoneme approach to decoding may also prove a cognitively heavy task, especially for long words which impose a burden on working memory. According to Carlisle and Stone (2005), readers benefit significantly from exposure to variant spellings of particular morphemes, and from practice in finding those morphemes within a string of affixes attached to the base word. Expectation of a certain morpheme in a particular slot in the verbal or nominal phrase, for instance, may be especially valuable for readers of Southern Bantu languages. This is because an awareness of the morphological structure can assist with complex word reading in languages which are morphologically rich in character and are thus automatically more complex (Acha, Laka & Perea 2010; Saiegh-Haddad & Geva 2007).
Furthermore, according to a study by Burani et al. (2008), who studied Italian readers, the morpheme is useful as a grain size for readers who have not yet fully mastered whole-word processing. This is particularly useful where 'whole words' are (1) long and (2) characterised by high levels of orthographic neighbourhood effects. Morphemic processing thus aids grapheme-to-phoneme decoding. Using the morpheme as a grain size also provides a lexical reading unit larger than the grapheme, but smaller than the whole word, which reduces the limitations owed to the analytical process of reading. This explanation by Burani et al. (2008) is important in explaining why the morpheme acts as a grain size in isiXhosa more than it does in Setswana. Setswana readers can rely on whole-word (lexical) parsing because of the disjunctive orthography which splits up the linguistic word. However, because of the conjunctive script, readers of isiXhosa cannot rely on whole-word (lexical) parsing because of the length of the words. They would need to use another grain size in decoding. Although the regression analysis indicated that morphological awareness was not a significant predictor of ORF in isiXhosa readers (p = 0.39), it may be that these learners were still reading too slowly to unglue themselves from the syllable.
Despite this, the isiXhosa learners demonstrated sensitivity towards the use of the morpheme in connected-text reading. The use of the morpheme as a grain size may therefore become more important as learners become more fluent. A longitudinal study would be necessary to determine whether morphological awareness plays a greater role for these learners at the higher grades. However, it must be acknowledged that the reliability index for the morphology test is low. There is therefore an urgent need for further research to be conducted on improving morphology assessments. Furthermore, the learners in this study were reading extremely slowly, and there is no information on how they were taught to read. More research on the contribution of syllable, phoneme and morphological factors needs to be undertaken, at different grades, and include learners with stronger reading skills.
Nevertheless, it has been shown that different languages require different metalinguistic skills when reading. These, along with the grain size unit which learners use as literacy processing units, are conditioned by the orthography in which the learner reads.
Conclusion
This article explored the effect that disjunctivism and conjunctivism of an orthography have on the differential use of grain sizes in reading strategies in isiXhosa and Setswana.
The findings showed that:
These findings support previous research regarding word recognition models and developmental patterns of reading. Studies on grain sizes in different orthographies have focused on a comparison of orthographic depth, comparing transparent to opaque orthographies. This study examined two languages with similar orthographic depth, but different writing systems. Morphological awareness appears to play a greater role for learners of a conjunctive orthography than for learners of a disjunctive orthography, with isiXhosa learners exhibiting higher levels of morphological awareness than the Setswana learners. Furthermore, the isiXhosa learners used the morpheme as a secondary grain in decoding.
Learners approached connected-text reading based upon the writing systems and language-specific structures of the language. An understanding of reading in the Southern Bantu languages should take into cognisance the linguistic processing units which underpin reading strategies, as well as how the orthography informs metalinguistic awareness skills. This should, in turn, inform teaching strategies and curriculum statements. Using a one-size-fits-all model further entrenches inequalities in literacy by making literacy inaccessible for the learners, who are already playing catch-up. An alignment between reading instruction with orthography will work towards ensuring that learners are exposed to reading strategies and instructions which are best suited to the language in which they are learning to read. It is evident that learners exhibit a strong awareness and sensitivity towards the syllable. Thus, the use of the syllable in connected-text reading becomes a simple and useful technique. However, the use of the phoneme remains necessary in achieving reading success (Cunningham 1989; Diemer 2015; Godoy et al. 2017). The use of the syllable in early word reading acts as a bridge to fluent decoding of words in reading. Furthermore, because of the nature of the rich morphological structures of the African languages, an approach that places greater emphasis on heightening morphological awareness is necessary. This is particularly relevant for isiXhosa L1 readers in the Foundation Phase where the use of morphemes as a word reading strategy in connected-text reading would prove beneficial.
This article contributes to a growing body of rigorous, transparent research which is needed to help build up knowledge and deepen understanding in the domain on literacy in the African languages. The focus of this article was on first language reading. Research is still needed in second-language reading, which would introduce the question of transfer of grain size. Furthermore, research with a bigger sample size is needed for further amplification of these findings.
Acknowledgements
The author wishes to extend her sincere thanks to the schools, teachers and learners for their generous participation in the study. She would also like to thank Prof. Mark de Vos for his invaluable supervision of this research.
Competing interests
The author declares that she has no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced her in writing this article.
Funding information
Data collection for this research was funded by the Sandisa Imbewu Project. This research was conducted under the supervision of Prof. Mark de Vos from the Rhodes University's Department of English Language and Linguistics.
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ORIGINAL RESEARCH
A comparison of the early reading strategies of isiXhosa and Setswana first language learners
Tracy N. Probert
Department of English Language and Linguistics, Rhodes University, Makhanda, South Africa
ABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: A large amount of evidence highlights the obvious inequalities in literacy results of South African learners. Despite this, a sound understanding of how learners approach the task of reading in the African languages is lacking.
AIM: This article examines the role of the syllable, phoneme and morpheme in reading in transparent, agglutinating languages. The focus is on whether differences in the orthographies of isiXhosa and Setswana influence reading strategies through a comparative study of the interaction between metalinguistic skills and orthography.
SETTING: Data was collected from Grade 3 first-language and Grade 4 Setswana home-language learners attending no fee schools in the Eastern Cape and North West Province respectively.
METHODS: Learners were tested on four linguistic tasks: an open-ended decomposition task, a phonological awareness task, a morphological awareness task and an oral reading fluency task. These tasks were administered to determine the grain size unit which learners use in connected-text reading.
RESULTS: The results indicated that syllables were the dominant grain size in both isiXhosa and Setswana, with the use of morphemes as secondary grains in isiXhosa. These results are reflected in the scores of the metalinguistic tasks.
CONCLUSION: This research contributes to an understanding of how linguistic and orthographic features of African languages need to be taken into consideration in understanding literacy development.
Keywords: early literacy; reading strategies; isiXhosa; Setswana; grain size in word recognition; metalinguistic skills; conjunctive versus disjunctive orthography.
Introduction
South African education continues to be crippled by a literacy crisis. This is highlighted by ongoing school literacy evaluations. For example, according to the most recent Progress in International Reading Literacy Study (Howie et al. 2017), 78% of South African Grade 4 learners do not have basic reading skills and are at least 6 years behind the top performing countries, with 8 in 10 children unable to read for meaning (Howie et al. 2017). Reading performance in the African languages was particularly low, with 90% of Grade 4 learners tested in Setswana unable to read for meaning, with a similarly large percentage in isiXhosa learners, 88% (Howie et al. 2017). This has implications for later academic success for these learners, as they are constantly playing catch-up and this further entrenches inequalities in early literacy, which are evident in the current literacy results. The sources of the problem of the literacy crisis are multifaceted, with the majority of the studies on educational inequality focusing on social, historical and political issues.1 In addition, there are linguistic dimensions that need to be considered, such as the unique structure of the Southern Bantu languages, the different writing systems which they employ and decoding challenges associated with these orthographies. This is important in that the type of linguistic unit that best predicts successful reading depends on the language and the characteristics of the orthography in which children are learning to read (Goswami 2002; Ziegler et al. 2010), which, in turn, has pedagogical implications for early reading instruction.
One of the reasons why South African readers are listed as some of the poorest in the world (Howie et al. 2008, 2012, 2017) is that very little is known about how reading works in the African languages. Attempts at reducing inequalities through literacy depend to a large extent on understanding the factors that promote success in reading in these languages. Appropriate pedagogical methodologies which are based on the unique features of the African languages will prove immensely advantageous for improving literacy levels and empowering speakers of these languages.
Orthography and word structure in isiXhosa and Setswana
IsiXhosa and Setswana fall within the Southern Bantu language family, more specifically the Nguni language group (which includes isiXhosa, isiZulu, isiNdebele and SiSwati) and the Sotho language group (Setswana, Southern and Northern Sotho), respectively. The Southern Bantu languages2 in South Africa are agglutinating languages with mostly transparent orthographies. A word in the Southern Bantu languages includes rich, overt morphology. Nouns include noun class prefixes as well as stems, whereas verbs include morphological reflexes of subject marking, object marking, tense, aspect, mood, causativity and negation amongst others (Nurse & Phillipson 2003). Therefore, what is said to constitute a word in the Southern Bantu languages (specifically in the Nguni languages) tends to be much longer than what would be said to constitute a word in English:
(1) (a) star (English)
~ inkwenkwezi (isiXhosa)
NC9.star
(b) to use (English)
~ ukusebenzisa (isiXhosa)
INF.use.CAUS.FV
Furthermore, linguistic structure is mediated through orthography (Probert & De Vos 2016). Both isiXhosa and Setswana are agglutinating languages containing long, multimorphemic words; however, the Sotho group tends to have a disjunctive orthography,3 while the Nguni group has a conjunctive orthography. The examples below show that in isiXhosa, the morphological word coincides with the orthographic word (2a), but that in Setswana, the morphological word is represented by several orthographic words in that blank spaces are placed between the morphemes that make up the word (2b). The morphological word refers to the piece of speech which behaves as a unit of pronunciation as well as meaning in context, and as a domain for linguistic procedures, while the orthographic word refers to a written sequence bounded by spaces at each end (Trask 2004). It is the correspondence between orthographic and morphological words which distinguishes conjunctive orthographies from disjunctive orthographies:
(2) a. Ndiyababona SM1.SG.PRES.OM2.see.FV4
'I see them' (isiXhosa)
(one morphological word and one orthographic word)b. Ke a ba bona
SM1.SG.PRES.OM2.see.FV
'I see them' (Setswana)
(one morphological word and four orthographic words)
When learning to read, a reader is faced with language-specific processing challenges when attempting to recognise words in a particular language which, in turn, presupposes language-specific reading strategies. This leads one to the question of how readers unpack words in the Southern Bantu languages where the notion of what constitutes a 'word' differs across the different language groups. This is important for reading instructional methods and materials, as there is no one-size-fits-all approach to fluent reading across languages (Probert & De Vos 2016).
Current methods used to teach reading in the African languages often fail to consider the unique linguistic characteristics of these languages (Probert & De Vos 2016). Much of the current instructions used in South African classrooms is borrowed from the teaching of early reading in English (Pretorius & Spaull 2016). This is not necessarily the best way to teach early reading in African languages, given that the writing systems of the African languages are different to that of English, as illustrated in (1) and (2). English is an analytic language with an opaque orthography, whereas the African languages are agglutinating with transparent orthographies. Linguistic differences and similarities between English and the African languages which influence aspects of reading are seldom dealt with in teacher training programmes (Pretorius & Spaull 2016). Therefore, there is a lack of applied knowledge about how best to teach reading in the African languages, which is informed by linguistic principles. Furthermore, there is a complete absence of research on how differences in the disjunctive and conjunctive writing systems might engender different reading profiles or developmental trajectories, which has pedagogical implications for how best to teach reading in agglutinating African languages.
Word recognition, orthography and metalinguistic skills
The term 'metalinguistic skill' refers to the 'ability to identify, analyse and manipulate language forms' (Koda 2007:2). The two metalinguistic skills under investigation in this study are morphological awareness and phonological awareness. Morphological awareness is the readers' conscious awareness of the morphemic structure of words and their ability to reflect on and manipulate the meaningful parts of words (Kirby et al. 2012; McBride-Chang et al. 2005). Phonological awareness is the awareness that words can be broken down into units so that one can manipulate the individual sounds and syllables, which may not have meaning (Anthony & Francis 2005; Chard & Dickson 1999; Stahl & Murray 1994).
A number of studies have demonstrated that phonological awareness plays a fundamental role in reading success in alphabetic orthographies (Bradley & Bryant 1985; Castles & Colheart 2004; Stanovich, Cunningham & Cramer 1984). Phonological awareness is especially important in the early stages of literacy acquisition, when the regularity of phoneme-to-grapheme correspondence helps the reader recognise or decode new words. Wilsenach (2013) and Diemer, van der Merwe and de Vos (2015) show the significance of phonological awareness for reading in Northern Sotho and isiXhosa, respectively. In particular, Diemer et al. (2015) showed that learners perform much better at syllable awareness tasks than they do at phoneme awareness tasks. It must be acknowledged that while the syllabic nature of African languages might contribute to high levels of syllable awareness, this is not the only contributory factor. Children tend to do better at syllable awareness tasks than phoneme awareness ones as phoneme level tasks are more difficult. Therefore, younger children master syllable awareness more easily than phoneme awareness (Perfetti 1994; Shankweiler & Fowler 2004; Wilsenach 2013). In addition to this, phoneme awareness is influenced by learning of letter-sound relationships. It is for this reason that phoneme awareness generally correlates with reading success more than syllable awareness (Diemer 2015; Cunningham 1989; Godoy, Pinheiro & Citoler 2017). Furthermore, reading in the early years cannot be divorced from its classroom context. For example, much of what passes for early instruction in African language classrooms is the chanting of syllabic 'ba-be-bi-bo-bu' patterns of sounds. Learners are therefore very tuned into syllables. It is unsurprising that they do better on syllable-related tasks, given the syllabic nature of the African languages, but how does it impact on word and/or sentence reading?
Similarly, there is evidence that morphological awareness promotes literacy development in both early (Casalis & Louis-Alexandre 2000) and later literacy (Carlisle 2000), with correlations with comprehension, spelling and vocabulary (Carlisle 2003, 2000; Land 2015) and fluency scores (Rees 2016; Saiegh-Haddad & Geva 2007). Linking prefixes, suffixes and base words with an understanding of their meaning and function helps the reader recognise familiar words and access meaning (Carlisle & Stone 2005). Given the distinct morphological character of the Southern Bantu languages, the Bantu verb is of particular interest. Rees (2016) found a significant relationship (r = 0.61, p ˂ 0.0001) between morphological awareness and oral reading fluency (ORF) when she assessed 74 isiXhosa Grade 3 learners. According to her, having an explicit awareness of morphemes may help in processing the structure of agglutinating words while reading. This should, in practice, lead to comprehension in reading as readers rely on reading meaningful grain sizes. But to what extent does an awareness of the morpheme influence reading strategies? This has implications for early reading instruction and development, given that the different language groups' orthographies reflect morphological features in different ways.
Although evidenced in the literature that phonological awareness and morphological awareness are important for alphabetic literacy acquisition, what remains unclear is how the characteristics of orthography (conjunctivism vs. disjunctivism) and their relationship with the spoken language influence the development of literacy (Durgunog˘lu & Öney 1999). This is highly relevant given that the linguistic features of a language are reflected in its writing system. For example, the presence of phonological processes of vowel coalescence and elision in the Nguni language group make the use of a disjunctive script impractical (Louwrens & Poulos 2006). This is illustrated in example (3) below where two vowels 'a' and 'u' in sequence coalesce into 'o', making disjunctive transcription at odds with the phonetic pronunciation (Probert & De Vos 2016).
(2) Utata na umama
→ realised as: utata nomama
father and mother
According to Mattingly (1992:14), this is why the reader must acquire awareness of those linguistic features and he suggests that the orthography itself determines which aspects of representation are singled out for awareness. Both morphological and phonological features of the Southern Bantu language orthographies are thus relevant to the process of learning to read (Trudell & Schroeder 2006).
Word recognition is a foundation skill for reading (Aaron et al. 1999; Invenizzi & Hayes 2010; Snowling & Hulme 2005) and involves retrieving information about the spoken form and meaning of a word from its written form (Invenizzi & Hayes 2010; Snowling & Hulme 2005). Previous psycholinguistic studies have shown that word recognition can be influenced by orthography (Scholfield & Chwo 2005; Simon & Van Herreweghe 2010). Much of the research on word recognition and its interaction with orthography is guided by the orthographic depth hypothesis (ODH), originating with Katz and Frost (1992b). According to this hypothesis, the reading process is different for users of different orthographies, and these differences are usually because of their differing morphology and phonology. Readers of a shallow orthography rely more on phonological encoding - direct phoneme-to-grapheme mappings - whereas readers in a deep orthography rely more on orthographic processing - most likely a whole-word mapping. This 'strong' version of the ODH, however, gave way to a weaker version as it became apparent that readers of shallow orthographies rely not only on grapheme-to-phoneme correspondences but are also able to use the stored phonology from the lexicon, particularly when approaching unfamiliar or less transparent words (Katz & Frost 1992a; Probert & De Vos 2016). The weak ODH makes provision for the use of lexical decoding strategies by readers of shallow orthographies, as well as for the use of phoneme-to-grapheme mappings in deep orthographies. However, readers of deep orthographies cannot rely on phoneme-to-grapheme strategies alone (Probert & De Vos 2016). According to the hypothesis, the type of linguistic unit (grain size) that best predicts successful reading depends on the language and the characteristics of the orthography that children are learning (Goswami 2002; Share 2008).
The psycholinguistic grain size theory (PGST) was established to build upon the assertions of the ODH. 'Grain size' refers to the literacy processing units learners use to unpack words when reading (i.e. through the use of whole words, syllables, morphemes or phoneme-to-grapheme mappings). The PGST proposes that because languages vary in the consistency with which the phonology is represented in the orthography, there are developmental differences in the grain size of lexical representations (Ziegler & Goswami 2005). Differences in reading accuracy and reading speed found across orthographies reflect fundamental differences in the nature of phonological recoding and reading strategies that are developing in response to the orthography (Ziegler & Goswami 2005). The process of learning to read across different languages and orthographies involves a system of mapping the correspondences between symbols and sounds (Share 1995; Ziegler & Goswami 2006). Orthographies vary only in the degree to which they represent these. Alphabetic orthographies primarily aim at sequential representation of phonemes, but they also reflect linguistic features on the syllabic or morphemic level (Cook & Bassetti 2005).
The PGST describes the way in which a novice reader builds up the connections between print and speech at the very start of reading acquisition. The PGST explains that readers must solve three problems, phonological availability, orthographic granularity and consistency in order to learn to read. Children initially read by identifying larger units (i.e. the syllable) before smaller units (i.e. the phoneme). This is in line with the hierarchy model of word recognition (Anthony & Lonigan 2004; Scheule & Boudreau 2008; Ziegler & Goswami 2005). Research amongst Spanish readers aged 6-7 years has shown that languages with a simple phonological structure and a consistent orthographic representation display a lower association between phonemic awareness and reading, and higher associations between syllable awareness in early reading (Tolchinsky & Jisa 2017). This was attributed to the simplicity and saliency of the Spanish syllable structure and vowel system, which is reinforced by the consistency of the Spanish orthography. Learners were found to be significantly less proficient in phoneme isolation than in syllable deletion and were able to achieve reading success in Spanish without being able to explicitly segment words into phonemes (Tolchinsky & Jisa 2017). This accounts for a greater role that syllables play in reading at initial stages of literacy acquisition (Carraeiras & Perea 1998; Jiménez & Ortiz 2000). Readers of more phonologically transparent writing systems are therefore more likely to use strategies which focus on letter-phoneme conversion, and/or syllables (Cook & Bassetti 2005) than strategies of whole-word recognition or morpheme recognition when attempting to read at a young age.
The transparent nature of the Southern Bantu languages would thus yield the successful use of phonological decoding, in particular for correct pronunciation of the words, but it will not necessarily result in access to meaning. Given the agglutinating morpheme complexity found within the Southern Bantu languages, it would stand to reason that morphological awareness and morpheme recognition would be important in reading for meaning.
Therefore, linguistic factors which need to be considered in understanding reading in the African languages include the type of orthography, phonological and morphological features (see also Trudell & Schroeder 2007) and how these influence the grain size of word processing. Mindful of this, the main goal of this study was to investigate the effect of morphological and syllabic grain sizes on reading in conjunctive and disjunctive orthographies, respectively.
The following research questions are addressed in this article:
ORIGINAL RESEARCH
A comparison of the early reading strategies of isiXhosa and Setswana first language learners
Tracy N. Probert
Department of English Language and Linguistics, Rhodes University, Makhanda, South Africa
ABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: A large amount of evidence highlights the obvious inequalities in literacy results of South African learners. Despite this, a sound understanding of how learners approach the task of reading in the African languages is lacking.
AIM: This article examines the role of the syllable, phoneme and morpheme in reading in transparent, agglutinating languages. The focus is on whether differences in the orthographies of isiXhosa and Setswana influence reading strategies through a comparative study of the interaction between metalinguistic skills and orthography.
SETTING: Data was collected from Grade 3 first-language and Grade 4 Setswana home-language learners attending no fee schools in the Eastern Cape and North West Province respectively.
METHODS: Learners were tested on four linguistic tasks: an open-ended decomposition task, a phonological awareness task, a morphological awareness task and an oral reading fluency task. These tasks were administered to determine the grain size unit which learners use in connected-text reading.
RESULTS: The results indicated that syllables were the dominant grain size in both isiXhosa and Setswana, with the use of morphemes as secondary grains in isiXhosa. These results are reflected in the scores of the metalinguistic tasks.
CONCLUSION: This research contributes to an understanding of how linguistic and orthographic features of African languages need to be taken into consideration in understanding literacy development.
Keywords: early literacy; reading strategies; isiXhosa; Setswana; grain size in word recognition; metalinguistic skills; conjunctive versus disjunctive orthography.
Introduction
South African education continues to be crippled by a literacy crisis. This is highlighted by ongoing school literacy evaluations. For example, according to the most recent Progress in International Reading Literacy Study (Howie et al. 2017), 78% of South African Grade 4 learners do not have basic reading skills and are at least 6 years behind the top performing countries, with 8 in 10 children unable to read for meaning (Howie et al. 2017). Reading performance in the African languages was particularly low, with 90% of Grade 4 learners tested in Setswana unable to read for meaning, with a similarly large percentage in isiXhosa learners, 88% (Howie et al. 2017). This has implications for later academic success for these learners, as they are constantly playing catch-up and this further entrenches inequalities in early literacy, which are evident in the current literacy results. The sources of the problem of the literacy crisis are multifaceted, with the majority of the studies on educational inequality focusing on social, historical and political issues.1 In addition, there are linguistic dimensions that need to be considered, such as the unique structure of the Southern Bantu languages, the different writing systems which they employ and decoding challenges associated with these orthographies. This is important in that the type of linguistic unit that best predicts successful reading depends on the language and the characteristics of the orthography in which children are learning to read (Goswami 2002; Ziegler et al. 2010), which, in turn, has pedagogical implications for early reading instruction.
One of the reasons why South African readers are listed as some of the poorest in the world (Howie et al. 2008, 2012, 2017) is that very little is known about how reading works in the African languages. Attempts at reducing inequalities through literacy depend to a large extent on understanding the factors that promote success in reading in these languages. Appropriate pedagogical methodologies which are based on the unique features of the African languages will prove immensely advantageous for improving literacy levels and empowering speakers of these languages.
Orthography and word structure in isiXhosa and Setswana
IsiXhosa and Setswana fall within the Southern Bantu language family, more specifically the Nguni language group (which includes isiXhosa, isiZulu, isiNdebele and SiSwati) and the Sotho language group (Setswana, Southern and Northern Sotho), respectively. The Southern Bantu languages2 in South Africa are agglutinating languages with mostly transparent orthographies. A word in the Southern Bantu languages includes rich, overt morphology. Nouns include noun class prefixes as well as stems, whereas verbs include morphological reflexes of subject marking, object marking, tense, aspect, mood, causativity and negation amongst others (Nurse & Phillipson 2003). Therefore, what is said to constitute a word in the Southern Bantu languages (specifically in the Nguni languages) tends to be much longer than what would be said to constitute a word in English:
(1) (a) star (English)
~ inkwenkwezi (isiXhosa)
NC9.star
(b) to use (English)
~ ukusebenzisa (isiXhosa)
INF.use.CAUS.FV
Furthermore, linguistic structure is mediated through orthography (Probert & De Vos 2016). Both isiXhosa and Setswana are agglutinating languages containing long, multimorphemic words; however, the Sotho group tends to have a disjunctive orthography,3 while the Nguni group has a conjunctive orthography. The examples below show that in isiXhosa, the morphological word coincides with the orthographic word (2a), but that in Setswana, the morphological word is represented by several orthographic words in that blank spaces are placed between the morphemes that make up the word (2b). The morphological word refers to the piece of speech which behaves as a unit of pronunciation as well as meaning in context, and as a domain for linguistic procedures, while the orthographic word refers to a written sequence bounded by spaces at each end (Trask 2004). It is the correspondence between orthographic and morphological words which distinguishes conjunctive orthographies from disjunctive orthographies:
(2) a. Ndiyababona SM1.SG.PRES.OM2.see.FV4
'I see them' (isiXhosa)
(one morphological word and one orthographic word)b. Ke a ba bona
SM1.SG.PRES.OM2.see.FV
'I see them' (Setswana)
(one morphological word and four orthographic words)
When learning to read, a reader is faced with language-specific processing challenges when attempting to recognise words in a particular language which, in turn, presupposes language-specific reading strategies. This leads one to the question of how readers unpack words in the Southern Bantu languages where the notion of what constitutes a 'word' differs across the different language groups. This is important for reading instructional methods and materials, as there is no one-size-fits-all approach to fluent reading across languages (Probert & De Vos 2016).
Current methods used to teach reading in the African languages often fail to consider the unique linguistic characteristics of these languages (Probert & De Vos 2016). Much of the current instructions used in South African classrooms is borrowed from the teaching of early reading in English (Pretorius & Spaull 2016). This is not necessarily the best way to teach early reading in African languages, given that the writing systems of the African languages are different to that of English, as illustrated in (1) and (2). English is an analytic language with an opaque orthography, whereas the African languages are agglutinating with transparent orthographies. Linguistic differences and similarities between English and the African languages which influence aspects of reading are seldom dealt with in teacher training programmes (Pretorius & Spaull 2016). Therefore, there is a lack of applied knowledge about how best to teach reading in the African languages, which is informed by linguistic principles. Furthermore, there is a complete absence of research on how differences in the disjunctive and conjunctive writing systems might engender different reading profiles or developmental trajectories, which has pedagogical implications for how best to teach reading in agglutinating African languages.
Word recognition, orthography and metalinguistic skills
The term 'metalinguistic skill' refers to the 'ability to identify, analyse and manipulate language forms' (Koda 2007:2). The two metalinguistic skills under investigation in this study are morphological awareness and phonological awareness. Morphological awareness is the readers' conscious awareness of the morphemic structure of words and their ability to reflect on and manipulate the meaningful parts of words (Kirby et al. 2012; McBride-Chang et al. 2005). Phonological awareness is the awareness that words can be broken down into units so that one can manipulate the individual sounds and syllables, which may not have meaning (Anthony & Francis 2005; Chard & Dickson 1999; Stahl & Murray 1994).
A number of studies have demonstrated that phonological awareness plays a fundamental role in reading success in alphabetic orthographies (Bradley & Bryant 1985; Castles & Colheart 2004; Stanovich, Cunningham & Cramer 1984). Phonological awareness is especially important in the early stages of literacy acquisition, when the regularity of phoneme-to-grapheme correspondence helps the reader recognise or decode new words. Wilsenach (2013) and Diemer, van der Merwe and de Vos (2015) show the significance of phonological awareness for reading in Northern Sotho and isiXhosa, respectively. In particular, Diemer et al. (2015) showed that learners perform much better at syllable awareness tasks than they do at phoneme awareness tasks. It must be acknowledged that while the syllabic nature of African languages might contribute to high levels of syllable awareness, this is not the only contributory factor. Children tend to do better at syllable awareness tasks than phoneme awareness ones as phoneme level tasks are more difficult. Therefore, younger children master syllable awareness more easily than phoneme awareness (Perfetti 1994; Shankweiler & Fowler 2004; Wilsenach 2013). In addition to this, phoneme awareness is influenced by learning of letter-sound relationships. It is for this reason that phoneme awareness generally correlates with reading success more than syllable awareness (Diemer 2015; Cunningham 1989; Godoy, Pinheiro & Citoler 2017). Furthermore, reading in the early years cannot be divorced from its classroom context. For example, much of what passes for early instruction in African language classrooms is the chanting of syllabic 'ba-be-bi-bo-bu' patterns of sounds. Learners are therefore very tuned into syllables. It is unsurprising that they do better on syllable-related tasks, given the syllabic nature of the African languages, but how does it impact on word and/or sentence reading?
Similarly, there is evidence that morphological awareness promotes literacy development in both early (Casalis & Louis-Alexandre 2000) and later literacy (Carlisle 2000), with correlations with comprehension, spelling and vocabulary (Carlisle 2003, 2000; Land 2015) and fluency scores (Rees 2016; Saiegh-Haddad & Geva 2007). Linking prefixes, suffixes and base words with an understanding of their meaning and function helps the reader recognise familiar words and access meaning (Carlisle & Stone 2005). Given the distinct morphological character of the Southern Bantu languages, the Bantu verb is of particular interest. Rees (2016) found a significant relationship (r = 0.61, p ˂ 0.0001) between morphological awareness and oral reading fluency (ORF) when she assessed 74 isiXhosa Grade 3 learners. According to her, having an explicit awareness of morphemes may help in processing the structure of agglutinating words while reading. This should, in practice, lead to comprehension in reading as readers rely on reading meaningful grain sizes. But to what extent does an awareness of the morpheme influence reading strategies? This has implications for early reading instruction and development, given that the different language groups' orthographies reflect morphological features in different ways.
Although evidenced in the literature that phonological awareness and morphological awareness are important for alphabetic literacy acquisition, what remains unclear is how the characteristics of orthography (conjunctivism vs. disjunctivism) and their relationship with the spoken language influence the development of literacy (Durgunog˘lu & Öney 1999). This is highly relevant given that the linguistic features of a language are reflected in its writing system. For example, the presence of phonological processes of vowel coalescence and elision in the Nguni language group make the use of a disjunctive script impractical (Louwrens & Poulos 2006). This is illustrated in example (3) below where two vowels 'a' and 'u' in sequence coalesce into 'o', making disjunctive transcription at odds with the phonetic pronunciation (Probert & De Vos 2016).
(2) Utata na umama
→ realised as: utata nomama
father and mother
According to Mattingly (1992:14), this is why the reader must acquire awareness of those linguistic features and he suggests that the orthography itself determines which aspects of representation are singled out for awareness. Both morphological and phonological features of the Southern Bantu language orthographies are thus relevant to the process of learning to read (Trudell & Schroeder 2006).
Word recognition is a foundation skill for reading (Aaron et al. 1999; Invenizzi & Hayes 2010; Snowling & Hulme 2005) and involves retrieving information about the spoken form and meaning of a word from its written form (Invenizzi & Hayes 2010; Snowling & Hulme 2005). Previous psycholinguistic studies have shown that word recognition can be influenced by orthography (Scholfield & Chwo 2005; Simon & Van Herreweghe 2010). Much of the research on word recognition and its interaction with orthography is guided by the orthographic depth hypothesis (ODH), originating with Katz and Frost (1992b). According to this hypothesis, the reading process is different for users of different orthographies, and these differences are usually because of their differing morphology and phonology. Readers of a shallow orthography rely more on phonological encoding - direct phoneme-to-grapheme mappings - whereas readers in a deep orthography rely more on orthographic processing - most likely a whole-word mapping. This 'strong' version of the ODH, however, gave way to a weaker version as it became apparent that readers of shallow orthographies rely not only on grapheme-to-phoneme correspondences but are also able to use the stored phonology from the lexicon, particularly when approaching unfamiliar or less transparent words (Katz & Frost 1992a; Probert & De Vos 2016). The weak ODH makes provision for the use of lexical decoding strategies by readers of shallow orthographies, as well as for the use of phoneme-to-grapheme mappings in deep orthographies. However, readers of deep orthographies cannot rely on phoneme-to-grapheme strategies alone (Probert & De Vos 2016). According to the hypothesis, the type of linguistic unit (grain size) that best predicts successful reading depends on the language and the characteristics of the orthography that children are learning (Goswami 2002; Share 2008).
The psycholinguistic grain size theory (PGST) was established to build upon the assertions of the ODH. 'Grain size' refers to the literacy processing units learners use to unpack words when reading (i.e. through the use of whole words, syllables, morphemes or phoneme-to-grapheme mappings). The PGST proposes that because languages vary in the consistency with which the phonology is represented in the orthography, there are developmental differences in the grain size of lexical representations (Ziegler & Goswami 2005). Differences in reading accuracy and reading speed found across orthographies reflect fundamental differences in the nature of phonological recoding and reading strategies that are developing in response to the orthography (Ziegler & Goswami 2005). The process of learning to read across different languages and orthographies involves a system of mapping the correspondences between symbols and sounds (Share 1995; Ziegler & Goswami 2006). Orthographies vary only in the degree to which they represent these. Alphabetic orthographies primarily aim at sequential representation of phonemes, but they also reflect linguistic features on the syllabic or morphemic level (Cook & Bassetti 2005).
The PGST describes the way in which a novice reader builds up the connections between print and speech at the very start of reading acquisition. The PGST explains that readers must solve three problems, phonological availability, orthographic granularity and consistency in order to learn to read. Children initially read by identifying larger units (i.e. the syllable) before smaller units (i.e. the phoneme). This is in line with the hierarchy model of word recognition (Anthony & Lonigan 2004; Scheule & Boudreau 2008; Ziegler & Goswami 2005). Research amongst Spanish readers aged 6-7 years has shown that languages with a simple phonological structure and a consistent orthographic representation display a lower association between phonemic awareness and reading, and higher associations between syllable awareness in early reading (Tolchinsky & Jisa 2017). This was attributed to the simplicity and saliency of the Spanish syllable structure and vowel system, which is reinforced by the consistency of the Spanish orthography. Learners were found to be significantly less proficient in phoneme isolation than in syllable deletion and were able to achieve reading success in Spanish without being able to explicitly segment words into phonemes (Tolchinsky & Jisa 2017). This accounts for a greater role that syllables play in reading at initial stages of literacy acquisition (Carraeiras & Perea 1998; Jiménez & Ortiz 2000). Readers of more phonologically transparent writing systems are therefore more likely to use strategies which focus on letter-phoneme conversion, and/or syllables (Cook & Bassetti 2005) than strategies of whole-word recognition or morpheme recognition when attempting to read at a young age.
The transparent nature of the Southern Bantu languages would thus yield the successful use of phonological decoding, in particular for correct pronunciation of the words, but it will not necessarily result in access to meaning. Given the agglutinating morpheme complexity found within the Southern Bantu languages, it would stand to reason that morphological awareness and morpheme recognition would be important in reading for meaning.
Therefore, linguistic factors which need to be considered in understanding reading in the African languages include the type of orthography, phonological and morphological features (see also Trudell & Schroeder 2007) and how these influence the grain size of word processing. Mindful of this, the main goal of this study was to investigate the effect of morphological and syllabic grain sizes on reading in conjunctive and disjunctive orthographies, respectively.
The following research questions are addressed in this article:
ORIGINAL RESEARCH
Teaching science in the foundation phase: Where are the gaps and how are they accounted for?
Angela A. JamesI; Saritha BeniII; Michele StearsI
IDepartment of Science and Technology Education, School of Education, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, South Africa
IIDepartment of Management, Management College of South Africa (MANCOSA), Durban, South Africa
ABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: Foundation phase teachers are not science specialists; however, they are expected to teach science. It is important that research determines where teachers face challenges in teaching science in order to assist them to bridge the gaps and to improve their competence in teaching science
AIM: The aim of this research was to explore teachers' implementation of the science curriculum
SETTING: The research was conducted in a primary school in a province of South Africa. Four foundation phase teachers participated in the study
METHODS: This interpretative, qualitative study used classroom observation, learners' workbooks and post-observation interviews to develop an understanding of teachers' science knowledge, their facilitation of hands-on science investigations as well as the nature of their interaction with learners in the science classroom
RESULTS: The findings revealed that teachers were not competent in teaching science and when rated according to their profiles of curriculum implementation all four were allocated low scores. However, in-depth observations revealed that while teachers generally had poor science knowledge, they were competent in engaging learners through questions and activities. This pedagogic knowledge could have translated into pedagogic content knowledge should the teachers have attempted to spend more time preparing their science lessons to ensure that they mastered the necessary science content and science knowledge, as well as appropriate methodologies to teach science
CONCLUSION: Science education should be in the foreground in the foundation phase curriculum to encourage teachers to teach science as an integral part of the curriculum
Keywords: classroom interaction; hands-on science; implementation; science curriculum; science knowledge.
Introduction
Since 1994, Early Childhood Development (ECD) has been acknowledged and recognised as an essential focus theme for South Africa's social and economic transformation and development (South African Department of Basic Education 2009:11). The current curriculum in post-apartheid South Africa is known as the Curriculum and Assessment Policy Statement (CAPS) (South African Department of Basic Education 2011). In this curriculum, natural science as an area of learning is included as a component of 'beginning knowledge'. Unfortunately, little emphasis is placed on natural science learning.
Previous research by Beni, Stears and James (2017) reported on the way in which foundation phase teachers interpreted the curriculum to enable them to teach natural science. Their study found that the biggest challenge for teachers was the poor guidance received from the curriculum as to what and how they should teach natural science. Content topics were not specified, neither were possible instructional methods suggested in the curriculum. In the light of these findings, further research focused on how science teaching unfolded in the classroom.
Engagement with science in the early years may act as a catalyst in developing learners' interest in science in later years. In doing so, it could supply learners with opportunities to expand their inherent curiosity about the natural world (Rocard et al. 2007), enabling the acquisition of knowledge, skills and values which will form the basis of their future learning (Sackes et al. 2010). Yet, science is not always the priority in primary schools as one may expect (Campbell & Chittleborough 2014). It has been suggested that improved resources, more time spent engaging in science activities and better science teaching are needed to remedy the situation (Australian Council of Learned Academies 2013). Petre (2013) maintains that using appropriate teaching instructional methods and resources may contribute to developing and maintaining a constructive association between the learners and their natural environment. The importance of effective primary science teaching particularly in the foundation phase cannot be underestimated.
At the foundation phase level, the teacher's role is crucial in teaching learners the foundational knowledge and providing opportunities for them to develop the appropriate skills linked to numeracy, literacy and life skills. The claim that primary school teachers are normally hesitant to teach science (Appleton 2008; Tytler 2007) is discouraging. Further research provides two reasons for this claim: limited knowledge of science content and a limited science pedagogical content knowledge (Appleton 2008; Fleer 2009). Most foundation phase teachers face the challenge of teaching all or most subjects offered in that phase and within the subject of science, they face the further challenge of teaching all the specialisations within science. Furthermore, they are expected to teach these by facilitating appropriate scientific practices (Davis & Smithey 2009). The depth of subject content knowledge may also affect the ability of the teacher to ask meaningful and appropriate questions. Research conducted in schools has identified the fact that science teaching is challenging with teachers either depending on a 'specialist' teacher to teach science lessons or avoiding science teaching because of feelings of inadequacy in themselves as teachers of science (Buxton 2010; Tytler 2009). All these factors contribute to early childhood classrooms not offering high-quality science experiences for young children. High-quality science education is important in laying the foundation for children's knowledge and interest in science (Gerde, Schachter & Wasik 2013).
It is generally agreed that an important approach in science education is inquiry-based learning where learners are actively engaged in 'hands-on' science activities (Ergül et al. 2011; Rocard et al. 2007). With foundation phase learners, 'doing science' may be achieved by conducting scientific investigations on natural phenomena. Opportunities should be created for learners to ask questions, to carry out investigations and to solve problems. There is also a social context to doing investigations as the learners discuss and share new ideas (Pappas & Tepe 2002). Trundle (2015) is of the view that this type of approach will facilitate the development of foundational knowledge and skills for life-long learning as well as an appreciation of nature. While children's curiosity, asking questions and exploration develop spontaneously, the development of process skills require support and instruction from adults to develop into the process skills seen in scientifically literate scientists (Jirout & Zimmerman 2015). However, Murphy, Varley and Veale (2012) are of the view that while many of the learners in their study were optimistic about learning science, using hands-on inquiry and group work, not all learners felt inclined to engage in hands-on activities. To engage all learners would require special skills from the teacher. Van Aalderen-Smeets, Van Der Molen and Asma (2012:161) reiterate that it is critical for 'foundation phase teachers to extend their own positive attitudes towards science if continuous progress in primary science education is to be attained'. Although learners are given opportunities to carry out experiments and participate in hands-on science, frequently these practices are inclined to be teacher rather than pupil focussed (De Boo & Randall 2001; Department of Education for Northern Ireland 2002). Andrée (2012) considered how changing the circumstances of classroom activities could increase learners' participation in science learning.
Alexander (2001:394) maintains, 'it is now generally accepted that cognitively demanding interaction is a fundamental condition for all successful teaching of young children, however it is organised'. This is supported by Johnston (2005) who maintains that child-centred experiences are essential for greater scientific development. For significant social interaction between the teacher and learner in the context of teaching to occur, there needs to be a mutual respect between teacher and learner (Hayes et al. 2006).
The purpose of this research was to determine teachers' competence in implementing the science curriculum. Rogan and Grayson's (2003) theory of implementation provided a framework for this phase of the research. This framework places teachers on one of four possible levels for each of a number of constructs pertaining to science teaching. This enabled us to categorise each teacher's implementation of the natural science curriculum. It was important to identify where the teachers' strengths and weaknesses lay rather than just assuming that their science knowledge was deficient.
Rogan and Grayson's (2003) model uses a number of constructs to determine a teacher's ability to implement an innovative science curriculum. In this report, we adapted the model to include three sub-constructs which we linked to one main construct, the profile of implementation, which formed the framework for the study. These sub-constructs are science knowledge, classroom interaction and 'hands-on practicals or scientific investigations'. Each teacher's profile for each sub-construct was then determined based on the findings. Figure 1 represents the adapted model.
The following three questions framed the research:
· What is the level of foundation teachers' understanding of science content and concepts?
· How do foundation teachers facilitate hands-on learning or scientific investigations?
· How do foundation teachers manage classroom interaction during natural science lessons?
Teachers chose their own content, which post-observation interviews revealed were mostly determined by what was taught in the previous year. There appeared to be a number of topics that were taught every year, for example insects, the weather and my body, with very little new content introduced. Hands-on learning refers to any practical activities related to science learning, whereas scientific investigations refer to structured activities where learners investigated a problem. Classroom interaction considered the relationship between the teacher and the learners in the classroom setting with regard to the lesson structure, learners' attentiveness, questioning, use of resources and types of activities learners engaged in.
Methodology
This research is located in an interpretive qualitative paradigm. It explores foundation phase teachers' implementation of the natural science curriculum at a selected school in a province of South Africa. Four foundation phase teachers from Grades R, 1, 2 and 3 participated in this study. The school draws learners from an environment where their parents/guardians are from the working class. Resources in the school are adequate.
The pseudonyms used for the teachers were Karen, Fiona, Carly and Simone. All four participants were assured that all information provided would be treated with the utmost confidentiality. The project was granted ethical clearance by the university.
Teachers were observed for a week and were asked to include science as a component of 'Beginning Knowledge'. Classroom observation (Appendix 1) therefore formed the core of data collection as this provided an in-depth understanding of teacher's knowledge, their facilitation of hands-on science in action and their interaction with learners as well as their facilitation of interaction between learners.
Criteria (Appendix 2) informed by Rogan and Grayson's model for each level of the profile of implementation were used in observing teachers in the classroom. Learners' workbooks (Appendix 3) were analysed to obtain information regarding the stipulated criteria that may not have emerged during the period of observation. Interviews (Appendix 4) were conducted with teachers post-observation to obtain more clarity where necessary. These three data sources provided the triangulation required to confirm that the data were trustworthy. On analysis of the data, a table was constructed for each teacher, placing her at a particular level with regard to the three sub-constructs mentioned above. The criteria used for placing each teacher at this level may be compared to the composite table included as Appendix 2.
Ethical considerations
The project was granted ethical clearance by the University of KwaZulu-Natal (ethical clearance no. HSS/0922/09D).
Findings
The findings of this study are presented as narratives of the activities related to science, that the teacher and the learners engaged in during the period of observation in each of the respective classes.
Science teaching in Karen's Grade R class
Karen taught no science lessons during the week of observation. When she was questioned about this after the lesson observation, she mentioned that she did teach natural science. She said, 'Learners brought in fruits to make a fruit salad. We spoke about the different colour textures'. This topic was taken from a workbook for Grade R learners. She also mentioned an activity which involved learners making jewellery with beads. In an attempt to provide an example of how she used play to teach natural science, Karen provided the following explanation during the interview:
'[L]ike with play … when you come to play, especially with water and ask them the question of what do you use water for and then talk about the different uses of water, I will get them to dirty their hands. I will then get them to use the water to wash their hands so that they can have clean hands.' (Interview, Karen explaining an aspect of her teaching, May 2013)
This response demonstrated Karen's limited knowledge of science concepts.
Analysis of the Grade R learners' books revealed that there was no evidence of hands-on science or scientific investigations in the teaching of natural science as no lesson could be classified as a true science lesson.
Some of the activities observed were interactive in nature and Karen often placed learners in small groups, asked frequent questions and used a number of resources, such as posters, books and worksheets. These attributes could have assisted her to teach science effectively; unfortunately, she chose not to teach science. Karen's class was quite disruptive early in the morning, but she managed to calm them down quickly by diverting their attention to a particular activity like singing songs.
As Karen taught no science during the time she was observed and no science lessons were observed in learners' books, Karen was placed at level 1 for all three sub-constructs (Table 1).
Science teaching in Fiona's Grade 1 class
Fiona did not focus on one theme during the week of observation, although 'weather' was a daily topic of discussion. While learners were asked on the first day to look out and observe the weather, this was an isolated incident and there was no evidence of any structured observations over the remaining days. There was some reference to what made kites fly and the fact that leaves of trees were green in spring, but no evidence that learners were taught any science concepts. During the discussion on spring, Fiona told the learners that the flowers start to bloom, the trees start bearing fruit and the butterflies come out. She informed them that 'there are insects that come out, for example the caterpillar, ladybirds, bees'. She then changed the subject by saying 'Bees make honey'. Extract from observation schedule: Fiona posing questions to her Grade 1 class, 'How do bees make honey?' She gave the learners a short explanation without probing their prior knowledge.
Most of the activities that the learners participated in were discussion activities either with the whole class or in smaller groups. During one of the lessons, Fiona had a bucket of muddy water which she showed to the learners. She told them that besides the leaves that were in the water there was also 'bacteria and germs'. She explained that when water stood for long it had a bad smell. When Fiona asked the class what they could get from playing in the dirty water, a learner said you could get ringworms from playing in dirty water. Fiona did not correct this misconception. All she said was that they could also get a rash on their skin, which could become pimples.
Fiona then showed the class a bucket of clean water and another bucket with dirty water. She asked the class which water they would rather play in. She made the learners smell the two types of water. Fiona asked the class which water they would use to wash their hands. Fiona took the bucket around to the learners. She asked the learners what colour the water was in the pond near the school. The learners said that the water was green. She told the learners that the water was very unhealthy and if they played in the water, they would get bilharzia.
Fiona then instructed the learners to draw two pictures: one showing dirty water and the other showing clean water. However, she continued asking the learners questions. She asked, 'Which water would the fish live in?' One learner pointed to the dirty water. She asked the learners to identify what people threw in dirty water. Fiona then asked if they should throw all those things in the water and what effect this would have on the fish in the rivers. She explained that the fish will not be able to breathe and it will kill the fish because they will not be able to come up from the water for oxygen. Extract from observation schedule: Fiona providing information to her Grade 1 class, 'Fish swim and swim and then they come up for oxygen'.
On the following day, Fiona placed a chart on the chalkboard depicting hygiene and water. Fiona asked the learners to identify actions that were wrong in the picture. There were people washing clothes alongside the river and using the river as a toilet. Learners compared the two pictures and identified actions that were good and actions that were bad. Fiona presented the learners with a scenario:
'If you were near a river and you were very thirsty what would you do to make the water safe for drinking? What must your mum do to the water to make it safe for you to drink?' (Extract from observation schedule: Fiona teaching her Grade 1 class, May 2013)
The topics covered in Fiona's class were covered every year. The science aspects were quite basic and with a little research, Fiona could have ensured that her facts were correct. Better understanding of the science would have allowed her to present lessons that were more coherent.
There was no evidence of hands-on science or investigations indicated in the learners' books either. However, during the post-interview, Fiona explained with the following example how she used 'hands-on' instructional methodology to teach natural science:
'The different seasons where we dress up the children in summer wear, winter wear and autumn. For autumn, we bring in the kite. Because autumn is not so clear and distinct. For spring, we bring some flowers or any greenery. We also dress them up like summer. We teach them that every season has three months … it starts in December. If the day is cold, we are going to stay inside. They know in winter the days are shorter and the nights are longer. They can tell you that.' (Extract from observation schedule: Fiona teaching her Grade 1 class, May 2013)
Although the example with the clean and dirty water could relate somewhat to a science lesson, as the topic of pollution was touched on, for the most part this was a life orientation lesson as the main focus was on health issues. The topic of insects came up during one of the daily discussion session on seasons. The discussion was short and not much content knowledge on bees and honey was mentioned to the learners to constitute a science lesson.
Table 2 shows the levels for the three sub-constructs used to determine Fiona's profile of implementation with regard to natural science teaching. Fiona was placed at level 1 for hands-on science and scientific investigations as there was no evidence of this. The number of science misconceptions held placed her at level 1 as well. Although she tended to answer her own questions, she did allow learners some limited discussion of questions she posed and engaged them in an activity related to pollution. This placed her at level 2 for classroom interaction (Table 2).
Science teaching in Carly's Grade 2 class
Carly's lessons for the week focused on insects. However, in her introductory lesson when she announced the theme 'insects', she gave the learners a drawing of a spider to label. She was oblivious of the fact that a spider is not an insect. On the third day, learners were given a worksheet with a diagram of a dragonfly. She read the names of the body parts of insects from a book which learners repeated after her. She proceeded to add labels such as 'feelers', 'harmful' and 'unharmful' to the drawing of the dragonfly and then read from the worksheet. Carly seemed hesitant when learners were calling out the answers. She did not commit to any answer but made the learners count the number of the labels on the worksheet. Carly was uncertain about the responses that the learners gave and kept looking at her response sheet for the answers. She tried to work out the answer before giving them to the learners.
Carly then handed out two worksheets. The one had the diagram of the spider and the other had the labels. She said they were going to label the different parts of the insect: head, thorax, abdomen, wings and feelers (antenna). The learners had to cut out the words and stick them in the correct space. Carly walked around the class cutting the labels for the learners. However, as the spider does not possess such body parts, learners struggled to find the correct parts. Carly assisted learners in adding incorrect labels to body parts.
A chart labelled 'insects' was at the back of the class. Carly asked learners to call out the names of the 'insects' as she pointed to them. This chart included a number of animals, such as snail, frog, scorpion, centipede and spider that are not insects, but Carly was not aware that these animals were not insects. Extract from observation schedule - Carly posing a questions to her Grade 2 class, May 2013:
'Where do these insects live?' She then answered her own question, 'Some are found in water (e.g. scorpion), others in plants or flowers (e.g. honeybees on trees), branches (e.g. ladybird), sand (e.g. worms, snails and ant).'
Extract from observation schedule - Carly posing a question to her Grade 2 class, May 2013:
'Are all these insects harmful or dangerous?'
While the theme insects did provide opportunities for hands-on science through direct observation and the development of skills, such as comparing and classifying, the focus was on naming insects and labelling body parts. Little interaction occurred between learners; the only interaction was between learners and the teacher as they answered questions.
Although there was no evidence of scientific investigations and hands-on science, there were entries in the learners' life skills book on insects. Most activities related to insect body parts. When asked during the post-observation interview what she understood by hands-on science. Extract from interview transcript - Carly explaining her understanding of hands-on science, May 2013:
'Eh … hands on … I can't think of examples now … isn't it things that you can practically do? You know with your hands.'
Carly cited the bean plant activity of hands-on science that she did with her learners. Carly believed it is important to rather use demonstrations at this stage.
Carly's lesson had the potential to facilitate science learning, if only she had made an effort to prepare better and ensure that she knew the science concepts she was going to teach. Her lessons were basically about identifying insects, their main characteristics and the concepts useful and harmful. Unfortunately, her lack of science knowledge prevented her from teaching a meaningful lesson where a learner could learn to distinguish between insects and other animals.
Table 3 shows the levels for the three sub-constructs used to determine Carly's profile of implementation with regard to natural science teaching. The evidence of classroom interaction placed Carly at level 2 as there was some interaction during lessons. She was placed at level 1 for hands-on science or scientific investigations as there was no evidence of this. Her lack of science knowledge placed her at level 1 for this sub-construct as well (Table 3).
Science teaching in Simone's Grade 3 class
Simone's lessons focused on animals. She wrote the words elephant, giraffe, cow and impala one below the other on the chalkboard next to a picture of different animals. She then asked the learners how many of each kind of animal were in the picture and what types of animals they were. Simone did not appear confident that she actually knew the names of the animals and was happy to accept the children's answers as the correct ones. Simone demonstrated to the learners how to draw a bar graph indicating the numbers of animals. She asked the learners to complete the graph.
Simone then wrote the word 'animals' in the centre of the chalkboard and circled it. Simone asked the learners:
'What type of animal is an elephant?' and 'what category of animal is an elephant?' She then went to the chalkboard and drew three arrows from the word animal, saying that there are three kinds of animals. She then asked the class: 'Can you keep an elephant at home in your yard?' They said no. She then asked what type of animal an elephant is. Extract from observation schedule - Simone posing a question to her Grade 3 class, May 2013: 'Is it a wild animal or is it a tame animal?' A learner said it is a wild animal. She then asked: 'What are the types of animals that we can keep at home?' Some learners mentioned dogs and cats. Extract from observation schedule - Simone posing a question to her Grade 3 class, May 2013: 'What type of animals are those?' When there was no response she asked, 'Are they wild or are they tame?' The learners said they are tame animals.
Simone then drew a table on the chalkboard showing wild and tame animals. One learner said a chicken could be kept as a pet. Simone said that the chicken is not kept as a pet but for eating purposes. Simone drew the learners' attention to the list of wild animals and asked the learners to name an animal from the list that was a predator. Extract from observation schedule - Simone posing a question to her Grade 3 class, May 2013: 'What do predators do?' She answered that they eat other animals and proceeded to ask the learners to name one animal from the list of wild animals that eats another animal as a meal. A learner mentioned the lion. Extract from observation schedule - Simone posing a question to her Grade 3 class, May 2013: 'we get tame animals, domesticated animals and predators and we get carnivores and herbivores'.
A second lesson on animals was taught during the observation period. Simone wrote the words: herbivore, fierce, carnivore, extinct, alive, shadows, ancient, sharp, strong, huge, fast and slow on a flipchart. Simone explained the meaning of each word and proceeded to read a story about disappearing wildlife and used the Jackass/African penguin as example. Extract from observation schedule - Simone posing a question to her Grade 3 class, May 2013: 'Why the penguins' bellies are white and the sides black?' She then instructed them to find out why this is so. She continued by telling the learners that the penguins are an endangered species and proceeded to ask the group questions based on the story.
A further aspect discussed during the observation week was animal homes. There were two sections to the worksheet. For the first section, learners had to draw lines to join the home to the animal. For the second section, they had to complete sentences. The first section showed bees living in a honeycomb and in the second section bees' homes were called hives. Simone then wrote a few sentences on the chalkboard where learners had to choose the right word and fill in the blanks. The exercise was on defining herbivores and carnivores.
The next lesson started with Simone presenting a big poster from Young Wildlife and Folklore from Africa and read from the poster about the diversity of African mammals and the different reproductive styles. Simone had difficulty with the pronunciation and explanation of the terms, for example 'parental care.' This concept could have been explained in a much simpler way than that which was read from the poster. While reading Simone seemed to be making herself understand first before trying to explain to the learners. As Simone read, she paused to explain to learners. It was clear that the poster on animals was not age appropriate for a Grade 3 class as Simone also experienced difficulty with pronunciation. Simone continued:
'There are wild animals. We need wild animals too. There is a food chain. We all are part of the food chain and after break we are going to do the food chain.' (Extract from observation schedule: Simone teaching her Grade 3 class, May 2013)
Simone then wrote an exercise on matching animal sounds on the chalkboard. Learners had to match the animals to the sounds they make, bleats, neigh, bellows, brays, mew, trumpet and barks. Learners called out different answers. However, Simone did not respond to any of their answers. Although Simone asked many questions during the lessons, she did not always give learners enough time to answer; often answering the questions herself or she moved on without providing the answers.
Analysis of the Grade 3 learners' books revealed that there was no evidence of scientific investigations or hands-on science in the teaching of natural science and no scientific investigation was noted during the observation. During the interview, Simone was asked whether she ever allowed learners to conduct investigations. Her response was:
'Basically we don't … because of our large class sizes when we want to do science we come outside. I mean like capacity and things like that, water, and things like that … we have to go outside, put them in the corridor or put them by the taps. We take buckets.' (Extract from observation schedule: Simone teaching her Grade 3 class, May 2013)
Simone's science content knowledge was better than that of the other teachers' although her questioning techniques were poor, often confusing the learners. Although no practical, hands-on science activities were observed, learners were more constructively engaged than learners in the other Grades; they drew bar graphs and compared different animals.
Table 4 shows the levels for the three sub-constructs used to determine Simone's profile of implementation with regard to natural science teaching. She was at level 1 for hands-on science and scientific investigations as there was no evidence of this. While the structure and sequencing of topics were somewhat disorganised, Simone managed to teach a few science concepts and was therefore placed at level 2. Learners participated by providing answers and engaging in given tasks placing her at level 2 for this construct as well (Table 4)
Discussion
All three teachers who taught science lessons experienced challenges teaching science content and concepts. Their limited knowledge resulted in them giving learners incorrect information and not being able to correct learners' misconceptions. For example, Fiona presented learners with incorrect information that fish come out of the water to breathe and demonstrated limited knowledge of bilharzia. Fiona's lack of science content knowledge led her to focus on health issues. Carly's science lessons were also characterised by inaccuracies and misconceptions. Her lack of scientific knowledge was demonstrated by her use of an inappropriate chart on insects.
Of the three teachers, Simone made the most effort to teach science. She taught a number of science lessons and demonstrated some knowledge of science concepts, although her lessons were poorly structured and at times confusing to the learners. Although Simone attempted to teach science concepts, her knowledge in some instances was either scanty or incorrect.
The lack of ability to teach accurate science content and explain science concepts accurately paints a poor picture of teachers' profiles of implementation. Evidence of their poor science content knowledge supports studies conducted elsewhere (Appleton 2008; Waters-Adams 2006). All three teachers demonstrated how a lack of subject knowledge impacts on the lesson structure as all the lessons observed were unstructured and showed very little evidence of coherence. All three teachers tended to jump from one topic to the next. The lack of content knowledge meant that the teachers had no pedagogic content knowledge either as they did not know how to structure their lessons or what type of questions to ask to encourage learners to think. Questions were often random, and it was difficult to follow what the teacher's intentions were. Teachers often answered their own questions. The lack of hands-on practical activities or structured investigations can also be attributed to a lack of content knowledge. Karen and Fiona, for example, lacked an understanding of what is meant by hands-on science given their explanation of hands-on science activities. Their lack of confidence prevents them from attempting to implement hands-on activities. While the topics taught by Fiona and Carley were suitable for some kind of hands-on activity, such as direct observation or collection, Simone's lesson lent itself to a basic inquiry-based approach but this was not observed.
Observation of the four teachers over a period of time, however, showed that they possessed the ability to interact with learners, use resources and engage learners in activities. This points to a degree of pedagogic knowledge and raises the question of how these skills could be used to improve their science teaching? While research indicates that there are very few science components in initial teacher education programmes (Bartholomew, Anderson & Moeed 2012) which explains their poor science knowledge, the topics the teachers selected to teach were fairly simple and taught year after year. It would appear that an experienced teacher could prepare herself better with regard to scientific knowledge. This was evident in Simone's case: slightly better content knowledge enabled her to ask more questions and engage learners better. Teachers with good pedagogic knowledge could develop pedagogic content knowledge if their science knowledge improved. Improved pedagogic content knowledge would enable teachers to include hands-on science activities as well as science investigations in their lessons.
Conclusion
Although the teachers in this study receive little support from curriculum documents as no clear guidelines exist with regard to what and how science should be taught and little emphasis is placed on science learning, some responsibility should rest with teachers to take science teaching more seriously. Unfortunately, science education for young children is not foregrounded in the South African curriculum and consequently teachers appear not to see the importance either. If we wish to improve the quality of science teaching in the foundation phase the time has come to foreground science as a learning area in the foundation phase curriculum and to make science education a compulsory component of teacher education programmes.
Acknowledgements
The research is based on the thesis of one of the authors at the University of KwaZulu-Natal, entitled 'Foundation phase teachers' interpretation and implementation of the natural science curriculum in the life skills learning programme: A case study' by Saritha Beni.
Competing interests
The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.
Authors' contributions
All authors conceptualised the research, developed the data collection instruments, contributed to the literature review and wrote the manuscript. S.B. collected and analysed the data in consultation with A.A.J. and M.S. A.A.J. and M.S. developed the structure for reporting the research. All three authors contributed to writing the manuscript.
Funding information
No funding or other support was obtained for this.
Data availability statement
Data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study.
Disclaimer
The views expressed in the article are those of the authors and not an official position of the institution or funder.
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Correspondence:
Michele Stears
stearsm1@ukzn.ac.za
Received: 06 Apr. 2019
Accepted: 24 Aug. 2019
Published: 18 Nov. 2019
Appendix 1: Observation schedules for classroom observations
Appendix 2: Criteria for each level of the profile of implementation (informed by Rogan and Grayson's model, 2003)
Table 1 - A2 - Click to enlarge
Appendix 3: Document analysis
Appendix 4: Interview schedule
ORIGINAL RESEARCH
Contradictions within an activity of second language reading literacy
Sonja BrinkI; Carisma NelI, II
ICentre for Education Practice Research, University of Johannesburg, Soweto, Johannesburg, South Africa
IIFaculty of Education, School of Languages in Education, North-West University, Potchefstroom, South Africa
ABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: In investigating the early reading literacy of a group of Setswana-speaking children who learnt to read in Afrikaans, cultural historical activity theory (CHAT) was chosen as a conceptual framework because of its proven utility value in helping researchers make sense of complex social systems
AIM: The application of this heuristic not only proved valuable as organising principle but also unexpectedly revealed the situation with a clarity that brought about a richer understanding of the intricate dynamics underlying reading literacy in a second language
SETTING: The study was conducted at a small-town Afrikaans medium school
METHODS: In this mixed method inquiry, qualitative data was collected through interviews with parents and educators, classroom observations and document analysis. The quantitative data was obtained through the administering of an early reading literacy assessment
RESULTS: The overarching finding of this study was that the Setswana-speaking children developed early reading literacy skills at a rate and level commensurate with that of their Afrikaans-speaking peers. Where the application of CHAT as heuristic proved invaluable was in bringing to light a pattern revealing the agency which was exercised by parents and educators to support the children's reading literacy learning
CONCLUSION: Despite various obstacles and tensions, parents and teachers exercise considerable agency in supporting the children's early reading literacy. Although the empirical aspects of the study are described, it is a conceptual gaze of the situation, employing CHAT as a lens, which is the focus of this article
Keywords: early reading literacy; second language learning; cultural historical activity theory; CHAT; Setswana-speaking; Afrikaans.
Introduction
Early reading literacy is one of the most important aspects of a child's first years at school. Children need reading literacy to progress through life (OECD 2016). Although the country's language in education policy states that all children have the right to be educated in their home language, many children in South Africa learn to read in a second language - often English or Afrikaans. Teaching children to read in a second language constitutes complex education situations for educators and parents in South Africa.
English currently enjoys considerable status and is seen by many as a means to access the job market (Casale & Posel 2015). Afrikaans has, over recent years, been perceived as less desirable in this respect (Greenfield 2010; Webb 2010). Indeed, Afrikaans as a language in education is currently a much contested issue. This contention shows in the current trend to change Afrikaans medium schools into either English or dual medium schools - as is clear from the statement made by a Member of the Executive Council, Panyaza Lesufi, who, in 2015, announced that 124 Afrikaans medium schools in the Gauteng province had been earmarked to be converted to dual medium schools (Lesufi 2015). When looking at the actual choices which parents make regarding their children's language of the classroom (LoC),1 it appears that there is a dichotomy between the views of policymakers and academics, and the perceptions of people at grassroots level.
Language is unquestionably one of the aspects of education delivery, together with other factors such as socio-economic status, parental education, home support, etc., which play a major role in the dynamics of a classroom. It is obvious that the teacher who speaks the LoC and who teaches children from that same language background has a much easier job than the one who has to negotiate the complex dynamics of a classroom full of children from language backgrounds other than the LoC. Unless all learners come from a homogeneous language background, schools can be viewed as a situation-in-flux with regard to their role as agents of literacy learning. Because learning to read in a second language is an entirely different science from learning to read in a first language, schools need strategies to ameliorate difficulties for learners who speak languages other than the LoC.
Furthermore, the social and political interplay between parents and the school and between the school and the local community affects children's literacy learning. Moreover, the school's situatedness within the larger education system of which it is a part (and from which it receives certain directives of how literacy learning should take place), is a determinant of how literacy instruction is delivered.
Opinions about the LoC, and particularly whether mother tongue education best serves children's education, abound in the literature. More recently, a number of researchers have averred that mother tongue education, at least early on in a child's schooling career, is best to advance learners' chances of later success in school (Alidou et al. 2006; Brock-Utne 2007; Heugh 2011; Ngcobo 2013; Nel & Theron 2008). This is because it enhances the development of cognitive and communication skills and gives children a firmer grasp of language rules and grammar. At grassroots level, however, parents choose the school which they want their children to attend and children often attend schools where a language other than their home language is used as the LoC.
Rather than viewing agency as a trait or capability that people possess, this article invites the readers to see it as an emergent phenomenon - as actors who act by means of their environment (Priestley, Biesta & Robinson 2015). It proposes that agency comes about as a result of the interplay between efforts by the parents to secure a quality education for their children, despite a lack of fiscal and knowledge resources, and other contextual and structural factors such as the LoC and the directives of the curriculum. Priestley et al. (2015) offer an ecological view of agency: the unique interface of aspects that influence children's education. Researchers in education are often confronted by confounding data gained from within complex social dynamics where a host of different forces might hold sway. Fitting such an ecological view of agency as proposed by Priestley et al. (2015) into the application of a conceptual organising principle such as cultural historical activity theory (CHAT) could help the researchers to make sense of the research situation and therefore bring the benefits of new understanding to the knowledge community. This article offers the readers such a view. Empirical aspects of the study, such as the main findings - that the Setswana-speaking children learnt to read at a rate commensurate with that of their Afrikaans-speaking peers - are mentioned in order to provide a context to the activity system. Although the Setswana-speaking children and their reading literacy learning in Afrikaans are the subject of the activity, the focus of the situation, the focus of this article is different: it deals with the application of a heuristic gaze - that of the situation as an activity - and not with the details of the children's reading literacy learning. Although the children and their reading literacy learning stand central to the situation in the research, in the activity system the focus is a little different; it is the children's forward momentum towards early reading literacy that provides the impetus for the actions and interactions of the various actors in the activity.
Cultural historical activity theory as a lens
Cultural historical activity theory was chosen as a conceptual framework because of its proven utility value in helping researchers make sense of complex social systems and the dynamics which impact them when there is little to be gained from the literature (Van der Vyver 2012). The application of this heuristic not only proved valuable as an organising principle in lieu of information on aspects of linguistics, but also unexpectedly revealed the situation with a clarity that brought about a richer understanding of the intricate dynamics underlying reading literacy in a second language.
The CHAT was developed by Engeström (1987, 1991, 1999, 2001) from Vygotskian cultural historical theory to elucidate the role of tensions and contradictions within a complex activity system (Engeström 1999:384) (see Figure 1). Vygotsky (1978) had proposed that human activity is mediated by tools and signs which are acted upon by various semiotic indicators, such as language. The notion of activity should always be taken to have human collectives rather than individuals as its focus - it is always about the combined actions and relationships between individuals, groups and the environment. A central tenet of Engeström's theory is its focus on the interrelatedness between all aspects of the activity or system (Beatty & Feldman 2009), and specifically how all these factors impact the central movement - for in an activity the object is always in motion from a certain state to another, envisaged as a state of being. Activity refers to the ongoing engagement of the object of the activity - here, the Setswana-speaking children - in an action towards a specific objective - in this case, learning to read in Afrikaans.
Engeström distinguishes between different levels of contradictions within a system. The 'primary contradiction' is always present and forms the basis for the other levels of contradiction. Using the discourse of a capitalist system, Foot (2014) describes the contradiction at this level as 'tensions in a capitalist system that stem from the opposition between use value and exchange value'. We propose that, from an educational perspective, in this situation the use value be represented by 'learning reading literacy' as a commodity to access further education and that the exchange value represents the exchange value in the system, and that the tensions between the two - between becoming reading literate and having to do so in a second language - constitute the primary contradiction, the one that is omnipresent and that underlies all other contradictions in the activity.
Secondary contradictions come about as a result of conflict between two nodes of the activity system (Foot 2014) - for example, between roles and the division of labour. Having outlined the primary contradiction and keeping in mind that it remains the same and is not changed by the temporary or permanent resolution of other contradictions which might exist in the system, it is this second level of contradictions that is the focus of interest. In the section below we will describe the nodes of this activity system and conceptually position the components within the situation at these nodes.
Within the heuristic of the activity system, the acting/engaging subject, which is the person or group whose actions the researchers are seeking to understand, makes use of tools such as language, aspects of reading instruction and curriculum directives about early reading to move towards the object of the activity - Setswana-speaking children who are learning to read in Afrikaans. In doing so, certain outcomes are envisaged. In this case, the envisaged outcome is that the Setswana-speaking children would develop the necessary early reading literacy skills to enable them to read.
This action towards an outcome does not however happen in a vacuum but is impacted by various role players - the community - who are stakeholders in the activity. In this study, the parents, the Grade 1 teacher, the school and the larger education system might be seen as stakeholders in the children's literacy learning. How tasks, such as teaching or homework support, are allocated to specific members of the community constitutes the division of labour within the activity. Division of labour also refers to how the community is organised around structures of power and status. In this study, for example, parents who cannot speak Afrikaans are not in the same position of power when it comes to being able to render homework support to their children than Afrikaans-speaking parents at the school. Closely linked to the division of labour and distribution of power are the rules according to which the system functions and to which all activity within the dynamic is subject. Rules include official regulations, such as the directives of the education department, school regulations and classroom rules. An example of this is how a teacher differentiates lessons so that children from language backgrounds other than the LoC are not disadvantaged and, thus, fall behind. They also include the conventions and beliefs which are valued by the community which might not be documented but which still form part of the local consensus. For example, for the parents of the Setswana-speaking children at the school, perceived education quality weighs heavier than language affiliations when it comes to what they value in a school. All of these rules have impact upon the actions of the subjects, to what effect it can utilise the tools at its disposal and to what extent it will adhere to the directives of the division of labour within the community.
The tools are essentially semiotic instruments of mediation, which convey the norms and signs of the culture - specifically as these manifest in language. Tools can be physical, such as the classroom or cognitive, for example, teaching strategies. Examples of symbolic tools and signs which are used by educators are language and conversation in the classroom, visual aids and, most importantly, the national curriculum.
It is important to note that no activity system functions in isolation as a unit of itself but that it also forms part of other, interconnected or wider systemic and historical contextual systems (Beatty & Feldman 2009:18). In order to render the situation as completely as possible, it is therefore necessary, when speaking of activity systems, to present what Geertz (1973:311) refers to as a 'thick description'. By application of an analytical tool, this article aims to render such a description of one system and its tensions. The setting and role players together with the empirical details of the research, as well as the tensions which were brought about by the children's reading literacy learning in Afrikaans, are described. Secondly, this article highlights how these tensions brought about, for parents and educators, the impetus for searching for ways to overcome the obstacles that stand in the way of the children's reading literacy learning. It concludes with how the application of CHAT can be employed to make sense of a complex situation during research and how it can enhance a theoretical view of an empirically thick description (Geertz 1973).
Contextualisation
The school in the study is the only Afrikaans medium primary school in the area where about 40% of the learners are Setswana-speaking students. Eight years ago, the school's demography changed drastically when another Setswana medium school in the area closed down and its entire population was transferred, by default, to the Afrikaans medium school. As the school offers Grades 1-7, all of the learners who had been transferred then had already left the school at the time when this research took place. Setswana-speaking parents were, therefore, free to send their children to any school of their choice. In spite of this, parents selected this school over others because of the following: the children might learn to read in Setswana, the school location might be closer to where they live or it might be a no-fee school.
Many of the Setswana-speaking children at the school come from resource-poor backgrounds. Several aspects of their home environment make it difficult for these parents to support their children's reading literacy. Some parents cannot speak Afrikaans, or are illiterate, or work long hours and they cannot spend time helping the children with homework. A few of the children come from more affluent, middle-class households. These parents seem to select this school over several other public, and also private, schools in nearby Johannesburg.
Methodology
Although the focus of this article was not on the empirical aspects of the study, the findings form the basis from which the secondary level of contradictions spring. For that reason, and also to afford the readers a context, we provide an outline of the data collection methods and analysis that was employed in order to arrive at the findings of the study. Although the children and their reading literacy learning stood central to the study, in the activity system the focus is a little different; it is the children's forward momentum towards early reading literacy that provides the impetus for the actions and interactions of the various actors.
Both quantitative and qualitative data were utilised in this study. Several qualitative data collecting strategies were employed, such as interviews, observations and document analysis, from which a large body of data ensued. Quantitative data were obtained through the administration of an early reading literacy assessment and formed an axial part of the data as it indicated the children's progress in early reading literacy.
Study population and sampling strategy
Sampling for the empirical component of the study was performed by purposeful selection of the intact group that constitutes the case. The following key participants were identified and included. Apart from the group of 10 Setswana-speaking children whose reading literacy progress was assessed, their parents,2 their school principal and the Grade 1 teacher were chosen as subjects for the research because they would be able to give information on the children's socio-economic backgrounds, their early reading literacy experiences and to what extent the children had previously encountered print. Parents would also be able to tell why they chose the school over others in the area. Furthermore, it was important to find out what parents' education and literacy levels were, and also to establish parents' proficiency in Afrikaans, how they perceived themselves as agents of support of reading literacy and their attitudes to the challenges which the children as second language learners would unavoidably face in their early school careers.
Data collection methods
Questionnaire
A pen-and-paper questionnaire containing fixed and open-ended questions was used to determine the teacher's knowledge and perspectives on aspects of reading literacy, such as phonemic awareness and reading literacy instruction. Results from this data source showed tensions between the teacher's lack of knowledge about aspects of early reading literacy and his or her engagement in the activity of teaching it.
Interviews
Semi-structured, face-to-face interviews were conducted with the school principal, the preschool teacher, the Grade 1 teacher and the head of department (HOD) of the Foundation Phase at the school. These aimed to gather data about their orientation to the reading literacy of Setswana-speaking children at the school. Parents too were interviewed to find out more about their attitudes towards the children's reading literacy, the children's home contexts and the role it played in the children's reading literacy.
Observations
In this study, the first author was a participant observer who used ethnographic methods such as keeping field notes in a diary and made video recordings of the Grade 1 teacher's classroom practice. This afforded the researchers an opportunity to explore the natural dynamics and actions of a group of people in their natural situation, and therefore render a comprehensive picture of participants' views within their ever-changing natural situation.
Data analysis
The analysis of the qualitative data was performed through content analysis by following processes of coding and categorising. The final step in the data analysis process was the examination of categories and how they relate to one another and to specific themes identified in the research. These themes were then described and used as a wellspring from which the authors discuss the issues pertaining to the research, push forward arguments and draw conclusions about the outcomes of the research.
The themes were conceptually positioned to denote tension between the different nodes of the activity system in order for the researchers to make better sense of such a complex situation. The use of discourse analysis was not explicitly intended in the planning of this research. Even so, some discourse markers came to the surface when a strong pattern of tensions within the situation was configured through the analysis of the data. The use of content analysis ensured that the analysis process remained true to the actual lived experiences, words and actions of the participants, from which the codes were closely derived.
Ethical considerations
Ethical clearance was obtained from the Ethics Committee of the North-West University (NWU), Potchefstroom (clearance number: NWU-00071-13-A2).
Results and discussion
The overarching finding of this study was that the Setswana-speaking children developed early literacy skills at a rate and level commensurate with that of their Afrikaans-speaking peers. How they managed to do so is represented by the findings which were derived from the qualitative component of the study. These themes are presented and discussed in terms of the tenets of CHAT.
Firstly, at this school, it is clear that parents make a conscious decision to enrol their children even though (and in some cases, because) the LoC is Afrikaans. The parents choose this school for various reasons, mainly because it is perceived to offer a better-quality education than other schools in the area. In order to prepare children for their school career at an Afrikaans school, parents take the ameliorative precaution of enrolling their children at the Afrikaans preschool nearby. Supporting their children's early literacy learning is a challenge for the parents, not least because of a scarcity of fiscal resources, but they devise various strategies in order to optimise their children's learning. Some parents enlist the help of Afrikaans-speaking members of their home communities to assist, others make an effort to increase their own knowledge of the language and yet some others simply listen attentively to encourage the children to practise their Afrikaans reading despite not understanding what their children are reading to them.
The school is found to be a functional and child-centred place of learning, even though teachers are expected to adhere stringently to the national curriculum and the directives of the Department of Basic Education. This causes considerable tension within the activity system. For example, the HOD's expectation of the Grade 1 teacher to stringently adhere to the curriculum in terms of the children's production of written work stands in stark contrast to the teacher's classroom practice which included a number of phonics activities. The teacher lacked knowledge of phonemic awareness and other early literacy skills and, therefore, aspects of her literacy teaching actually work contrary to optimal literacy learning. Reading literacy practice focuses on phonics and word recognition, with little purposeful focus on phonemic awareness as such. Despite these deleterious factors, the Setswana-speaking children seem to learn to read easily - probably because of the transparency of the Afrikaans orthography (Brink 2016).
The utility value of CHAT as a heuristic shows up prominently when the themes, which were derived from data analysis, are mapped onto an activity system. From the discussion of this conceptual 'fit', a strong pattern emerges. Parents and educators face significant challenges in supporting the children's reading literacy - both within the local situation and from the larger, systemic context. Despite these challenges and the tensions which they bring about, they take full power in innovating ways and using resources that would enhance the children's learning abilities. Because of their stalwart commitment to this end, the children make progress in their early reading literacy learning. A few examples of the challenges, tensions and also of the agency exerted by the role players in the situation will be highlighted next.
There are tensions between the parents' choice of a school for the educational benefits, which parents believe the school affords their children, and the consequences of that choice - that is, not being able to help their children with homework, nor being able to access information from school newsletters and parent meetings as these are written and conducted in Afrikaans.
The school's local situation also stands in sharp relief to its place within the larger education context. The strict protocols which the DBE prescribes, for example, with regard to have children produce written work as evidence of learning, and the administrative workload brought about by assessing learners and recording the results of these assessments go against the grain of the teacher who sees these as time-consuming and often superfluous to the achievement of more important outcomes, such as learning to read.
At an intra-school level, the systemic directives from the DBE cause tension between the different stakeholders at the school. The school principal perceives these directives, especially in terms of the time commitment which they demand, as putting undue pressure on educators, which has a negative impact on children's learning. The HOD, however, does not share the views of the school principal and the Grade 1 teacher on the value of strictly adhering to the curriculum and other departmental schedules and believes that these are essential for successful teaching and the effective functioning of the school.
These examples show that there is considerable tension within the activity. Looking at the situation through the heuristic of CHAT makes it clear that a tension exists between all the 'nodes' of the system. For example, there is tension between the school's language (a tool) and its community (the Setswana-speaking children and their parents) engaged in the activity.
In the activity system, the role players aim to address the tensions which manifest in a way that would best serve the children's learning. By taking command of aspects, such as their choice of a school, parents stand by no means powerless in the situation. They decide on this school as one which would, despite costing them more in time and money than other schools in the area, would optimise the children's chances of getting a quality education. Parents believe that this school gives children the best chance of learning to read, and reading to learn, to succeed at school and later on in life. Similarly, the educators take the bull by the horns and constantly work to find better and more innovative ways to support the education and well-being of their learners. In tandem with the tensions within the children's early reading literacy context, agency comes to the fore as a strong pattern in the activity system.
Tensions are brought about within the context of the school and its community by factors from within the locality as well as the society. To address these tensions, the role players in support of the children's reading literacy - parents and teachers - opted to exert considerable agency in finding ways to overcome the challenges which present in the situation.
Contradictions are frequently brought about by the complex interplay between sometimes opposing aspects of education provisioning, such as the reality of learners who are learning in a second language and the demand this puts on the teacher's time, and the limited time provision by the curriculum for early literacy learning activities. In addition, socio-linguistic factors, such as language identities - both of the learners and the school - and considerable tension could result, putting strain on the situation within which reading literacy learning takes place. If not properly managed these tensions could be to the detriment of children who are often already challenged by a shortage of fiscal and knowledge resources at home. Furthermore, the school as a matrix within which the children are educated could easily be warped into a less than ideal learning situation by larger influences such as curricular and departmental directives and how these are enforced locally.
Referring to those who influence the children's learning in this situation - the children's parents and teachers - we want to propose that tensions could be the very thing that brings about a sense of agency for role players to direct their actions within the system in such a way that they benefit the children and their developing reading literacy. Without a sense of agency on the part of educators - of a willingness to do what needs to be done to support children's early reading literacy learning - it might prove near-impossible for children to make sufficient progress in their literacy learning to get to the end of learning to read and to start reading to learn in Grade 4. Likewise, were it not for parents' willingness to work at finding ways to support their children's reading skills, by devising strategies which aim to optimise the children's chances of succeeding at the school, the best efforts of the teachers might very well have come to nothing.
There are clearly enough forces working contrary to the effective acquisition of early reading literacy skills in South Africa - as is evident in our abysmal scores on international reading assessments (Spaull 2013). It is our opinion that instead of trying harder to eradicate the obvious dichotomies causing tension within the situation, parents and educators should allow the focus to be drawn acutely to challenges in the way of early reading literacy learning and to harness these tensions to provide the impetus to act towards overcoming obstacles.
The shortage of data on the effects of orthographic depth on reading in Africa makes it challenging to find existing ideas from which a conceptual framework for studying this aspect of reading literacy can be drawn. The application of a conceptual lens, such as CHAT, could help maintain a certain focus of activity as a dynamic, and not as a static, situation, especially given the complex social dynamic underlying language acquisition and reading literacy learning. In this article, the authors propose the use of CHAT as proposed by Engeström (2001) to anchor, conceptually, a view of learning to read in South Africa as fraught with tensions and the ever-changing dynamics. The application of a heuristic is, of course, merely a tool - one which affords one a different view - depending on the angle at which it is applied to the situation under investigation. Together with Henning and Gravett (2011), this article argues that it might help researchers in South Africa to gain a better understanding of the practice of supporting learning to read in a second language when language is viewed as a semiotic tool - one which, in the hands of educators and parents acting with agency, could serve to support the crucial stage of early literacy learning for children in South Africa.
The remainder of this article now maps the tensions which emerged within the situation onto a conceptual activity system construed according to CHAT and shows how parents and teachers devised compensatory stratagems to support the children's early reading literacy.
Stratagems to support early reading literacy
By using CHAT to explore the different tensions which manifested in the context, each of the findings is conceptually positioned between two 'nodes' of the activity system. Next, the tensions which came to the fore from within that position are then discussed and, in each instance, it will be shown how the parents and teachers - the people who make up the community within this activity system, through their agency, exercised their political will by wielding the tool of, for example, a shallow orthography to help children to effectively act towards the object of literacy learning and, therefore, to help them reach the objective of attaining reading literacy in Afrikaans.
Various contradictions within this activity system are discussed, each time, in conjunction with one of the findings of the study. What follows is not meant to be an all-encompassing detail of all the possible tensions within the dynamic of the activity system but, instead it deals only with the most prominent ones. A representative sample of raw data is presented in each case.
Contradictions between tools and signs and community: This is the school of choice for Setswana-speaking parents
As stated by a parent:
'A lot of the problem is … I can't help her in Afrikaans. Even the school newsletter is in Afrikaans and I don't know it, so I run to my neighbour for help. She is Afrikaans and she helps me to understand it [the newsletter].' (Parent 4, female, 32 years old, Grade 12, works as a petrol attendant)
Parents, members of the community, exert considerable agency in choosing this school for their children. They do so because they believe that their children will benefit from some tools which they believe can be found within this setting. These tools include teacher knowledge, effective management structures, disciplinary procedures, a caring environment and instructional practices. Parents see the educators here as capable of optimising the use of these tools in order to ensure their children's academic progress and well-being. Whatever the utilitarian value that parents might ascribe to these tools and their application at the school, they are also aware of their own limitations in supporting children's schoolwork when they cannot speak Afrikaans, or cannot speak it well. Herein lies tension and from this perspective the LoC becomes a rule which lessens, considerably, at least for some of the parents, their power to intervene or assist in their children's reading literacy.
Contradictions between tools and signs and division of labour: The school is functional and child-centred
As stated by a teacher:
'I want to make sure the children learn to read … [but] one of the biggest challenges is the curriculum … I feel … with the English [second language] … some days I feel I am not exactly where I should be with it. I don't always understand how the children make it their own … I don't know how they do it, especially the Setswana speaking children … I feel that we should first get on top of the Afrikaans sounds in the first and second term and then only start with the English.' (Teacher, Grade 1, female, 47 years old)
According to their evaluation, the DBE, which forms part of the community within this system, deems the school a functional place of education. Parents, who are also part of the community, perceive the school in the same way. The school could, therefore, be described as an institution of education where the division of labour is effective. The school functions well because everyone - the principal, teachers, members of the school governing body and the supporting staff seems to be aware of what should be done, by whom, at which time and according to what standards. The well-being of the learners is the focus of much of the stakeholders' actions. However, tensions manifest between the strictures of the DBE, regarding adherence to administrative procedures as tool - and the teacher's perception of these as limiting his or her ability, within the division of labour, to help the children to learn to read.
Contradictions between tools and signs and the object of the activity: Teachers lack knowledge of early reading literacy skills
Statement by a teacher:
'A teacher's response to a question: Describe/give an example of phoneme blending:
Candle + wax = candlewax. It is when you put two words together.' (Teacher, Grade 1, female, 47 years)
Teacher knowledge constitutes an essential tool in this activity system. The teacher lacks knowledge of early reading literacy skills, such as phonemic awareness, and how these are supposed to be taught. This brings about tension between tool and the object of reading literacy. Despite this the Setswana-speaking children learn to read at essentially the same rate as their Afrikaans-speaking peers. Here the authors argue that children's success in early reading literacy was furthered by the shallow orthography of Afrikaans - another tool in the system.
Contradictions between the tools and signs and rules: The national curriculum is the teachers' strict guide
As stated:
When the [foundation phase] teachers ask me what they should be doing about this or that [aspect of their teaching], I tell them to go read the CAPS [cultural historical activity theory]. Everything they need to know is in there. Everything. (Head of Foundation Phase Department, female, Teacher, Grade 2, female, 57 years old)
The national curriculum can be seen as a tool which is used for gaining the object of the action in the activity of early reading literacy. Here, however, the teacher lacks autonomy in applying the tool to best fit the unique situation in his or her classroom. Strict rules, in the form of a set of instructions issued by the HOD, for which she draws upon from the prescriptions of the DBE govern how the tool is used. The HOD, who is also a part of the community, stringently enforces these rules and in doing so, escalates the tensions within the situation. The teacher, acting according to what he or she believes is the best practice in reading literacy teaching, by surreptitiously and under considerable criticism, interprets the curriculum - a tool in the activity - in a way that gives him or her the opportunity to tailor the classroom practice (another tool) to serve the children's reading literacy needs in the way he or she deems best.
Contradictions between community and rules: The school adheres struuuictly to the DBE's rules, despite scepticism
Statement by teacher:
'We should teach one sound at a time and inculcate before we continue. The department jumps around between the different sounds and so nothing gets properly inculcated.' (Teacher, Grade 1, female, 47 years old)
Part of the community in this activity system is the school and the educators. It is clear that teachers feel hindered by the stringent directives of the national curriculum and the DBE in their task of optimally developing children's early reading literacy. Teachers feel that the time strictures around literacy activities in the classroom are preventing them from effectively focusing their teaching in ways that would provide more learning opportunities for children to practise, for example, awareness, phonics and reading for meaning. The teacher and the school principal perceive many of these rules as redundant prescriptions policed by departmental officials who lack the capability to do so.
Contradictions between rules and the object of the activity: Written work is seen as evidence of learning
As stated by a teacher:
'Parents expect children to do work on paper [and] that makes it difficult because the parents want to see results. And the only way to show them results or outcomes is to show them - I have assessment books - then you can show them, look, this is what your child has done this term. If you do everything orally or with clay then they [the parents] say how do they know you assessed correctly.' (Teacher, Grade R, female, 39 years old)
The need for children to produce written work to evidence their learning presents in several of the data sets. Spelling correctly is another rule which pervades in this activity system. These classroom activities take up a significant portion of literacy sessions. Tensions come to the fore during a 'monitor and support' visit by representatives of the Gauteng Department of Education to the school. Because the teacher had not followed the rules of having the children complete the prescheduled work in their workbooks, and had instead let the children practise their reading skills, the children had failed to complete the required amount of written work. This causes significant tension for the teacher who had acted according to his or her own view of what it is, within the division of labour, that he or she should be doing to advance the children's reading literacy even if it goes against established rules. Here, tensions arise from the negative consequences which the teacher has to face as a result of having acted.
Contradictions between rules and division of labour: Supporting learning in a second language is challenging
Stated by teachers:
'The earlier the children come to preschool the better. If they get here at least in Grade RR then by the time they get to Grade R they understand Afrikaans.' (Teacher, Grade R, female, 39 years old)
'Because the Tswana moms don't always know what is expected of the children for homework the children's homework is often not done. So I allow a little time in the morning for them to do homework.' (Teacher, Grade 1, female, 47 years old)
The fact that Afrikaans is the LoC at this school, is an explicit rule within the system. The school's language policy bears testimony to that. There is little evidence that other languages are provided for outside of what is required by the curriculum. This imposes certain restrictions upon the actors performing their duties according to the division of labour in the system. Parents whose support of their children's education includes, especially at Grade 1 level, helping children with homework can often not do so effectively because they do not understand Afrikaans. Parents also find it difficult to access information which is disseminated through the tool of the school newsletter, because the newsletter is printed in Afrikaans.
Looking at the role of the teacher within the division of labour, and rules in the form of the pressures exerted by the directives of the curriculum in terms of time constraints on the teaching and learning of the first language, it is clear to see why teachers say that they find it difficult to support the reading literacy learning of children from different language backgrounds. Had the teacher not exercised agency with some of these rules, for example, by assisting Setswana-speaking children with their homework before school starts in the morning or after school in the afternoon, the children's progress towards the object of developing early reading literacy might not have been quite so pronounced.
Contradictions between community and the object of the activity: Setswana-speaking children's home environments do not support early reading literacy in Afrikaans
As statement by a parent and teacher:
'Unfortunately I cannot help him with homework. Because I cannot read and write.' (Parent 3, grandmother of child, 64 years old, unemployed)
'The parents [of the Setswana speaking children] work all day. Or they cannot read and write. Or they don't understand Afrikaans. So it is difficult for them to help with homework. I am at school from just after six in the morning. Then the children, also children from the other grades, come to me to help them with homework.' (Teacher, Grade 1, female, 47 years old)
Parents, as prominent members of the community of the activity system, are well aware that the home environment presents little support for learning to read and that it, therefore, does not directly enhance their chances of reaching that objective. Parents address this challenge by ensuring that their children are exposed to Afrikaans, at the Afrikaans medium preschool, despite the tensions brought about by this system.
Contradictions between community and division of labour: Setswana-speaking parents send children to the Afrikaans preschool
Statement by a parent:
'We send them to Dina [the preschool teacher] so that they can learn the Afrikaans there and be ready for the school.' (Parent 2, female, 28 years old, unemployed)
Parents choose this school for their children's education. To ensure that the children reap the benefit from attending the school, most of the Setswana-speaking parents enrol their children at the Afrikaans preschool which is attached to the school. Parents see this as a way to make up for the lack of resources and support for learning to read in Afrikaans within the children's home context. Seven of the 10 children in the study had attended this preschool. Looking at the children's progress, it could be inferred that this approach of the parents works. It does, however, bring about some tensions in that the parents relinquish some of their power, within the division of labour, in order to prepare their children for school. Contradictory as it might seem, instead of the parents escaping their duties here, this might very well be where they exercise their will the strongest.
Contradictions between division of labour and the object of the activity: Literacy practice is limited to phonics and word recognition with no purposeful focus on phonemic awareness
Statement by a teacher;
'Sometimes I feel overwhelmed. There is just not enough time in the curriculum to properly inculcate the sounds … and I am accountable to every child in my care. I can't just leave them when they struggle.' (Teacher, Grade 1, female, 47 years old)
The community working according to the division of labour within an activity system plays a significant role in either sustaining or hindering the impetus of the action of the subject towards attaining the object. In this situation, the teacher stands central, within the division of labour, to the children's early reading literacy learning. The labour involves teaching aspects of literacy such as phonics, word recognition and writing components which might not be as effective as explicit instruction in phonemic awareness to help the children, especially those who are struggling, to learn to read. Herein lies the tensions; the teacher does not have the knowledge tools to adjust his or her reading literacy instruction, nor does he or she have the curriculum tool, which he or she is expected to adhere to, by the rules, optimally serve the outcome of reading literacy for these children. We propose that a shallow orthography as a tool together with the agency exercised by a teacher in his or her teaching impacts positively the children's progress in early reading in their first year at school.
Conclusion and implications for initial teacher education
Having employed CHAT as a lens to look at Setswana-speaking children who learn to read in Afrikaans, we draw a number of conclusions. Firstly, despite the obvious contradictions inherent in choosing, for whatever reason, a school where the language medium is not that of the child's home language, parents seem adamant that their children attend this school and they are willing to exercise their agency and exert considerable energy in devising strategies to overcome the challenges to early literacy learning brought about by their choice of the school. Notably, in this situation, there is no significant cooperation between educators and parents. Many conflicting views on early reading literacy learning were observed among the members of the community in this activity. There are also few indicators of structured collaboration between the school and parents to bridge the language divide for second language learners. Indeed, there is little evidence of dialogue about the challenges which each group faces in supporting the children's early literacy. In spite of this, it seems that the organically conceived strategies employed by parents and the separate and more formal professional strategies employed by the school are effectively support the literacy learning of the Setswana-speaking children so that they master early reading literacy skills at a rate which is on par with their Afrikaans-speaking peers.
The situation in this study confirms, once more, that a unitary view of community (Skogen & Krange 2003), which ignores the intricate and often undocumented social stratification and power structures, is a myth and that a lack of fiscal, language and knowledge resources impacts significantly parents' and educators' ability to support children's literacy learning. This is where the application of a conceptual lens, such as CHAT, could bring clarity to researchers of the various interfaces, such as social stratification, and how these influence the division of labour.
Looking at the school and educators as agents of basic early literacy, there seems to be significant disequilibrium between the directives, or rules - such as curriculum requirements - of the larger education system of which the school is a part and what educators deem important in literacy instruction. This causes tension within the education setting and affects the way that early literacy instruction is provided. The Grade 1 teacher diverts from these directives and clandestinely follows his or her own set of rules about how early reading should be taught. This diversion from scripted rules has a local effect. For example, because the teacher spends more time than what is prescribed for oral language development, he or she gets into trouble with the school management team for not having the children produce enough written work. Ambiguities such as these serve to confound the scene for researchers who struggle to find patterns and coherence in the data. With the help of CHAT, however, researchers are able to retain a clearer view of the different and often opposing dynamics at play within the system.
Another conclusion that we have come to is the assumptions of academics and policymakers about the desirability of having Afrikaans as a language medium of education based on political, historical and sociocultural perceptions when statistics and local perceptions clearly indicate the contrary. We would argue for a realistic and practicable approach to literacy learning and for a shift in focus from the ideological to the pragmatics of linguistics, which includes a closer scrutiny of how aspects of the intrinsic structure of a language, such as its orthography, influence the ease with which learners become literate. More research is needed before another generation of children fail to learn to read at the level required for academic learning because of a misguided and politicised view of a language that has much to offer in supporting early literacy. Although this study was conducted on a small group of children at a specific locale, and although it does not extrapolate to larger activity systems, we would urge for more extensive research on the subject, as it could mean the difference between academic success and failure.
We would like to reiterate that conducting research on early reading literacy, given the vast array of factors that impact any situation at a local level - for example, resource poverty, a lack of knowledge regarding early literacy, second language learning, local power hierarchies, to name but a few - is a daunting task. However, if the situation is viewed as an activity that takes place at a specific historical moment, at a specific locale within a certain social, political and economic milieu, then what seems like discord and chaos could come to be seen as the impetus for a perpetual germination of new ideas by participants on how to navigate the often challenging terrain of supporting children's literacy learning to greater effect. Indeed, should researchers adjust the focus to include the entire system of the activity as the unit of analysis, it might serve to bring the seemingly opposing and discordant aspects of the research situation into an easy-to-understand picture - one from which important new insights on how to ameliorate the current crisis of poor literacy learning might come to the fore.
Finally, the analysis of the activity system presented in this article has significant implications for universities and the current discourse about teacher and teaching quality, and the effectiveness in improving educational outcomes, specifically the reading literacy of learners, and the criticism levelled at teacher preparation programmes (Taylor & Mayet 2015). The fact that teachers in South Africa are encountering and will increasingly encounter a linguistically and culturally diverse range of learners requires that every teacher has sufficient breadth and depth of knowledge and a range of skills to be able to meet the unique needs of all learners, regardless of the language in which they need to learn to read. The International Reading Association (2003) states that:
Only if teachers are well prepared to implement research-based practices and have the professional knowledge and skill to alter those practices when they are not appropriate for particular children will every child learn to read. (p. 2)
There is growing consensus that much of what teachers need to learn must be learnt in and from practice rather than in preparing for practice (Hammerness et al. 2005). Zeichner (2010) argues for the creation of a 'hybrid space' in initial teacher education programmes that brings together school- and university-based teacher education and practitioner and academic knowledge in new ways to enhance the learning of prospective teachers. The work-integrated learning component of initial teacher education programmes has the potential to better prepare preservice teachers for the reality of the schooling environment, such as the tensions outlined within the activity system investigated in the research study presented in this article. Preservice teachers need more practice-based opportunities, related to their daily tasks of helping South African children learn to read, instead of being left on their own to work out the daily business of practice teaching by themselves with little guidance and support from all role players that affect the division of labour within specific activity systems.
Acknowledgements
The authors would like to thank the anonymous reviewers for their valuable input.
Competing interests
The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.
Authors' contributions
This article originates from the PhD study of the first author (S.B.). C.N. was the supervisor of the study.
Funding information
The author was the recipient of an NWU doctoral bursary during her studies.
Data availability statement
Data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study.
Disclaimer
The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the authors.
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Correspondence:
Sonja Brink
sonjabrink22@gmail.com
Received: 22 Aug. 2018
Accepted: 01 Aug. 2019
Published: 19 Nov. 2019
1. In this article, the term 'language of the classroom' is used instead of the ubiquitous 'language of learning and teaching' as proposed by Brink (2016).
2. For ease of reference, 'parents' in this study will refer to the person or persons in whose care the child is.
ORIGINAL RESEARCH
Foundation Phase teachers' experiences with instruction in the mother tongue in the Eastern Cape
Madoda CekisoI; Thenjiwe MeyiwaII; Mashudu MashigeIII
IDepartment of Applied Languages, Tshwane University of Technology, Pretoria, South Africa
IIOffice of the DVC Research, University of South Africa, Pretoria, South Africa
IIISchool of Human and Social Sciences, University of Venda, Thohoyandou, South Africa
ABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: The perception that educating learners using their mother tongue contributes positively to educational and learning outcomes is well documented
AIM: This study explores the purported benefits of employing the mother tongue in teaching Foundation Phase (FP) learners. Specifically, the study focuses on an examination of the experiences of teachers of isiXhosa (one of the indigenous languages in South Africa) and explains the effects of employing isiXhosa in teaching at the FP (Grades 1-3
SETTING: The study was conducted in three rural schools in the Eastern Cape
METHODS: The study utilised a qualitative approach and case study design was followed. The sample comprised nine FP teachers (one male and eight females) who were selected purposively from three public schools. Three FP teachers were selected from each school and the one-on-one interview was used to collect data. The collected data were analysed thematically
RESULTS: This study revealed that a majority of FP teachers had not received training to teach subjects using isiXhosa as a medium of instruction. This study also revealed that teachers encountered numerous difficulties in teaching mathematics and life skills using isiXhosa as a medium because of lack of vocabulary to match mathematics and life skills concepts
CONCLUSION: The authors suggest that teacher training institutions should provide adequate and relevant professional training to FP teachers so that they could teach in isiXhosa optimally. The authors also suggest that all textbooks, readers, educational media, study guides and related literature be made available in isiXhosa
Keywords: South Africa; mother tongue teaching; teacher experiences; teacher training institutions; mother tongue based education.
Introduction
The end of apartheid in South Africa ushered in democracy, which led to the country adopting a multilingual policy. The policy declares 11 languages as official, that is, nine indigenous languages and English and Afrikaans, a southern African language derived from a form of Dutch brought to South Africa by Protestant settlers in the 17th century. Hence, the language-in-education policy in South Africa stipulates that all learners have a right to be taught in their mother tongue from Grades 1-3.
Subsequently, the perception that educating learners using their mother tongue contributes positively to educational and learning outcomes is well-documented (Begi 2014; Kuper 2003; Malone & Malone 2010; Njoroge 2017; Prah 2009; Trudell 2005; UNESCO 2006; Wigglesworth & Simpson 2008; Young 2009). It is for this reason, among others, that the South African language-in-education policy grants official status to the 11 major indigenous languages of the country. In an attempt to develop these languages and improve the process of learning and teaching, the policy stipulates their use for Grades 1-3 (Foundation Phase [FP]). The foregoing view is predicated upon the premise that the benefits of learning in the mother tongue in primary school education are likely to lead to improvement in learners' academic performance, largely because of the belief that learners are being taught in a language they understand. Benson (2004) avers that because children already speak their mother tongue when they come to school, they can invariably learn to associate sounds with the symbols they see, thus facilitating understanding. However, the lexical capacity of indigenous languages to effectively convey modern science and technology has been questioned, which has also put in doubt the effectiveness of indigenous languages in classroom instruction (Gacheche 2010). In addition, Prah (2009) asserts that critics of instructions in the mother tongue highlight the fact that local languages have limited geographical reach, and lack standardisation as well as orthography. Prah (2009) further contends that:
[A] language that is used as a medium of instruction should meet the following criteria: it should be considered suitable by users and worth the effort to acquire; it should be teachable to the required standard with sufficient resources for its dissemination; and it should be experienced in use in a natural, informal, undirected language environment such as the home. (p. 9)
Prah's second criterion, that is a language should be teachable to the required standard with sufficient resources for its dissemination) - from the criteria listed hitherto- is the major focus of this study. Benson (2004:156) submits that in developing countries, mother tongue-based education can only be effectively operational where basic learner needs are being met. Obanya (2004) defines mother tongue or first language as the language transmitted by the family as members of the indigenous language community in a given geographical-linguistic environment. In the context of this article, mother tongue learning refers to a native Xhosa learner, who is brought up in an ideal Xhosa rural environment in the Xhosa-dominated province of the Eastern Cape in South Africa, and uses isiXhosa during all social interactions (Obanya 2004), formal and informal. It is our considered view in this context that a well-trained teacher providing instructions in the mother tongue is one of the learner's basic needs, particularly in the FP. Smit (2001) argues that in the process of learning and teaching, the focus on teachers is important as they are key role players in implementing the language policy. She further argues that despite this, teachers' voices are seldom heard when a new language policy is planned in South Africa notwithstanding the important role they play in the interpretation and enactment of an education policy change. It is in the light of the foregoing that we set out to investigate the teachers' experiences in using the mother tongue (isiXhosa), in this instance, as a medium of instruction in the FP. The assumption we make is that teachers' experiences are essential towards shedding some light on whether isiXhosa language has the potential to be used successfully as a medium of instruction for subjects in the FP with positive outcomes. To this end, the study envisages to provide some insights on what is taking place in the classroom with regard to the use of isiXhosa as a language of learning and teaching (LOLT). It is our view that gaining such insights is likely to enhance teachers' choices in selecting teaching methods and strategies that will contribute towards documenting and analysing their experiences in selected primary schools of the Eastern Cape. Accordingly, this study is underpinned by an attempt to answer the following research questions:
· How does teachers' professional training assist in teaching in the medium of isiXhosa?
· How does the available material in isiXhosa assist teachers in the teaching process?
· What challenges do teachers encounter in teaching Maths and life skills in isiXhosa?
· What methods and strategies could be put in place in order to make teaching in isiXhosa effective?
The benefits of teaching in the mother tongue
While there are several factors that are involved in the process of delivering quality basic education, language is, without a doubt, key, because it is the medium for communication and understanding in the classroom (Benson 2004). Parry (2000) holds the view that the use of the mother tongue for imparting instructions facilitates the child's acquisition of a second or third language and understanding of the cultures attached to the languages. The World Bank (2005) buttresses this view by arguing that using a mother tongue as a medium of instruction often leads to inclusion of more local content in the curriculum, which makes the educational experience more relevant for learners.
Available research studies provide evidence that a curriculum based in a language known to the child, and a familiar culture and environment, as well as localised and locally-developed texts has a determining effect on early learning success (Mackenzie & Walker 2013).It is to this end that Gacheche (2010) asserts that mother tongue based education can locate primary education contextually and allow improved epistemic access to local communities, which are often minoritised and marginalised. The notion of mother tongue based education has been examined by a number of researchers, who generally agree on the following benefits: it improves reading and learning outcomes; facilitates learning a second or foreign language; improves internal educational efficiency; improves children's self-concept and identity and improves local culture and parental involvement (Ball 2008; Bender et al. 2005; Smits et al. 2008; UNESCO 2007, 2011). Supporting the beneficial effects of education in the mother tongue, Colliers and Thomas (2004) argue that literacy in a child's native language establishes a knowledge, concept and skills base that helps transition from reading in the native language to reading in a second language (L2). Further, this notion is supported by Cummins (1989) who states that if a child has a strong foundation in literacy skills in his or her own language, those skills can be transferred using the L2. According to Martin (2005), there is evidence that mother tongue based instruction assists poor rural and poor urban working class learners to get access to languages with global and wider reach, and languages with wider socioeconomic mobility.
The literature on using a mother tongue as a medium of instruction, in order to improve quality of education and learner success, emphasises the logistical problems of making this ideal a reality (Murray 2007). The results of a study conducted by Murray (2007) on instruction given using the mother tongue reveal that whatever language is used for instruction does not make any difference, what matters is to equip the teacher with the necessary skills and materials. This finding is based on the premise that Murray observed that some learners who were privileged to have been taught using the mother tongue as a medium did not display stronger literacy skills than their counterparts who did not have the same experience. However, Benson (2004) argues that merely changing the language of instruction in the absence of the political will to change the status quo in a country will not bring about any meaningful impact on the achievement of teaching and learning goals. Therefore, within the South African educational spheres where the mother tongue is used as a medium of instruction, it is necessary that more research be conducted to know the benefits of instruction in the mother tongue and other factors that contribute towards improving educational outcomes. Equally necessary are kinds of research that seek to document and analyse teachers' experiences in using mother tongue as a medium of instruction.
Teachers' experiences in using the mother tongue as a medium of instruction
Despite the growing literature on educational change and policy change in general, not much research has been directed towards documenting the experiences of primary teachers and policy change in relation to developing countries, South Africa included (Smit 2001). The available literature reveals that teachers' proficiency in the language of instruction and the pedagogy of learning and teaching through a mother tongue is a critical issue (Makeleni & Sethusha 2014; Muthivhi 2008; Smit 2001). This idea is supported by Harlech-Jones (in Murray 2007) who points out that lack of proficiency in the medium of instruction, whether it applies to teachers or learners, will negatively influence the success of the learners. Chihana and Banda (2013) conducted a study on the nature of challenges teachers encounter when introducing a mother tongue literacy course in Grade 1 in Malawi, and their findings revealed that the nature of challenges was related to language of initial literacy teaching and learning, learning material and methods and teacher training in using mother tongue as medium of instruction. The results further revealed that despite the fact that the course had very good features and strategies that could help teachers to teach initial literacy effectively, the conditions in which the course was implemented were unfavourable. In a South African context, Matjila and Pretorius (2004) argue that both learners and teachers struggle with literacy in the African languages. Benson (2004) states that as long as there is no specific training on multilingual strategies, instruction will be ineffective.
The literature on mother tongue education often points to the lack of instructional materials, which works against transmission of content in local languages (Gacheche 2010). According to Prah (2009), this lack of material is habitually blamed on the abundance of languages in African countries, making it difficult to publish in all of them. Prah, therefore, recommends the standardisation of African languages to ease the production of learning materials in the mother tongue. Muthivhi (2008) conducted a study on Grade 1 teachers' experiences on using the mother tongue (Tshivenda) as a learning medium of instruction and its efficacy in enhancing learning and development. The results of her study indicated that the fact that the language of instruction was the teachers and learners' mother tongue did not seem to help in improving the quality of learning and teaching. This is due partly to the fact that the teachers were experiencing challenges related to both teaching methods employed and the use of language as an instructional medium. Thus, while studies and policies continue to support the use of mother tongue as a medium of instruction in the FP, it is also of great importance to document the teachers' experiences in implementing such policies.
Research method
Design
This article is based on a study that was carried out in the East London District of the Eastern Cape Province. The focus was on rural public schools. A qualitative research approach was followed in the study. Persuaded by Slavin's (2007) notion that qualitative research pre-occupies itself with the lived experiences and perspectives of participants, the researchers sought to focus on the experiences of teachers regarding the use of the mother tongue for epistemic access. The study also used a case study design which Bromley (1990 in Maree 2007:75) has called 'systematic inquiry into an event or a set of related events which aims to describe and explain the phenomenon of interest'. Therefore, a case study was deemed relevant for this study, which sought to explore the teachers' experiences in using isiXhosa as medium of instruction in the FP.
Participants
With the focus on the experiences of the FP teachers on the question of using isiXhosa as a medium of instruction, the sample consisted of nine FP teachers (one man and eight women) who were purposively selected from three public schools in East London. Three isiXhosa speaking teachers of the FP from each school participated in the study. Their ages ranged between 29 and 55 years and their experiences as FP teachers ranged between 9 and 28 years. The criteria for selecting the participants demanded that participants be FP teachers and be speakers of isiXhosa, the mother tongue of the learners. Convenience sampling was followed to choose the sampled schools. All the three schools were easily accessible to the researchers because of their proximity and isiXhosa is the only mother tongue spoken by teachers and learners in schools in that particular district.
Data collection method
Semi-structured interviews were used by the authors to collect data. In qualitative research, semi-structured interviewing is used because it is open-ended and more flexible, allowing the researcher to probe in order to obtain in-depth data (Nel 2011). The authors used interviews in order to gain insight into the teachers' experiences in using isiXhosa as the medium of instruction in the FP. The interview guide solicited information on how the teachers' training assisted them in teaching in the medium of isiXhosa, how the available material in isiXhosa assisted teachers in the teaching process, what challenges the teachers encounter in teaching Mathematics in isiXhosa, what challenges teachers experience in teaching life skills in isiXhosa and what methods and strategies could be put in place in order to make teaching in isiXhosa effective. The interview guide was written in English.
Data collection procedure
The interviews were conducted during the period of September to November 2016 at the respective schools of respondents. We sought, and were granted, permission by the Department of Basic Education to conduct the study. Anonymity, confidentiality and access to the data are the ethical issues that were discussed with the participants before they gave informed consent to participate in the study prior to data collection. Each interview took about 55 min. Permission was also sought from the participants to record the interviews. We used a tape recorder to record the interviews. After transcribing the data, the researchers provided the participants with feedback on the transcriptions of their individual responses to confirm whether the transcriptions were a true reflection of what they had said.
Data analysis
Content analysis was employed for the analysis of data. According to Silverman (2004), the key tenet of content analysis is that it solicits a relatively systematic comprehensive summary of data. In the current study, recurrent instances were systematically identified and grouped together. Once grouped and analysed, for validation purposes, at least one teacher from each school was requested to confirm the researchers' interpretation of the data solicited from the teachers.
Ethical considerations
This article followed all ethical standards for a research without direct contact with human or animal subjects.
Results
Question 1 focused on the relevance of the teachers' professional training with regard to teaching in the medium of isiXhosa. This question was deemed relevant because initial teacher training is likely to have a bearing on how teachers perform in the classroom. The question was further deemed relevant because teachers' professional training involves procedures and provisions designed to equip teachers with the knowledge, attitude, behaviour and skills they require to perform their tasks effectively in the classroom. The respondents in this question had mixed views about their initial training. Although some teachers were of the opinion that their initial training was appropriate to what the current curriculum demanded them to do, other teachers felt that their initial training did not assist them at all towards dealing with the demands of the curriculum. In fact, some teachers revealed that they were not trained at all to teach in the medium of the mother tongue (isiXhosa) but had training in using English as the medium of instruction. Responding to this question, Teacher 5 said:
'If one takes into consideration how the curriculum has changed in South Africa, one would understand that my initial professional training is no longer relevant. I was trained during the time of Primary Teachers' Diploma and although the emphasis was on teaching at the primary level, mother tongue instruction was not emphasised. For, example in teaching Mathematics in the Foundation Phase we used not to translate much into isiXhosa. Learners knew how to count in English from 1 to 10. We took advantage of what they already knew in English and used that as our starting point.' (Teacher 5, female, Grade 1)
Responding to the same question, three teachers out of nine said the following, respectively:
'It does not assist much because I was trained to teach in English. I think our department is of the view that if your mother tongue is isiXhosa you can automatically teach in isiXhosa. That is not true because I battle to teach, especially Maths and Life Skills in is Xhosa.' (Teacher 1, male, Grade 3)
'It does not assist me at all unless the department can provide the necessary support through workshops. But unfortunately, our workshops take only 1 to 3 days, not even a month. That is not enough.' (Teacher 6, female, Grade 1)
'Never trained to teach in isiXhosa.' (Teacher 7, female, Grade 2)
On the same question, Teacher 9 stated the following:
'The focus of my initial professional training was on teaching isiXhosa. I did curriculum studies in isiXhosa. As a result, I find my initial professional training only relevant in teaching isiXhosa. When it comes to teaching Mathematics and Life Skills in isiXhosa, I find my initial professional training irrelevant.' (Teacher 9, female, Grade 3)
Based on the reactions by respondents, it was clear that teachers were not satisfied with the relevance of their initial professional training. To some extent, this may be attributed to the fact that the curriculum in South Africa has changed many times since 1994. Another reason could be that some teachers were trained to teach in English not in isiXhosa. Accordingly, it became clear that a majority of teachers were not equipped with the skills needed to meet the complex demands of teaching course-specific subjects using the medium of isiXhosa.
The second question required teachers to explain if the available material in isiXhosa was of assistance to them in teaching in the medium of isiXhosa. This question was important because learning materials can significantly increase learner achievement by supporting their learning and consequently enhance their academic success. Therefore, an inquiry on the availability of material in isiXhosa and the extent to which such material assists in the learning and teaching process was in order. Respondents' reactions were mixed in this regard. Some respondents indicated that while some material was available, it was not adequate and, therefore, did not assist them much. Others indicated that they were happy with the available material and that it added value or supported them when they presented their lessons. The respondents also highlighted the fact that although the materials, like charts were available, they were still written in English. They also pointed out that having access to material in isiXhosa without training on how to use it was not good enough. Hereunder follows some verbal quotes from the respondents with regard to availability and usefulness of the teaching material:
'Not enough material, teaching aids previously were available in English. You could buy them anywhere. But now it is difficult to find teaching aids written in isiXhosa.' (Teacher 1, male, Grade 3)
'It assists in building vocabulary e.g. songs, rhymes, poems, topics and pictures.' (Teacher 2, female, Grade 2)
'A bit not much.' (Teacher 3, female, Grade 1)
'It makes my job easy and increases learners' understanding of concepts by providing learners with real material/objects.' (Teacher 4, female, Grade 3)
'The material is not enough.' (Teacher 5, female, Grade 1)
'It assists a lot, especially the DBE [Department of Basic Education] workbooks.' (Teacher 6, female, Grade 1)
'Material is always never enough.' (Teacher 7, female, Grade 2)
'To a small extent.' (Teacher 8, female, Grade 1)
'The material without training will not help.' (Teacher 9, female, Grade 3)
The above statements clearly reveal the desperation of the teachers to have the relevant material that would assist them. Judging from their plight, one would imagine what is taking place in the respective teacher' classrooms with regard to learning and teaching. It is clear that their classroom practice is not what they prefer. Rather, they have to cope and deal with existing circumstances that dictate their classroom practice.
The third question focused on the challenges teachers encounter in teaching Mathematics in isiXhosa. As all the respondents had isiXhosa as their mother tongue, it was important to know how they managed to teach a subject that is scientifically developed in the medium of their mother tongue (isiXhosa). The results demonstrate that teachers faced many challenges in teaching Mathematics using isiXhosa as the medium of instruction. Their problems emanated from having to translate concepts of mathematics from English to isiXhosa. Even those who were using material that was written in isiXhosa were experiencing challenges because of the fact that the vocabulary that was used was not user friendly to the learners. They explained that the isiXhosa that learners speak at home is mixed with other languages like English and Afrikaans while the isiXhosa used in the learning materials is old isiXhosa that is no longer in contemporary everyday use for communication in their communities. Some respondents mentioned that some isiXhosa vocabulary that was used in the translated material was foreign to the learners. In response to this question, teachers mentioned the following points:
'The way to pronounce and spell the Maths in isiXhosa is difficult for learners and I find it difficult to translate some Mathematics concepts/terms into isiXhosa. Some words are not isiXhosa but have been borrowed from other languages. Therefore, learners find it difficult to express themselves because they lack isiXhosa vocabulary that is related to Mathematics.' (Teacher 2, female, Grade 2)
Responding to the same question, Teacher 6 said:
'Learners do not understand Mathematics in isiXhosa. As a teacher, I experience problems in understanding the Mathematics concepts that are translated to isiXhosa. How much more with the learners? As a result, I am forced to do codeswitching. For example, the isiXhosa words are so long. Like 'zintandathu' for six. Therefore counting in isiXhosa becomes problematic for the learners. When these learners come to school, they already know how to count from 1 to 10 and when they come to school we seem to take them back to the language they do not use daily or even understand.' (Teacher 6, female, Grade 1)
The following is the response from Teacher 8:
'Learners encounter spelling problems when using isiXhosa as they find it easy to write five but difficult to write 'Zintlanu' which is isiXhosa translation for five. Another example is that of seven and 'zisixhenxe' which the isiXhosa version of seven is. In such cases, learners tend to answer in English whilst you are teaching them in isiXhosa. They seem to prefer English vocabulary to isiXhosa vocabulary when it comes to Mathematics.' (Teacher 8, female, Grade 1)
Responding to the same question, Teacher 1 said:
'Learners tend to use English terms because they know the numbers in English even before they come to school. In Mathematics I always try code switching but that also won't succeed as there are terms which need English and that is another challenge. Being unable to interpret all Maths terms to isiXhosa frustrates me. I think the lack of isiXhosa Mathematics vocabulary or Mathematics terms and terminology is a major problem. Another example is that learning about a clock in isiXhosa language is difficult for the learners but they find it easy in English.' (Teacher 1, male, Grade 3)
This is how Teacher 4 responded:
'Learners struggle to read aloud difficult sounds like nx, ngq in isiXhosa whereas English becomes better. It is difficult to explain numbers, shapes and other mathematical words in isiXhosa. Even in our communities, there are few people who understand how to call thousands, rands and cents in isiXhosa. It takes a lot of time to explain because children go to school having acquired skills in numbers. There is no nye, mbini ntathu etc. Another example with colours, for example, umthubi or tyheli. In English yellowish is yellow. Another example is mboxo-buxande [rectangle] is too long. That is not used in everyday language. Therefore there in no continuity.' (Teacher 4, female, Grade 3)
'Some words are very difficult to translate to Xhosa, e.g. cone, cylinder [3D & 2D shapes].' (Teacher 4, female, Grade 3)
The foregoing responses provide evidence that teaching in isiXhosa was difficult for some teachers. In some cases teachers relied on their own translation. This could be problematic as these teachers were not trained translators. It would be easy for them to send different messages to the learners because of language distortion in the process of translation. The researchers observed that the teachers were not aware that dictionaries covering the entire primary phase of Science and Mathematics exist.
Part two of the third question focused on the challenges teachers encounter in teaching life skills in isiXhosa. Similar to mathematics, the respondents complained that it was difficult for learners to understand some isiXhosa words. This was also a problem for some educators as they felt that the isiXhosa translation of some words was not in isiXhosa but in isiZulu. Teachers felt that the isiXhosa vocabulary that was not used in everyday communication was problematic. Reacting to this question Teacher 5 said:
'Translation of material from English to various indigenous languages is done by National government. Sometimes you doubt if the translator was an isiXhosa speaker. However, Life Skills is better than Mathematics because of the outdoor activities that excite learners and in that way, learning takes place without relying solely on the language.' (Teacher 5, female, Grade 1)
Responding to the same question, Teacher 3 said:
'Translation sometimes becomes a problem. For example, there are animals that do not have isiXhosa names e.g. octopus. In addition, learners do not understand some Xhosa words, e.g. amandongomane for peanuts. For learners, the English language is easier than isiXhosa. E.g. hare instead of umvundla. Although I try to codeswitch, I still find it difficult to explain and translate other words and topics. In other words, isiXhosa vocabulary is strong in some cases and there are names that do not have a direct isiXhosa translation.' (Teacher 3, female, Grade 1)
The above information reveals that teaching life skills was similar to teaching mathematics because both subjects demanded teachers to translate from English to isiXhosa and vice versa. The situation was also aggravated by wrong isiXhosa translation in some textbooks. Another challenge was that teachers were focussing on the direct translation of the text. They were expecting a situation where the source language is mirrored word for word into the target language and yet the focus should be on the overall meaning of the text.
The fourth question focused on the methods and strategies that could be put in place in order to make teaching in isiXhosa effective. Responding to this question, teachers were of the view that having teaching aids written in isiXhosa could support learning and teaching in isiXhosa. They also felt that having mathematics dictionaries in isiXhosa would partly solve their challenges. Some teachers felt that having isiXhosa textbooks would save them from the translation process. Above all, teachers mentioned that training on how to teach mathematics and life skills using isiXhosa would assist them. They suggested workshops to be organised for the FP teachers by the Department of Education. Teachers also recommended the use of codeswitching in the FP. Instead of relying on translation from English to isiXhosa and vice versa, teachers were also of the view that they should be allowed to use both languages freely without translation. Hereunder is how some teachers responded to this question:
'In order to master isiXhosa learners must have enough teaching aids in isiXhosa language so that learners are able to study on their own.' (Teacher 1, male, Grade 3)
'Resources in isiXhosa to be used.' (Teacher 9, female, Grade 3)
'Teachers should always speak the correct isiXhosa language and encourage learners to speak as much isiXhosa as possible even at home.' (Teacher 2, female, Grade 2)
'Translation of the terminology in isiXhosa i.e. Mathematics isiXhosa dictionaries. 'There should be supporting material to support the learners in the learning of isiXhosa.' (Teacher 4, female, Grade 3)
'Learners to use Xhosa textbooks so that teachers do not have to translate.' (Teacher 6, female, Grade 1)
'To train teachers on how to teach using isiXhosa e.g. government conducting more than a month training workshops for the Foundation Phase teachers.' (Teacher 7, female, Grade 2)
Concerning the methods and strategies that could be used in order to teach effectively in the medium of isiXhosa, the respondents were of the view that pre-service and in-service training in teaching in isiXhosa would assist them. One respondent even complained about the duration of the workshops conducted by the government that normally takes 1-3 days. It is the respondent's view that such short workshops are unlikely to assist the FP teachers in enhancing their skills in teaching using the mother tongue as the means of communication, a skill these teachers need the most. It is imperative to note that even if teachers themselves have isiXhosa as their mother tongue, they still lack much needed knowledge in isiXhosa pedagogy.
Discussion of findings
What has emerged from this study is that teachers were not satisfied with the relevance of their initial professional training. Specifically, teachers who participated in the study all indicated that they were not trained to use African languages (isiXhosa) as a medium of instruction across the curriculum. Such a reality faced by these teachers is reinforced by Benson (2004) when arguing that without specific training on multilingual strategies and a practice, instruction in the learners' mother tongue is likely to be ineffective. This finding further coincides with Valerio's (2015) study on mother tongue based-multilingual education (MBT-MLE) conducted in the Philippines whose results, among others, indicated that training on mother tongue based instruction was necessary for teachers in order to implement the curriculum that demands mother tongue based instruction. Buttressing the importance of teacher training, Dutcher (2004) argues that most teachers need training in methodology so that they can exploit the advantages of teaching in the language that children can understand. It is also interesting to note that findings of the current study present evidence of teachers' negative feelings about their initial professional training, something that stands in contradiction to Hobson et al.'s (2006) study. In their study, Hobson et al. observed that the majority of teachers felt positive about the support they received during their initial professional training even though those trained to teach in primary schools gave lower ratings than those trained to teach in secondary schools. An ineluctable deduction made from this study is that primary teachers are more prone to finding their initial professional training unsuitable for their practice.
The results also revealed that material written in isiXhosa was not sufficient and, in some cases, not available at all. This finding confirms results of a study by Afolabi et al. (2006:36) which concluded that 'teaching can only be effected when adequate and relevant instructional materials are used'. A similar observation was also made by Valerio (2015) wherein teacher respondents emphasised that they needed textbooks and dictionaries in the mother tongue to accommodate the needs of learners and to successfully implement the MTB-MLE. Valerio's respondents further pointed out that the lack of books written in the mother tongue affects teaching and learning activities. Malone (2007) emphasises the importance of the availability of material in the mother tongue by contending that literacy in the mother tongue can only be maintained if there is adequate supply of reading material in the mother tongue. Adding on the significance of having materials in the mother tongue, Dutcher (2004) maintains that materials, in the mother tongue, have to be appropriate, available and interesting to the learners.
Another important finding of the study further revealed that teachers experienced several challenges with regard to mathematics when using isiXhosa as a medium of instruction. Most of the challenges highlighted by teachers largely emanated from translating concepts of mathematics from English into isiXhosa. Of interest, and worth noting, is that even teachers who used material written in isiXhosa complained that the vocabulary used was not user friendly to learners. The foregoing observation is in tandem with Mashegoane's (2017) view when posing that the inability of hundreds of languages around the world who do not have direct translations of core scientific and mathematic terms is a hindrance for learning. While a counter-argument can be made advancing the need for these languages developing more learner-friendly and contextually relevant terminology or borrowing, Foley's argument remains valid in that it points out to a disjuncture between language development and language rights, something that should be a subject of a different study other than the current one. It is not lost to the researchers that in so far as the usefulness of the mother tongue in the teaching and learning of mathematics, the results of the present study contradict the results of a study conducted by Mufanechiya and Mufanechiya (2011) in Zimbabwe. In their study, the Mufanechiyas focused on the use of the mother tongue as a medium of instruction in the mathematics classroom in the junior secondary schools. Their findings revealed that teachers and learners found mother tongue vocabulary useful, learner-friendly and helpful in the teaching of mathematics. Mirrored against the current study, it is easy to attribute the Mufanechiyas' study results on the nature of the mother tongue with regard to its level of development and/or its possible closeness to the English language, over and above the difference in the phases or levels the two studies focus on.
As regards the proffering of methods and strategies that could be implemented to make teaching in isiXhosa effective, the findings of the study revealed that most teachers recommended codeswitching and translation of support material into isiXhosa. This finding confirms earlier research conducted by Jegede (2011) in Nigeria which revealed that the use of codeswitching in multilingual mathematics classroom does not result in a deficiency in learning, but is a useful strategy in classroom interaction and an efficient way of transferring knowledge to learners. This finding is also supported by Cummins (2000) who observed that in the course of learning one language a child acquires a set of skills and implicit metalinguistic knowledge that can be drawn upon when working in another language. In other words, conceptual knowledge developed in one language helps to provide input for comprehension in the other language. From a South African perspective, the finding is also in consonance with Setati's (2008) study, which also proffers codeswitching as a viable tool, which can provide spontaneous and reactive discussion of concepts by learners and teachers in their mother tongue. As far as the translation of material from English to isiXhosa is concerned, the results of another study by Setati, Molefe and Langa (2008) support such a move. However, the researchers also observed that, in some instances, learners found the translation of mathematical terms into the local language by their teacher difficult to understand. Attesting to this reality, Schafer (2010) who also conducted a study among FP isiXhosa speaking teachers in the Eastern Cape observed that a number of teachers felt that the isiXhosa that was used in the resource book was at times difficult to understand. Schafer (2010:513) further revealed that teachers were of the view that the 'translations were dominated by "deep" isiXhosa, sometimes referred to as rural, old and traditional as opposed to everyday or modern isiXhosa'. Also attesting to this reality, Kazima (2008:62) argues that mathematical terms have precise meanings, which are not easy to capture in one word in many African languages and, in such instances, Kazima suggests that some mathematical terms might be best presented in their English form.
Conclusion
In this article, the authors have raised a number of issues pertaining to instruction in mother tongue in the FP, specifically focussing on teachers' experiences in teaching learners using isiXhosa as a medium of instruction. IsiXhosa as a medium of instruction was chosen because it is one of the indigenous languages recommended for use in South Africa's language-in-education policy. In the process of collecting data it became evident that a majority of FP teachers had not received training to teach content-specific subjects through the medium of isiXhosa. Ultimately, they have had to improvise in an attempt to facilitate learning in their respective classrooms. Such lack of training in using isiXhosa as a medium of instruction raises serious questions on how teacher education programmes, pre-service as well as in-service, can possibly recognise the value of, and need to foreground, indigenous languages as important languages that should contribute to effective teaching and learning. The study also revealed that teachers encountered numerous challenges in teaching mathematics and life skills in isiXhosa. Some of the challenges emanated from the lack of isiXhosa vocabulary to match terms or concepts related to mathematics and life skills, which compelled teachers to attempt translating from English into isiXhosa. However, the appropriateness of the translation remains a persistent challenge because teachers are not trained in translation. The researchers were of the view that the teachers were not aware that the isiXhosa dictionary for Science and Mathematics exists for the primary phase. Given the aforementioned realities, respondents resorted to the use of various teaching strategies, which include, but are not limited to, codeswitching and use of multiple educational media or learner support material in order to enhance the facilitation of learning. The results further identified a shortage of learner support material written in isiXhosa and this necessitates that teachers also be trained on how they can develop their own material in isiXhosa taking into account the FP learners' background and context. It is the present writers' view that any such material produced should take into consideration; not only the learners' mother tongue but their experiences as well. These can be used to motivate learners in teaching and learning activities as they would be able to contextually relate to such material.
Recommendations
The researchers recommend that teacher training institutions in South Africa should provide adequate and relevant pre-and in-service and training courses on the pedagogy of teaching in the FP learning areas in isiXhosa to ameliorate teachers' insufficient initial professional training to teach in isiXhosa. This could further be achieved through government's intervention by offering bursaries for student teachers specialising in African languages like isiXhosa. In those courses, students should be taught how to use isiXhosa as the medium of instruction for the entire FP curriculum. Material for the entire FP curriculum at the institutions of higher learning should be translated into isiXhosa to prepare pre-service teacher trainees on what to expect in the FP classrooms. Universities should also play an important role in retraining the in-service teachers and the Department of Basic Education should encourage and assist the in-service teachers to enrol for a continuous in-service training course that should not last less than a year. The content of such a course should equip in-service FP teachers with the necessary skills to teach in the medium of isiXhosa. In-service teachers could utilise their weekends and school holidays to attend lectures. Staff of training institutions should visit, monitor and support these teachers in their respective schools to, among others, eliminate any challenges regarding the implementation of the course content. The researchers recommend that the Department of Basic Education should provide incentives to teachers who complete the course. This course should be made compulsory for all FP teachers by giving them a certain number of years within which they are expected to complete the course.
We further recommend that all textbooks, readers, educational media, study guides and related literature be made available in isiXhosa. The researchers are of the view that if the learner support material is readily accessible in the learners' language, it is likely to lessen the burden of translation by teachers and this will, ultimately, ensure that all learners in various schools receive a similar message. Codeswitching as a teaching strategy is recommended. Accordingly, teachers should be allowed to use English concepts because even learners are familiar with those English terms from within their environment. The adoption of codeswitching as a teaching strategy should be for a short-to medium term while more appropriate terminology in isiXhosa is being developed as a long-term solution. It is imperative to note that temporary reliance on codeswitching should not hinder the opportunity for isiXhosa to be developed as a language of instruction. As a long-term goal, teachers, with the assistance of the Department of Basic Education, should come together and develop a mathematics register in isiXhosa with the assistance of trained terminologists and lexicographers. With regard to life skills, the findings of the study indicated that learners comprehend better when the information presented orally is accompanied by performance. Therefore, the authors recommend that life skills educators should accommodate different learning styles in their classrooms. If teachers are aware of their learners' learning styles they will be in a better position to design classroom activities that do not only rely on oral information in order to cater to visual learners and kinaesthetic learners.
Acknowledgements
Competing interests
The authors declare that they have no financial or personal relationships, which may have inappropriately influenced them in writing this article.
Authors' contributions
M.M. took the initiative to conduct the study. He also conceptualised the title of the manuscript, collected and analysed the data. T.M. was responsible for the methodology section and wrote the first draft of the manuscript. M.C. was responsible for the discussion and findings. He put together the final draft and edited the manuscript.
Funding information
This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial or not-for-profit sectors.
Data availability statement
Data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study.
Disclaimer
The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the authors.
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Correspondence:
Madoda Cekiso
cekisoMP@tut.ac.za
Received: 20 Apr. 2018
Accepted: 03 Oct. 2019
Published: 25 Nov. 2019
ORIGINAL RESEARCH
The manifestations of the practice of within-class homogeneous ability grouping
Lucinda L. Du Plooy
Department of Educational Studies, Faculty of Education, University of the Western Cape, Cape Town, South Africa
ABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: This article casts the analytical spotlight on the practice of within-class homogeneous (same) ability grouping where learners are placed in small groups for instruction based on their perceived performances, reading levels and interest. Very few studies have focused on within-class ability grouping, especially in a South African context, where this homogeneous style within-class grouping is the dominant practice in Grade 1 classrooms, despite literature's cautions against its continuous use
AIM: This article aims to address the following questions: what are the manifestations of the practice of within-class homogeneous ability grouping, and how does it account for learner achievement levels in Grade 1 classrooms?
SETTING: A total of 12 Grade 1 learners, in relation to their teachers and their principals, from three selected public schools in the Western Cape, were interviewed and observed within a classroom setting. Bourdieu's work is used to explain the interiority and exteriority of social relations, how practice gets internalised and embodied on the inside, and manifested in various ways on the outside
METHODS: This empirical exploration used the qualitative-interpretive paradigm and followed a multiple case study approach where 6-year-old Grade 1 learners were observed and analysed
RESULTS: The results show differential treatment of groups and the labelling of learners, which gets internalised constituting particular learner dispositions and resulting in learner agency. Furthermore, it shows how learner agency is being informed and constituted in ways that affect their educational outcomes in profound ways
CONCLUSION: The author argues that by placing children in groups based on their perceived ability results in the children gaining differential learner experiences and ultimately attaining differential learner achievement levels. In other words, it creates differential environments within the same classroom enabling some to outshine while disabling others
Keywords: ability grouping; homogeneous style grouping; learner achievement; primary school; qualitative research; multiple case study approach.
Introduction
'When you do Grade 1 teaching … you have to teach in groups, and I'm not talking here about general groups. I'm talking about ability groups. In the first term of Grade 1 you establish group cohesion … but at the same time you observing the children to see 'who's who in the zoo', who fits where and then you do your grouping. I got maths groups, reading groups, [but] they all at different levels. You can't teach Grade 1 without doing that … you can't teach in a blanket way.' (Dumont Primary, female, Grade 1 teacher)
The opening quotation of this article depicts the strong ability discourse that frames pedagogical practices in Grade 1 classrooms in South African primary schools. This practice of within-classroom homogeneous (same) ability grouping follows whole-class teaching where teachers categorise students into small groups, based on their perceived performance, reading levels and interests (Bolick & Rogowsky 2016). However, students with the same or similar levels of ability are placed in homogeneous (same ability) groups for instruction within a heterogeneous (mixed-ability) classroom. The rationale behind placing children in ability groups is to diversify teaching and learning so as to bring them all to the same level (Slavin 1990; Steel 2005). The practice of within-class homogeneous ability grouping continues, despite researchers' inconsistent opinions as to whether it leads to achievement. Those in favour of this homogeneous style within-class ability grouping provide compelling reasons for its continuation, such as the needs brought about by teaching to diverse groups of learners, which, in a way, individualises teaching and learning, allowing for 'students to advance at their own rate with others of similar ability' (Esposito 1973:166), and that it leads to improved academic outcomes, especially in the case of reading instruction (Kulik & Kulik 1992; Nomi 2010; Tieso 2003). Kulik and Kulik (1992) assert that:
… [P]rogrammes that offer the same basic curriculum have little or no effect on achievement, but that programmes differentiated for the aptitude of the group are beneficial for pupils of all ability levels. (p. 415)
However, there are researchers who caution against the use of within-class homogeneous grouping, noting that it has a negative effect on achievement, as well as the psychological and social welfare of young students. Additionally, it only accelerates achievement for students in higher achieving groups, while it holds negative consequences for those in lower achieving groups, such as low self-esteem, coupled with low academic achievement (Bolick & Rodowsky 2016; Kaya 2015; Leonard 2001; Slavin 1990; Steel 2005). Slavin (1990) cautions that:
… [G]iven the anti-democratic, anti-egalitarian nature of [same] ability grouping, the burden of proof should be on those who would group rather than who favour heterogeneous grouping, and in the absence of evidence that grouping is beneficial, it is hard to justify the continuation of this practice. (p. 494)
Kulik and Kulik (1992) and Slavin (1990), as well as Lou et al. (1996), respectively, offer some interesting thoughts on the issue of ability grouping. Although these studies are dated years ago, they are often cited as evidence, with respect to ability grouping. Slavin (1990) asserts that ability grouping has little or no effect on achievement. Kulik and Kulik (1992), to the contrary, aver that programmes, which entail more substantial adjustments of curriculum to ability, such as cross-grade and within-class programmes, produce positive effects on achievement. For Kulik and Kulik (1992), the results do not support claims that no one benefits from grouping. Lou et al. (1996) observed small, but positive, effects derived from placing students in groups within the classroom for learning. As Kulik and Kulik (1992) and Lou et al. (1996) observed, homogeneous ability grouping would be successful, if the instructional methods and materials are adapted, according to the needs of the students. In addition, Lou et al. (1996:423) emphasised that low-ability students benefited from mixed-ability (heterogeneous) grouping, compared to medium and high-ability students, who benefited most from homogeneous ability groupings. Nomi (2010) concurs that homogeneous style ability grouping is detrimental to lower achieving groups, in particular. A recent study by Kaya (2015) observed that grouping children homogeneously, or heterogeneously, had no effect on achievement. It is clear from these discussions that the issue of ability grouping and its perceived impact on learner achievement have been debated for decades, with no clear understanding on whether it is beneficial or not.
In a recent report compiled by Khisheim (2016:3), on behalf of the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), which analysed 39 of the world's most developed nations' education systems, observed that 'most countries that grouped pupils into ability groups at an early age tended to have higher numbers of pupil drop-outs and lower levels of achievement'. In addition, Khisheim (2016:3) asserts that 'we need to consider the role of within-class grouping in relation to pupils learning and quality of interaction with peers and teachers', which the researcher of this current study intends to demonstrate.
Studies on the practices of ability grouping focused mainly on streaming, or between-class ability grouping in secondary schools, mostly located in the United States of America and the United Kingdom (Kaya 2015; Kulik & Kulik 1992; Slavin 1990; Steel 2005). Very few researchers focused on within-class homogeneous ability grouping, with even fewer researching its benefits in early childhood education. In addition, research in a South African context, on within-class homogeneous ability grouping, appears to be non-existent, which is ominous, as it appears to be the dominant pedagogical practice in Foundation Phase classrooms across South Africa, especially for reading instruction and for learning phonics and mathematics (Department of Basic Education [DBE] 2012). This practice is valorised in the Curriculum and Assessment Policy Statements (CAPS) for Grades 1-3. According to CAPS for mathematics, 'small group focused lessons are most effective when the teacher takes a small group of learners (8-12) who have the same ability with her on the floor or at their tables, while the rest of the class engage in independent activities' (DBE 2012:11). A recent article titled: How schools group children of different abilities, authored by Lorayne Excel (2017), considered mixed-ability grouping preferable and warns that 'those who group, purely based on ability, could find themselves running counter to the philosophy of South Africa's national policy on inclusion'.
In this study, therefore, the researcher aims to address the following questions: What are the manifestations of the practice of within-class homogeneous ability grouping, and how does it account for learner achievement levels in Grade 1 classrooms? This article adds to the existing body of knowledge on ability grouping, by revealing the manifestations of within-class homogeneous ability grouping, from a Foundation Phase learner perspective. The researcher attempts to show how learners are framed by this practice, and how the practice positions learners to take on certain learner dispositions, which occur because of their experiences in the assigned ability group. By introducing learners into different groups, based on their perceived abilities, the researcher argues that it creates differential learning experiences in the same classroom space, which not only influences how learners are positioned, and view themselves, but also how they are perceived by others (teachers and peers), ultimately affecting their level of achievement. In addition, the researcher argues that this homogeneous style within-class ability grouping aids some and inhibits others.
Methods
In order to explore and reveal the manifestations of this dominant pedagogical practice in Grade 1 classrooms, this empirical exploration of within-class homogeneous ability grouping followed an interpretive qualitative paradigm and is based on a multiple case study research design. Creswell (2007) notes that:
[C]ase study research is a qualitative approach in which the investigator explores a bounded system (a case) or multiple bounded systems (cases) over time, through detailed in-depth data collection involving multiple sources of information … [emphasis in the original]. (p. 43)
The bounded systems, or the units of analysis, employed in this current research study were 12 Grade 1 learners (6-year-olds). The research participants were housed in three purposively selected public schools in the Western Cape province, South Africa. The selected schools, Flamingo, Dumont and Zola Primary (all pseudonyms), were selected based on the following criteria:
· socio-economic differentials
· resourced and under-resourced schools
· schools comprising of different racial compositions.
Table 1 presents an overview of the diverse nature of the three schools under study.
Babbie and Mouton (2001:282) assert that 'the unit of analysis in case study research is rarely isolated from, and unaffected by the environment in which it is embedded'. Table 1 contains some interesting facts about the schools, as well as the communities they serve, in which the bounded cases, under analysis, are embedded. The researcher respected the voices of the selected children, their teachers and principals, by using their verbatim responses in this study; therefore, the language, when presented later in this study, will not always be delivered in a technically correct manner. It is important to note from the onset that the findings emanating from this research is based on a broader study. The cases presented here should be viewed in terms of its intrinsic value rather than as a generalisation of the phenomenon.
Flamingo Primary (pseudonym) mainly serves a mixed-race community. This former House of Representative (HOR) school is home mainly to mixed-race children, being taught by a majority of mixed-race teachers. Although the school is allocated a quintile 4 (quintile 1 being poor and 5 being rich, in terms of both material and human resources), from the number of children (45%) on the National Feeding Scheme, it is evident that the school serves a diverse community. The Principal articulates the problem that the school faces, which is being located far from the communities they serve, as he expresses:
'[S]chool must be the centre of the community. We have a problem that the proximity of our school; we don't serve one geographical community. They [referring to parents], have to take off from work, travel down here.' (Flamingo Primary, Male Principal, interview, 19 June 2012)
The remoteness of this school spawns many problems, especially the safety of the teachers and learners, as well as attracting children to attend after school intervention programmes.
Dumont Primary (pseudonym), a former Model C school (formerly all-white school), serves a multiracial group of learners, mostly from middle class families, who are taught by mostly white teachers, although at the time of this research, more teachers of mixed-race were being appointed. This well-resourced school is quite different from the other schools visited by the researcher. The Principal explains the Model C concept, and describes how the school community changed after 1992:
'People view Model C schools in the wrong light as if it was for the privilege few because you have Model C status it only means that the school would take it upon itself to buy books, buy textbooks, pay for electricity. The community changed and it's the best thing that ever happened to this school. There was the 'white' flight but then you have to understand a lot of the community [that surrounds the school] is senior and therefore other areas, surrounding the school attracts the younger community. Yes, the school dynamics changed children come from all over the place. This use to be a 'white' school, after 1991 the school committee in 1992 voted for this model. Parents knew the implications were that we would become a fee-paying school but at the same time we could decide whom to employ and enrol. Allowing the school to open up [to other races] brought a good vibe into the school.' (Dumont Primary, male, Principal interview, 01 June 2012)
What is clear from the above extract is that this English-speaking school is no longer a community school, in the traditional sense, and that children travel to the school from various outlying suburban areas. The community served by the school is varied, comprising children from different racial and class backgrounds. This is confirmed by the Principal, in his description of the community the school serves, 'The community that we serve is predominately middle class families, professional people in education, a hand full of working class families; mothers working in the area' (Dumont Primary, male, Principal interview, 01 June 2012).
Zola Primary (pseudonym) is a former Department of Education and Training (DET) school, serving a majority of African black learners, from a poor semi-urban area, being taught by African black teachers. The number of children (100%) on the National Feeding Scheme, and the fact that this is a non-fee paying school, is indicative of the level of poverty faced by this community. The Principal outlined this in one of the interview sessions:
'It's a type of rural setup in an urban area. We have lots of challenges. The first few years I was confronted with a lot of child abuse, rape; fathers and stepfathers raping their children. So that is the nature that our children are surrounded with. There's a great deal of social mishaps in this community because of the background of the parents.' (Zola Primary, male, Principal interview, 11 June 2012)
In addition, he continues:
'They [referring to the parents] don't come to meetings maybe 20% will attend intervention meetings with teachers. Disappointing factor, parents don't come … when you insist they come here smelling like liquor. Those factors surrounding us, they are retarding the process of teaching and learning.' (Zola Primary, male, Principal interview, 11 June 2012)
The physical location of this school, nested among shack-like informal homes, a bottle store, serving customers in clear view of children walking to school, and a very busy taxi-rank, as well as the Principal's description of the daily struggles faced by the school, are an indication of the manifold contextual problems that appear to impede teaching and learning at this school.
These brief descriptions of the three selected schools that formed part of this current study indicate that South African schools, post-democracy, are still segregated, not only along racial lines but also along class lines (Hoadley 2005). Therefore, school choice and quality schooling appear to be dependent on what parents can afford.
The bounded cases, the sample of 12 Grade 1 learners (four learners per school), were selected based on the information obtained from their learner profiles, which outline their academic progress thus far, questionnaires which gave the researcher an indication of what they had access to in their homes, and input from their class teachers. An indication of the 12 learner participants' nature is presented in Table 2.
As mentioned, learners' academic records, contained in their learner profiles, were used to ascertain the levels of achievement. The use of the terms, above average, average, below average and at risk, are categories used by teachers for group learners according to their levels of achievement, based on assessment outcomes over time. These categories are used in this article for analytical purposes, and not as a form of labelling, or marking of the learner research participants. As shown in Table 2, all these children attended Grade R (preschool); however, the nature and quality of prior schooling are unknown. The class status of the learners was derived from questionnaires completed by the learners, which ascertained their socio-economic status.
Data collection
Data collection was carried out in various ways, namely, observations in Grade 1 classrooms, semi-structured focus group discussions with learner participants, individual semi-structured interviews with their class teachers and school principals, as well as document sources. A brief overview of each of these data collection instruments follows hereafter.
Classroom observations
The learners were observed in the classroom setting for three consecutive days, with the focus on pedagogic practices (teaching and learning in its natural setting) and pedagogic relationships (interactions between teachers and learners, as well as learners and their peers). Hoadley (2005:82) notes that 'the assumption is that by that stage [after three consecutive days of observing] the social relations between teachers and learners would be well-established and routine pedagogic practices would have been sedimented'. Audio recordings of the observed lessons, as well as the written notes that captured real-life details (e.g. expressions, silences, movements and interruptions), created a variety of data.
Focus group discussions and individual interviews
At each school, four selected learners were engaged in focus group discussions, following on Patton's (2002:386) assertion that 'participants can hear each other's responses and can make additional comments beyond their original responses as they hear what other people have to say'. Lessons learnt from the pilot study, conducted prior to entry into the field, helped in terms of observing the ethical dimension involved in gaining access to the children. In addition, the pilot study allowed the researcher to gain the necessary confidence and practice in interviewing young children, which could be challenging. The researcher drew on the work of Cameron (2005), who suggested techniques and strategies to use in child-centred interviews, Flewitt's (2005) knowledge of dealing with ongoing consent issues, as well as Birbeck and Drummond's (2005) views on dealing with silences and issues of suggestibility (the need to fill in conversational spaces) when interviewing young children. Additionally, three Grade 1 class teachers, as well as the principals of the three selected primary schools, were engaged in semi-structured individual interviews, in order to gain a broader perspective of issues relating to achievement in Grade 1.
Document sources
Document sources (learner profiles, grade progression schedules, teacher intervention reports, learner workbooks and worksheets) were used, not only as a source to indicate their academic progress to date but also to ascertain what transpired inside the classroom.
Data analysis
Data from the various data sets (questionnaires, interviews and document sources) were brought together and analysed inductively, that is, looking for 'recurring regularities or patterns' (Merriam 2009:180). The transcribed lessons and interviews were transformed into readable text, divided into segments and coded to identify linkages and patterns. Before identifying the themes that emerged from the analysis process, a brief discussion on the credibility and transferability of the findings is warranted. A number of ways were employed to ensure the credibility of the findings:
· data and source triangulation (using more than one method to collect data and from more than one source) (Shenton 2004)
· peer scrutiny of the research project (all transcripts were verified for authenticity against audio recorders).
In terms of transferability of the findings, the aim is not to generalise the findings but to comprehend the extent of the readers' understanding of the phenomenon (Merriam 2009). The themes that emerged from this analytical process were:
· differential treatment ‒ teacher talk and teacher expectations
· an issue of labelling and positioning - internalising the characteristics of the animal
· different forms of learner agency ‒ learner coping mechanisms.
Each of these themes are presented and discussed later in this article, but firstly, the researcher discusses the theoretical framework, which framed the way data were analysed, which ultimately resulted in these three themes.
Theoretical framework
In this study, the researcher draws on the seminal work of prominent sociologist, Pierre Bourdieu (1977). Bourdieu's (1977) theoretical constructs, habitus, field and field-specific capital are crucial to understanding the interiority and exteriority of social relations, which establishes the mutual relationship and connectedness between practices (objective structures) and human action (subjective dispositions). For Bourdieu (1977:77), social reality is a 'dialectic process of internalisation externality and externalisation internality'; that is, the process where objective structures and meanings of subjective structures (agency) converge (Bourdieu 1977; Suminar 2013). This dialectic is one of objectification and embodiment between 'the human body and structured space …' (Bourdieu 1977:87). The interaction between structures and actors, therefore, involves both subjectivity and objectivity.
Bourdieu's (1977) theoretical project is useful in this research, to unveil what happens when learners enter a social interaction situation (within the social space of the classroom), as well as engage in certain practices (pedagogical practices like within-class homogeneous ability grouping), and how this engagement creates differential experiences for these young learners, different forms of internalisations and how these internalisations are actualised on the outside, as they have to cope with and make sense of the world around them. Devine (2013) asserts that:
[C]onceptualising school (classroom) space as social interactive and agentic allows for a more nuanced analysis of the processes of both production and (re)production that gives rise to different learning trajectories for children in schools. (p. 6)
Additionally, the interplay between the three core constructs, that constitute Bourdieu's (1977) theoretical project, produces agent's social practices (Fuchs 2003). The interplay between these three core constructs are illuminated in the following equation, introduced by Bourdieu (1990:101):
Social practice, the aspect of social action, is dependent on the habitus, capital and social field (Bourdieu 1990); therefore, one construct cannot be explained without referring to the others.
Habitus is defined by Bourdieu (1977) as:
Systems of durable, transposable dispositions, structured structures predisposed to function as structuring structures, that is, as principles of generation and structuring of practices and representations. (p. 72)
In addition, the habitus is both the 'opus operatum' and the 'modus operandi' (Bourdieu 1977:36), which are the results of practices, as well as the modes of practices. According to Suminar (2013:202), the habitus can be used to explain how objective structures and subjective dispositions influences human action, as well as how social and cultural messages shape an individual's thoughts and actions. In addition, what should be considered is that the habitus loses its potency, when viewed in isolation from the field and cultural capital. Actors enter a particular field (education field), with a particular disposition (habitus - internalised over time through interactions in different social spaces), and differently endowed with particular 'field-specific capital' (cultural capital), which ultimately determines their positioning in the field. Bourdieu (1986:231) asserts that 'social positioning is influenced by the overall volume of capital and the composition of that capital'. Therefore, instead of seeing ability as being natural and an innate characteristic, 'a Bourdieuian analysis allows for the theorising of ability as cultural capital, where there is an interrelationship between the individual whose habitus is legitimated and valued through the objectified structuring practices in the field' (Zevenbergen 2003:5). Involvement in a field, therefore, shapes the habitus, which, in turn, shapes the perceptions and actions of actors in a field (Crossley 2001). Bourdieu (1990) views the field as a 'field of struggle', when stating:
[A] field is a structured social space, a field of forces, a force field… Constant permanent relationships of inequality operate inside this space, which at the same time, becomes a space in which various actors struggle for the transformation or preservation of the field. (pp. 40-41)
Position within any structure 'motivates strategies aiming to transform or to preserve it' (Bourdieu 1990:128). It is by linking habitus and capital to the concept of field that Bourdieu (1990) is able to capture the dialectical relationship between objective structures and subjective dispositions, and demonstrate how structural constraints act upon social practices. According to Suminar (2013:206), Bourdieu's theory of practice, ties all three core concepts (habitus, capital and field) together so that the actors' dispositions (habitus), not only reflect their lived experiences but also depend on changing capital endowments and boundaries in fields. Bourdieu (1990), therefore, provides the analytical tools, which could be used to capture how classroom practices are experienced by these young learners, and how their educational experiences, in turn, frame their learning dispositions and account for their academic performance. Before proceeding to a discussion on the themes that emanated from the analysis process, one should note that Bourdieu's framework smoothens and helps to identify signals in the data that help to understand the interiority and exteriority of social relations.
Differential treatment - teacher talk and teacher expectations
According to Lou et al. (1996), the variety of students, who populate classrooms, means that teachers are faced with difficult pedagogical decisions, if students are to learn effectively and enjoyably. For Christie (2008):
[T]here is a general agreement that good classroom practice is about the quality of the interactions between the students and their teachers, and the optimal use of resources and time. (p. 195)
Christie (2008:195-196) suggests that one way of enhancing student learning is 'engagement with difference', which for her means 'deliberate attempts in pedagogical enactment to increase the participation of different students and build inclusive classrooms'. The researcher's observations in Grade 1 classrooms, across the three selected schools, revealed that teachers did not know how to engage with a difference or work with children who learnt differently, especially those who were struggling to learn. They often adopted one of the following choices:
· diagnosing learners with one or more disorders, either in need of occupational therapy (OT), or suffering from attention deficit disorder (ADD), and therefore, needed to be referred to a therapist
· sending children to the learners with special needs (LSEN) teacher
· labelling children, either in positive terms as 'bright' or 'clever', or in negative terms as 'dumb', 'slow' or 'lazy'.
Diagnosing learners with one or other disorder is a popular middle class talk, as is evident from the following Grade 1 teacher's interview session:
'He (referring to a boy who reads above his grade level and who completed the Grade 1 programme in March of that year but still found himself in the 'below average' group) is a lazy boy. OT [occupational therapy] is a combination of being lazy and low muscle tone. He is a prime example of someone who needs OT and the sad part is because of his intelligence he would benefit … He can do the verbal stuff but the actual motor stuff he cannot do and that is going to inhibit his learning in my opinion.' (Dumont Primary, Grade 1 teacher, interview, 29 August 2012)
Additionally, this boy, who normally attempted to respond to the teachers' questions, was destined to be ignored, being treated as if he was invisible. Subsequently, he would lapse into disruptive behaviour, teasing children close to him, which would, in turn, frustrate the teacher. The researcher observed that the teacher associated more with learners in high status groups and with children who displayed characteristics closer to the teacher's own social field, displaying what Panofsky (2003:419) refers to as a 'habitus that reflects similar cultural and economic capital'.
Children in high status groups, who were seated together, and displayed what Nespor (1996:128) refers to as a 'school body', were often called on to respond to questions, or to read out loud, and often received praise. These cooperative and forward-thinking students embodied all the qualities of a good student, which afforded them more opportunities to enhance their learning, whereas children in lower groups where not provided with the same opportunities. According to Davies and Hunt (1994):
Competent students are also unmarked in terms of the good/bad student binary. These students with their teachers create the context that is recognisable as a classroom. They know 'how to behave' and in doing so become members of those social scenes in which the teacher is positioned as authorative teacher and they are positioned as cooperative students. (p. 389)
The differential treatment of children, as seen in this class through verbal and non-verbal messages communicated by the teacher, could account for certain children lapsing into disruptive behaviour, an issue that is elaborated on later in this discussion. Additionally, it could account for the teacher's view of children in low status groups, as a discipline problem, instead of an educational problem, one that might require them to adjust their teaching strategies. Pillay (2004:5) asserts that such treatment is common when 'teachers who are not trained to work with children from different cultural backgrounds often ended up mapping problems that emerge onto students, rather than on the system that needs to be modified'. A study conducted by Wilcox (1998, cited in Panofsky 2003), and later confirmed in Zevenbergen (2003), revealed similar results of students in high status groups being given more opportunities to develop self-presentation skills, such as speaking and presenting before a group, as well as receiving considerable guidance and support for doing so. It was clear from the researcher's classroom observations, in all three schools, that teachers could clearly differentiate between learners, which was evident in their descriptions of their learners; however, they were inexperienced in working with these perceived differences, as one teacher articulated:
'We don't exercise different styles of teaching because children learn differently so we supposed to teach in different styles.' (Flamingo Primary, female, Grade 1 teacher, interview, 30 July 2012)
The inexperience of the teachers often resulted in the use of the same methods of teaching for all learners, as a Flamingo Primary school teacher explained, referring to working with students who were below average and at risk: 'we give them less work, work slower or lower the number.' This was confirmed by a Zola Primary school, Grade 1, female, teacher: 'if the learner is a slow learner, you give them less work'. Therefore, it appears that these teachers held low expectations for students in lower groups, which affected not only the content selected but also the pace of the lesson. Fataar and Du Plooy (2012:17) observed similar types of results in their ethnographic study of a township school, noting that 'although teachers do not read their students as homogeneous, what is apparent is that they enact their pedagogical practices in the classroom in a homogeneous manner, failing to make distinctions among them'. Consequently, very little happens by way of diverse teaching strategies, although the rationale for placing students in different ability groups was to teach them according to their diverse needs.
The children were also aware of the pacing of lessons, in terms of content delivery, and expressed the following: '… they just pasting stuff' (DPL102, female, learner) or 'I'm at bonds 11 and they are only on bonds 3' (FPL 101, male, learner). Zevenbergen (2003:9) observed that differently paced lessons had different effects on the learners' capacity to perform in examinations, because restricting, or enhancing, the amount of content inhibits, or extends, what can be learnt, creating different opportunities in terms of assessment. In Zevenbergen's (2003) opinion, examinations can be viewed as the most overt structuring practice, as children are exposed to different learning environments, but have to take the same examinations. Boaler, William and Brown (2009), who examined children in ability groups for mathematics, observed the following:
Students in high sets come to be regarded as mini-mathematicians who work through high-level work at a sustained pace, whereas students in low sets come to be regarded as failures who could cope with low-level work, or worse, copying off the board. (p. 19)
The exposure to less content and undifferentiated teaching approaches could account for children in low status groups being entombed in repeated patterns of powerlessness, and being locked into low-ability groups, with very little chance of moving out of these groups. A teacher expressed the following views on a boy, who was at risk of failing:
'It is September already and I'm still seeing no progress in his work. This child will either fail or move on, but he will remain in the low achieving group throughout this phase. These children seldom move out of this group and they struggle even more as they continue. They work with the LSEN teacher but she serves this whole district so there is not much she can do in the time they spend with her. Parents are not of any help either …' (Flamingo Primary, Grade 1 teacher, 30 July 2012)
According to this teacher, there does not seem to be much hope for children finding themselves in lower ability groups. In addition, the teachers' perception of parents and guardians, especially their description of working class parents and guardians, emerged as a common opinion across all the three schools. There was clearly a disjuncture between the teachers' perception of parental involvement and what the learners conveyed about their parents' and guardians' involvement in their learning. Some parents and guardians were often blamed for, as teachers articulated: 'babying their children', 'not of any help', or 'just not interested at all', which is quite contrary to what the children were communicating regarding their parents and guardians actions. The children conveyed that their parents and guardians read to them, helped them to learn the spelling lists, did sums with them and prepared them for tests. According to Kravolec and Buell (2000:79), 'parents from low socio-economic families are frowned upon and their voices are not heard'. Fataar and Du Plooy (2012) also observed that the involvement of parents from low socio-economic families are seldom recognised, valued or acknowledged by teachers.
An issue of labelling and positioning - internalising the characteristics of the animal
In Dumont and Flamingo Primary schools, respectively, the practice of naming groups according to animal names is common practice. When being called to the mat to do mat work for reading, phonics and mathematics, the teacher often calls groups by these animal names, such as cheetah, bear, rabbit or giraffe, depending on the composition of the group. It appears that the characteristic of the animal encompasses the dynamic of the group; above average learners are cheetahs (fast), while below average and at risk learners are giraffes (slow). As the Dumont Primary school teacher articulated in the opening extract (see introduction), '… at the same time you are observing children, to see who's who in the zoo' or as a Flamingo Primary school teacher participant explains:
'At the beginning of the year we have a baseline assessment that we do and from there we immediately know who goes where ability groups especially for mathematics and reading and phonics, but for the rest [referring to the curriculum] like Life Skills is for everyone.' (Flamingo Primary, female, Grade 1 teacher, interview, 30 July 2012)
The children in the following extract, taken from a focus group discussion, provided a recognition of the unintended messages being relayed by the practice of within-class ability grouping:
Researcher addressing an above average learner: 'What would you feel like if you were no longer a cheetah but a giraffe?'
Above average learner immediately responds: 'I will cry but this will not happen because we are busy with bonds 11 and they [referring to below average learners] are only on bonds 3.'
Researcher addressing an at risk student: 'Why do you think you are not a cheetah?'
An average learner interrupts: 'Because they are pasting stuff. Miss makes the numbers then they paste because they don't know the bonds of 10.'
Researcher addressing at risk learner: 'What bonds do you know?'
At risk learner responds: 'Bonds of 1 only.'
A below average student's states: 'I want to be faster. I want to be a cheetah.'
Researcher: 'Is there a reason why you not faster?'
Below average learner: 'Because I work slow.'
Researcher: 'Why do you think you work slowly?'
Below average learner: 'Because I'm in a slow group.'
(Flamingo Primary, Grade 1 group interview, 30 July 2012)
In this focus group discussion, the children expressed that they wanted to be cheetahs, not giraffes, and they were aware that if they, as they expressed, 'work hard', 'listen more to teacher' and 'not talk in class', this would be possible. A Zola Primary school teacher cautions about naming groups, in the following extract:
'We don't do that and we all [referring to other Grade 1 teachers at the school] don't do that because the issue that when a teacher named the group she told the learners you are this flower because this flower is dull, you are that flower because that flower is bright … and learners started labelling each other as this dull flower like 'You can't do anything because your name is dull and … I'm the bright one I'm the clever one' and all these things.' (Zola Primary, female, Grade 1 teacher, 14 March 2013)
It is unclear how the naming of the groups at Dumont and Flamingo Primary schools came about, but at Zola Primary school, the teachers, who previously engaged in this practice, would name the groups. What is clear, however, is that being marked as a cheetah or a giraffe, a dull or bright flower, and being positioned as 'fast' or 'slow', as depicted in the above extracts, translated into different classroom experiences and internalisations. It not only affected how the learners perceive themselves, but also how others (teachers and peers) started to perceive them. In addition, Rist (2000, cited in Panofsky 2003), observed that low status students' experiences of schooling differed substantially from those in high status groups, especially in terms of their treatment by teachers, as well as their peers, as is evident in this study.
The transfer of learners out of low performing groups seldom happens, although these groups are meant to be flexible. However, shifting learners from higher performing groups to a lower one is more salient, as voiced by one learner:
'I used to be a cheetah in reading but now I am a bear. Teacher moved me out of that group I didn't know list 19 words and I struggled so now I moved down. I have to learn my lists so that I can wear the class badge.' (DPL 102, female, learner, Dumont Primary, interview, 29 August 2012)
Children in low status groups aspired to move out of their low-ability group, as mentioned previously, 'I want to be faster' and 'I want to be a cheetah' (FPL 104, male, Grade 1 learner, interview). These learners also knew what needed to be done in order to move, but they often felt restricted. Ermakoff (2010) is of the view that:
If actors have the resources and dispositions allowing them to take advantage of the shift, changes in objective relations provide them with new opportunities. If they lack these resources or dispositions, the shift can turn out to be a source of deprivation. (p. 531)
The labelling or naming of groups could suggest, in Bourdieu's (1977) language of description, that this structuring practice, that is, the act of grouping and labelling of students, has become internalised over time, constituting particular learner dispositions. For Panofsky (2003:413), it amounts to 'what you are able to do or not able to do'. In addition, Devine (2013:6) notes that children must negotiate and position themselves in an increasingly value-laden, synoptic environment, arguing that children are differently valued in schools, which sets the context in which wider inequalities between different groups of children emerge.
Different forms of learner agency - learner coping mechanisms
Learners performing below average and those considered at risk of failing come into schools with an embodied sense of deficit. Most of these learners come from working class families, as evident from Table 2, not having the required or valued habitus, or field-specific capital required to cope with the demands of schooling. Consequently, these students enter the social space of the classroom, considered a social interactive space, where they encounter differential treatment, in terms of being labelled in negative terms as lazy, dumb and slow, or marked as struggling learners, and in some cases, seen as suffering from OT. This is compounded by undifferentiated teaching methods and the added implications of low teacher expectations, which ultimately results in differentiated treatment. These learners, as regularly observed by the researcher, become interrupters of their own learning, as well as the learning of others. They laugh, talk, look around, do not listen or concentrate, and, as a result, seldom complete tasks on time. Their disruptive behaviour appears to punctuate instructional time, because, as observed by the researcher, teachers have to stop and take time to regulate the disruptive behaviour, often to the detriment of valuable classroom instructional time, as observed by a learner 'they [referring to the at risk group] make a noise'. The learner further adds that:
'He [a particular at risk learner] always talk and laugh when nothing is a laughing matter. When they do wrong stuff then he laughs, always when Miss is talking stuff but it's not funny then he always laughs …' (Grade 1 learner, Flamingo Primary group interview, 30 July 2012)
A teacher at Dumont Primary school notes that such behaviour is often a 'coping mechanism'. These coping mechanisms, which articulate into disruptive behaviour, is employed when learners do not understand, or do not know how to proceed with a task. A teacher at Flamingo Primary school expresses her frustration with such behaviour as follows:
'The main thing we expect of them is to listen. That's something they struggle with because it doesn't get implemented at home also. We expect them to be in school, to listen, to read and write, and all the little things.' (Flamingo Primary, female, Grade 1 teacher, 30 July 2012)
Learners, as mentioned, are aware that such behaviour does not benefit their learning. They shared in the focus group discussions that if they 'listen to the teacher', 'talk less', 'learn my words' or 'concentrate', things will be different. Ogbu (2003:23) refers to 'low effort syndrome', a kind of 'norm of minimum effort', in terms of which students themselves recognise, as well as explain their behaviour and low academic performances. In addition, it is common across the three schools that below average and at risk learners seldom complete tasks, as was evident, while perusing their workbooks. The following extract explains why they end up with incomplete work:
Researcher: 'I noticed that you have a lot of incomplete stuff. Why do you think you don't complete stuff or what are you doing when other children are busy?'
Average learner explains: 'She [pointing to the at risk learner] she's lazy.'
At risk learner responds: 'I'm not lazy the children just talk to me. The children at my table every time wants to talk to me, so I can't finish my work.'
Researcher, probing: 'How come your work is not completed?'
At risk learner: 'Because we [referring to the group at her table] play the whole time. He [a boy she frequently speaks to] wants to talk to me all the time.'
Above average learner comments: I don't think it's just the boys I think she also talks to them.' (Grade 1 learners, Dumont Primary interview, 29 August 2012)
From these observations, it is apparent that when these young children enter schools, they come into a social interaction situation, which demands of them to make sense and manage, implying that they need to exercise their agency. The researcher argues that their agency is, being informed and constructed in these social spaces (classrooms and classroom practices), in ways, which affect their educational outcomes in profound ways. Kemp (n.d.:6) explains that 'structure and agency must be considered in the context of any sincere attempt to explain and understand social action'. So, the data shows, that, in these cases, it is not only what they are coming into schools with that matters. It is what they are doing or not doing (in terms of exercising agency), and what schools (structures) are doing to them that appear to matter.
Dialectical tensions between the structuring ordering practice and the construction of learner dispositions and agency - turning to Bourdieu
Bourdieu's (1977) theories, which explain the relationship between social reality and the individual, and the relationship between structure and agency, could be used here to demonstrate how learners are socialised into particular dispositions, how these embodied dispositions are framed and shaped within a particular field (social space), as well as how learners through their actions affect their positioning in the field. Additionally, they are affected by the constraints and opportunities evident in the practices and actions of others (teachers and peers) in the field.
A number of observations could be extracted from the analytical findings presented in this study. Firstly, the strong ability discourse, that dominates practices in these Grade 1 classrooms, facilitates differential treatment, resulting in different internalisations. Secondly, within-class ability grouping, in Bourdieu's (1977) internal language of description, could be viewed as a structuring ordering practice, in terms of pedagogic practices (in this case undifferentiated teaching, variations in the pacing of lesson content and undifferentiated assessment strategies) and pedagogical interactions (between teachers and learners and learners and their peers).
Learners in above average groups (cheetahs), who are labelled and positioned in positive terms as cooperative, forward-thinking, bright or smart, whose primary habitus (hailing mostly from middle class homes) is congruent with the school habitus, display a committed-sense of agency, which affords them more opportunities to build institutional capital (high grades, awards, rewards and praise). However, those in below average and at risk groups (giraffes), who are labelled and positioned in negative terms as dumb, lazy and slow, whose primary habitus (hailing mostly from working class homes) is incongruent with the school habitus, are not afforded the same treatment as their higher achieving counterparts, often being treated as if they are invisible. In an effort to become visible, to make sense of their experiences in these classroom spaces, and to cope, they lapse into disruptive behaviour, displaying a non-committed agency, which locks them out of higher achieving groups, and traps them in repeated patterns of failure. The researcher argues that their non-committed agency, which is displayed mainly in the form of resistance, compounded by undifferentiated teaching practices, and being positioned in negative terms, reinforces underachievement. Clearly, there is a need to understand the nature of the learner, what he or she brings into the school, as well as the ways in which the school and classroom practices shape them, and how they make sense of it, by exercising their agency.
Conclusion
Bourdieu's (1985) notions of the interiorisation of the exteriority and the exteriorisation of the interiority, how the outside (social reality) is inscribed in the body and mind, and how the inside, which is internalised, is manifested on the outside, provide a more nuanced understanding of the ways in which success, and/or failure, is realised through the practices embedded in schooling. It appears that the practice of within-class homogeneous ability grouping, which manifests itself in different experiences for low achieving groups, assist in the construction of particular learner dispositions, where learners in low-ability groups feel inhibited and disabled, '… I work slow, because I'm in a slow group' (FPL 104, male, Grade 1, learner interview). Although the data does not empirically reveal how the habitus is formed, it does provide insight into how learner dispositions are framed by the practice of within-class homogeneous ability grouping. The practice can be seen as a 'differentiated space of probabilities' (Ermakoff 2010:531), creating different capacities for the construction of a learner's secondary (school) habitus, corresponding with Bourdieu's broad claim that an individual's responses to a challenge needs to be coordinated, as structurally induced dispositions make them 'objectively orchestrated' (Bourdieu 1988:150).
Finally, the notion of homogeneous style within-class ability grouping, which is embedded in the CAPS curriculum for teaching young children in South Africa, especially in reading and mathematics, seems unmoving, regardless of the decades of debates, inconclusive in nature, on whether it is good or bad. This article demonstrates the exclusionary nature of this pedagogical practice, revealing how it enables some, while it inhibits others, drawing on the voices of the learners and their experiences within the different ability groups. Further study, exploring alternatives to this pedagogical practice in early childhood education, is warranted. The objective is that early learning for all children should be effective, as well as fun, which largely depends on teachers adopting creative teaching strategies, and offering a supportive learning environment that satisfies these young children's diverse educational needs and differences.
Acknowledgements
Competing interests
The author has declared that no competing interests exist.
Authors' contributions
L.L.D.P. is the sole author of this research article.
Ethical considerations
Ethical Clearance number: 1169 was obtained from the University of the Western Cape, Senate Higher Degrees Committee.
Funding information
This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial or not-for-profit sectors.
Data availability statement
Data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study.
Disclaimer
The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the authors.
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Correspondence:
Lucinda Du Plooy
lduplooy@uwc.ac.za
Received: 27 Aug. 2018
Accepted: 24 Aug. 2019
Published: 25 Nov. 2019
ORIGINAL RESEARCH
Auditory skills and listening comprehension in English second language learners in Grade 1
Kate-Lyn Anderssen; Alta Kritzinger; Lidia Pottas
Department of Speech- Language Pathology and Audiology, University of Pretoria, Pretoria, South Africa
ABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: Studies indicate that difficulties English second language (ESL) learners experience in the classroom may not be attributed to only listening comprehension of the language of learning and teaching (LoLT). ESL learners' performance-related difficulties may increase when linguistic complexity is added to auditory comprehension tasks. Limited research is available on the auditory skills of ESL learners and listening comprehension in ESL learners younger than 12 years.
AIM: To determine which areas of auditory skills and listening comprehension Grade 1 ESL learners find most difficult.
SETTING: The study was conducted at two independent primary schools in an urban setting of the Tshwane district, Gauteng province, South Africa where the LoLT is English.
METHODS: A static two-group comparison design was used. Data were collected from two similar independent urban schools. The research group comprised ESL learners (n = 15) exposed to English for 12-18 months. The control group comprised English first language (EFL) learners (n = 15). The digits-in-noise (DIN), children's auditory processing performance scale (CHAPPS) and listening comprehension test 2 (LCT-2) were used. Six Grade 1 teachers participated in this study.
RESULTS: Majority of the participants (n = 25) passed the DIN test. In the overall scores for the CHAPPS and LCT-2, significant differences were found between the two groups (p = 0.024; p = 0.001). Strong agreements were found between the ESL participants' test results for the CHAPPS and LCT-2. Results indicate that ESL learners experience significant difficulties with higher linguistically dependent auditory skills and listening comprehension tasks.
CONCLUSION: ESL learners achieved poorer scores as the listening tasks became more linguistically demanding. Specific layers of auditory skill and listening comprehension difficulties when listening in their LoLT were identified in the ESL learners. Targeted intervention and curriculum support with the help of a speech-language therapist can be provided.
Keywords: auditory skills; listening comprehension; Grade 1 learners; English second language; digits-in-noise test; children's auditory processing performance scale; listening comprehension test-2.
Introduction
In 2007, 65.3% of South African learners were enrolled in schools where the language of learning and teaching (LoLT) was English (Department of Basic Education 2010:16), yet only 9.6% of the population were English first language (EFL) speakers (Statistics South Africa 2011). This indicates that more than 50% of learners in South Africa could be English second language (ESL) learners. Globally, it is acknowledged that language proficiency and competence play a key role in academic achievement (Hoff 2006:55-88; Owens 2012:16-17) and require the understanding and use of classroom discourse that includes the educator's verbal instructions and lessons, as well as written text (Van Rooyen & Jordaan 2009:271-287). Learners are therefore required to develop adequate language skills in speaking, listening, reading and writing in their LoLT in order to attain the cognitive academic language proficiency (CALP) necessary for academic learning. In many low-to-middle income countries such as South Africa, ESL learners have not developed sufficient CALP in their second language (L2) for successful academic learning upon school entry (Taylor & Von Fintel 2016:75-89). Much research exists on the difficulties ESL learners experience when speaking, reading and writing in their L2. However, it is of great concern that the auditory skills and listening abilities of ESL learners has only recently been investigated, even though listening is globally recognised as a key component of language acquisition (Vandergrift & Baker 2015:390-416) and 50% - 75% of a learner's time in the classroom is estimated to be spent on listening (Bowers, Huisingh & LoGuidice 2006:7-9).
Listening and understanding is a complex cognitive process and is perceived as a difficult skill to learn and master (Cole & Flexer 2015:229-232). In this study, the terms auditory skills and listening comprehension are not used interchangeably but both form integral components of listening. Auditory skills are the interrelating and overlapping auditory components that are essential for integrating, interpreting and comprehending auditory or linguistic information produced by others (Cole & Flexer 2015:229-232). Listening comprehension is the active process of constructing meaning in which listeners attend to and process auditory information in order to understand the message and make necessary inferences implied in the input (Buck 2001). In both natural and structured activities, auditory skills are essential to integrating, interpreting and comprehending auditory or linguistic information and are interrelated and overlap (Cole & Flexer 2015:229-232). According to Cole and Flexer (2015:229-232), these auditory skills comprise attending to and detecting auditory information, localizing and disregarding competing stimuli, discriminating, identifying, categorizing and associating the information with other similar items as well as involving memory and retrieval. Understanding the different components of auditory skills may assist in analysing ESL learners' layered difficulties. The process of successful listening comprehension is highly automatised in first language (L1) listeners as little or no conscious attention is required from them (Brunfaut & Revesz 2015:141-168). L2 listeners commonly lack harmonious top-down and bottom-up processing (Yeldham 2016:394-420) and therefore may experience difficulties with their auditory skills and listening comprehension abilities. Bottom-up processing involves decoding auditory input by segmenting the sounds heard into meaningful units while top-down processing makes use of context and prior knowledge in order to build a conceptual framework. Vandergrift and Baker (2015:390-416) emphasise the paucity in research with regards to the variables contributing to the development of individuals' L2 listening ability. Researches regarding the difficulties that ESL learners experience and factors influencing their auditory skills and listening comprehension abilities have emerged only recently.
Several factors have been investigated so far and are proposed to be associated with difficulties in auditory skills and listening comprehension experienced by ESL learners. Environmental factors such as classroom noise and high levels of reverberation have been shown to affect learners' attention, speech perception and concentration, thereby negatively influencing their listening comprehension abilities and educational achievement (Nelson et al. 2005:219-229). Studies have also shown that ESL learners experience greater difficulty when perceiving speech in noise and reverberation as opposed to EFL learners (Tabri, Chacra & Pring 2011:411-422) which is a low linguistically dependent process of auditory skill and listening comprehension.
In addition to the listening environment, listening tasks with higher linguistic dependency contributing to one's listening comprehension have also been investigated. Goh (1999:14-42) highlighted how vocabulary, speech rate, input text (e.g. lectures, radio broadcasts, face-to-face conversations) and a speaker's accent may be the major sources contributing to listening comprehension difficulties experienced by ESL university students in Singapore. Chang, Wu and Pang (2013:415-434) stressed how the auditory information presented is an important factor contributing to ESL participants' listening comprehension difficulties. English second language learners indicated that utterances were difficult to understand when they contained unknown words, difficult grammatical structures, unfamiliar topics, abstract concepts and long sentences (Chang et al. 2013:415-434). The effectiveness of listening comprehension of familiar and unfamiliar native accents has been explored and results obtained from the participants (ranging between the ages of 19 and 35 years) indicated that the familiarity with the speaker's accent benefits the listener under adverse listening conditions such as listening in noise (Adank et al. 2009:520-529). In a recent South African study, Moodley, Kritzinger and Vinck (2016:1-15) found that ESL learners of isiNdebele L1 teachers performed better, most probably because there are more English-derived words in that language than in other South African languages.
For the limited research investigating the auditory skills and listening comprehension difficulties of ESL learners, majority of participant groups vary from Grade 4 learners to university students (Adank et al. 2009:520-529; Chang et al. 2013:415-434; Goh 1999:14-42). Very few studies describing the auditory skills or ESL learners and listening comprehension abilities of younger ESL learners are available, specifically with regards to Grade 1 ESL learners. This gap in knowledge of young ESL learners is of concern as this is the age in which learners' CALP should be adequately developed in their LoLT for academic purposes. Because of the paucity in research regarding the layered components of auditory skills and listening comprehension in ESL learners under the age of 10, difficulties experienced by this population may go undetected or be identified only later in their academic career. Without adequate preventative intervention to facilitate their auditory skills and listening comprehension, these ESL learners' academic progress and achievement may be negatively impacted.
Therefore, the aim of this study was to determine the areas of auditory skill and listening comprehension Grade 1 ESL learners experience most difficulty with.
Method
Study design
This study employed a quantitative, static two-group comparison design to compare auditory skills and listening comprehension abilities of Grade 1 ESL learners and Grade 1 EFL learners.
Settings
This study was conducted at two independent primary schools in an urban setting of the Tshwane district, Gauteng province of South Africa where the LoLT is English. Independent primary schools were selected as opposed to public primary schools as to limit variables amongst participants, such as family income. The parents of the participants were all able to afford private education for their children, indicating a similarity in socio-economic status between the participants from both schools.
Study population
Two sets of participants were used in this study, namely, Grade 1 learners and their teachers. A non-random, purposive sampling method was used when selecting participants for the ESL (n = 15) and EFL groups (n = 15) according to the following inclusion criteria: normal hearing Grade 1 learners between the ages of 72 and 83 months with no history of otitis media. English second language learners whose first language is Sepedi, Sesotho or Setswana and who have had 12-18 months of formal exposure to English were selected. The study employed matching samples control procedures where the ESL participants were matched with the EFL participants according to age and gender. Six Grade 1 teachers participated in the study. All the teachers spoke English fluently and completed their degrees at tertiary educational institutions. The number of years of teaching experience was evenly distributed between the two schools and varied from 2 years (n = 1), 5-8 years (n = 4) and over 30 years of experience (n = 1). The characteristics of the Grade 1 participants are described in Table 1.
There were 15 Grade 1 participants in each group. The Sotho-Tswana language group was selected as the research groups' L1 as approximately 40% of the South African population speak Northern Sotho (20%), Setswana (15%) or Southern Sotho (5%) as their first language (Frith 2011). Participants in the research and control groups were similar in age and gender, and differed slightly in their mothers' mean age and mothers' level of education (Table 1). Mothers in the control group were slightly higher educated and older than the mothers in the research group, but no statistically significant difference was found. With regards to the Grade 1's English exposure, all the participants (n = 30) communicated in English with their mothers, watched English speaking programmes on television (TV) and were exposed to the use of English in an educational context in both Grade R and Grade RR. Although all participants frequently communicate in English with their mothers starting from birth to the age of 3 years, the ESL participants had no exposure to English. According to Saville-Troike (2012:14) a first language is acquired during early childhood usually before the age of 3 while a second language is an official or societally dominant language acquired subsequent to the first language. Large contrasts between the groups in terms of their shared book reading and TV viewing were noted. The ESL group was greatly exposed to TV, but almost no book reading at home, whereas the EFL group was exposed to shared book reading on a daily basis and their TV exposure was more controlled at home.
Materials and apparatuses
Three formalised outcome measures were used to assess the auditory skills and listening comprehension abilities of the Grade 1 participants in an educational context. Each tool was considered to have a different level of complexity ranging from linguistically independent to highly linguistically dependent, allowing for various layered levels of auditory skills and listening comprehension to be assessed comprehensively. The digits-in-noise (DIN) test is a low linguistically demanding listening task, as it uses pre-recorded English digit triplets (e.g. 4-9-3 spoken by a female EFL speaker) in steady-state speech noise to assesses an individual's ability to perceive speech in noise (Smits, Goverts & Festen 2013:1693-1706). The first triplet is presented to the learner based on their selected comfortable listening intensity and their response is entered into a smartphone application (Potgieter et al. 2016:405-411). The next triplet is then presented at a 2 dB lower signal-to-noise ratio (SNR) for a correct response or a 2 dB higher SNR for an incorrect response to the previous triplet presented (Potgieter et al. 2016:405-411). The DIN test uses the speech reception threshold of the learner to calculate their average SNR of the triplets presented and these results can be an indication of the learners' speech perception in noise. In addition to its low linguistic demand, the DIN test has validated normative data for the South African population (Potgieter et al. 2016:405-411).
The children's auditory processing performance scale (CHAPPS) (Smoski, Brunt & Tannahill 1998) was originally developed for children with hearing loss, but can be used for children with normal hearing. It is a 36-item questionnaire using a seven-point scale (from cannot function at all in the context observed, to showing less difficulty) that both teachers and parents can complete to rate a child's listening behaviour (Wilson et al. 2011:278-291). It is a screening questionnaire that has been used to determine listening difficulties in children at home or in school under six different listening conditions (Wilson et al. 2011:278-291). Given that the setting of this study was in an educational context, only teachers were required to complete the CHAPPS questionnaire for each participant. The CHAPPS was selected to provide information on the learners' listening comprehension abilities when listening in noise, in quiet and ideal conditions as well as listening with multiple inputs, such as watching the speaker's face or being provided with illustrations. Their auditory skills such as their auditory memory and attention abilities in the classroom were also assessed. The first three listening conditions (noise, quiet and ideal) are linguistically dependent as teachers are required to score the learners listening comprehension abilities in terms of how they answer questions and respond to instructions under each listening condition. Listening with multiple inputs was less demanding linguistically as learner's listening comprehension abilities were aided with various visual components as opposed to relying on purely auditory information. The auditory memory or sequencing and auditory attention span conditions are considered to have a low less linguistic demand as they assessed the learner's ability to simply store and retain auditory information and selectively focus on the important auditory stimulus while disregarding irrelevant auditory stimuli.
The listening comprehension test 2 (LCT-2) assesses learners' listening comprehension abilities used in the everyday classroom environment rather than through simple repetition and discrimination subtests (Bowers et al. 2006:9). In a natural classroom environment, learners are required to process many incoming speech and non-speech signals, distinguish which signals need immediate attention, organise and understand the input of the signals and plan appropriate responses, making listening a complex and integrated process. Therefore, the LCT-2 assesses a high level of listening comprehension ability through five highly linguistically dependent subtests. In the first and second subtests, the learner is required to identify the main idea of the verbally presented information and remember details by answering a question. The third subtest involves reasoning where the learner is required to infer answers form the auditory information provided and the fourth subtest assesses the learner's vocabulary as they are required to define a word in the passage read to them. Subtest five requires the learner to gather the most relevant information from the passage to show understanding of the message.
Procedures
Written permission to conduct the study at both primary schools was obtained along with the informed consent from all six Grade 1 teachers. The class registers were used to determine potential participants. The parents of the potential participants were contacted and interviewed telephonically to obtain the background and additional information of the child such as their medical history and English language exposure. Parents of all the participants provided informed consent for their child to partake in the study. Child assent was obtained by explaining the tests to the children and using pictures on their forms to indicate whether or not they would participate in the study. To determine outer and middle ear functioning of each participant an otoscopic and tympanometric examination was performed. All participants passed a pure tone hearing screening conducted on site by an audiologist using the HearScreen™ smartphone application according to the 'child protocol' of 25 dB intensity at 1000 Hz, 2000 Hz and 4000 Hz (Swanepoel et al. 2014:841-849). The DIN test and LCT-2 were conducted by the researcher as 35-min sessions for each participant. All six Grade 1 teachers were trained in a one-on-one session on how to complete the CHAPPS questionnaire for each participant in their classroom. They were then required to complete the CHAPPS for each participant.
Data analysis
The data were processed and analysed using the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences 23 (SPSS 23). Nonparametric statistical measures were used to analyse the data collected because through the use of histograms and the Shapiro-Wilk test there was evidence that the data did not have a normal distribution. Descriptive and inferential statistical measures such as the Wilcoxon signed rank test and Chi square test were utilised. The DIN test was scored in terms of a SNR where according to Methula, Visser and Zulu (2016) the preliminary score for children aged 5-7 years is between −7.75 dB and −6.31 dB. For the CHAPPS, scores lower than −1.0 (from slightly more difficult to not functional at all in the listening context) are considered to be below the normal range and are cause for concern (Smoski et al. 1998). Standard scores were used when analysing the LCT-2 results. Standard scores describe the distance of the raw scores obtained from the mean in terms of the standard deviation (SD) of the distribution of scores (Bowers et al. 2006:57). A mean of 100 and a SD of 15 were established for the purposes of reporting the results of the LCT-2.
Ethical considerations
Ethical clearance (reference no.: GW20170206HS) was obtained from the University of Pretoria, Faculty of Humanities Research Ethics Committee.
Results
Descriptive statistics were used to obtain the mean, SD, median and interquartile range for the three formal assessment tests completed by the ESL and EFL groups. These results as well as the differences between the assessment outcomes for the two groups as determined by the Wilcoxon Signed Ranks Test are shown in Table 2. The results are given in order of listening difficulty, from the DIN test which is less linguistically dependent to higher linguistically dependency as assessed by the CHAPPS and LCT-2.
Figure 1 illustrates the number of participants in the ESL and EFL groups who passed or failed the DIN test.
Of the EFL group, 93% (n = 14) passed the DIN test while 73% (n = 11) of the ESL group passed the DIN test (Figure 1). No significant difference was found between the two groups as seen in Table 2 (p = 0.387). Although only a few, there were participants from both groups who showed auditory skill difficulties despite having normal hearing.
Figure 2 depicts the number of participants in the ESL and EFL group who passed or failed the CHAPPS questionnaire as well as its various subsections.
It is evident from the CHAPPS results (Table 2 and Figure 2) that the ESL participants showed poorer overall scores for each subsection of the CHAPPS, except for an auditory attention span where scores showed no significant difference compared to the EFL participants. Auditory attention span is an auditory skill and similar results across the groups were in agreement with the DIN test results, showing that these ESL participants experienced few difficulties with this particular lower level auditory skill. Majority of the ESL participants' ability to listen in noise was not as superior as their EFL peers and significant differences were noted (Table 2) between the ESL and EFL participant groups' listening comprehension under this condition (p = 0.021). The ESL participants obtained higher scores for their listening comprehension abilities under quiet and ideal conditions; however, significant differences between their scores and the EFL participants' scores (quiet, p = 0.013; ideal, p = 0.015) were still found (Table 2). Although a significant difference (p = 0.012) was found between the groups' scores, the ESL participants' listening comprehension abilities were better when listening with multiple inputs such as visual aids (Figure 2) compared to their other scores in the CHAPPS. Many of the ESL participants were reported to have difficulty with auditory memory and sequencing tasks in the classroom (Figure 2). A significant difference between the ESL and EFL participants' auditory memory and sequencing scores (p = 0.038) was found (Table 2). No significant difference (p = 0.053) was found between the ESL and EFL participants where their auditory attention span was scored and majority of the ESL participants performed well in this subtest. Majority of the ESL participants (67%) experienced the maximum difficulty when listening in a noisy environment and with their auditory memory and sequencing (47%). Apart from listening comprehension difficulties identified in the ESL group, they also showed significant differences with certain higher level auditory skills such as auditory memory.
The ESL participants showed a significantly poorer overall performance and in each subtest of the LCT-2 (Figure 3) in comparison with the EFL group. Significant differences were also found between the scores of the two participant groups in all of the LCT-2 subtests and in the overall score (Table 2). The overall LCT-2 score of 87.13 (Table 2) obtained by the ESL learners and all the subtests indicate that they scored 1 SD below the mean of the normative sample. This result is depicted in Figure 3 where majority of the ESL participants did not display adequate listening comprehension skills according to the LCT-2. The ESL participants' scores for all subtests of the LCT-2 were 1 SD below the norm (Table 2). Significant differences of p = 0.001 between participant groups scores for the main idea, details, reasoning and vocabulary were found (Table 2). A significant difference of p = 0.003 was found between the groups for understanding messages in the LCT-2. Over 80% of the EFL participants passed each LCT-2 subtest (Figure 3), and their standard scores (Table 2) indicate that they were within 1 SD of the peer group for every subtest.
The strength of association between the three formal outcome measures selected for this study was determined through the use of Spearman's rank correlation (Table 3). A strong correlation (rs = 0.701, p = 0.004) was found between the LCT-2 and CHAPPS questionnaire in the ESL group (Table 3). A correlation (rs = −0.529, p = 0.043) was also established between the LCT-2 and DIN test in the EFL group (Table 3). The strong agreements found between the ESL participants' test results for the CHAPPS and LCT-2 indicate that they experience significant difficulties with higher linguistically dependent auditory skill and listening comprehension tasks.
Discussion
Listening is a complex skill because of the many cognitive and linguistic processes involved which makes it challenging to assess an individual's listening abilities using one formal assessment tool. Therefore, this study aimed to investigate the layered auditory skills and listening comprehension abilities of Grade 1 ESL learners by means of three different assessment tools (the DIN test, CHAPPS and LCT-2) and comparing their results with a matched EFL group. In the ESL participant group, significant correlations were found between the LCT-2 and CHAPPS. The strong agreement between the CHAPPS and LCT-2 scores suggests that these ESL learners experienced greater difficulty as the tasks in the formal outcome measures became more linguistically demanding.
Only minor differences were observed between the two participant groups' DIN test results; however, the ESL participants performed poorer than the EFL participants. The results are in agreement with the findings of Kaandorp et al. (2015:157-167) who found that English being a foreign language for the DIN test-takers had only minor effects on their ability to recognise digit triplets in noise. Overall, the DIN test was a low linguistically demanding assessment that majority of the ESL participants were able to pass. Despite having normal hearing, not all participants in both groups passed the DIN test. Teachers should be aware of their learners' ability to perceive speech in noise as it is an auditory skill necessary for listening comprehension.
Another auditory skill required for successful listening comprehension was assessed in the auditory attention span subsection of the CHAPPS. Similar to the DIN test results, majority of the ESL participants were able to pass this low linguistically demanding subsection. The evaluation of the ESL participants' auditory attention span provided information on their ability to attend to auditory information in the classroom but not their comprehension of the information provided. As no significant differences were found between the ESL and EFL participants' performance in their DIN test and auditory attention span scores, it is suggested that the basic process of perceiving and attending to auditory information was not a contributing factor to the listening comprehension difficulties of the ESL participants. When listening with multiple inputs such as the teacher's facial expressions, written text or pictures, the ESL participants were able to successfully understand the auditory information provided. Many of the ESL participants demonstrated adequate listening comprehension abilities when the auditory information was supplemented with visual aids. This listening comprehension task was more linguistically demanding than simply perceiving speech or attending to auditory information but not as linguistically demanding as understanding purely auditory information with no visual aid. The results showed that when only auditory information was provided (a highly linguistically demanding task), the ESL participants' listening comprehension of abilities was better when listening in a quiet environment compared to listening in noise. These findings suggest that the higher level auditory skills and listening comprehension abilities of the ESL participants in this study are not sufficiently developed to understand purely auditory information as presented to them in the classroom as they rely on visual cues in an attempt to make sense of what they have heard. The results also suggest that reducing classroom noise may assist ESL learners with listening comprehension. The ESL participants' demonstrated the maximum difficulty with the higher linguistically demanding tasks of the CHAPPS. These tasks included the participants' ability to listen in noise as well as their auditory memory abilities. The trends in results obtained from the CHAPPS indicate that these ESL participants' listening comprehension abilities were sufficient for very low linguistically dependent tasks but they have not yet developed adequate skills for high linguistically dependent tasks that are the need of Grade 1.
Unlike the CHAPPS, all subtests of the LCT-2 are highly linguistically dependent as the information presented was purely auditory and no visual aids were available to assist with the participants' listening comprehension and interpretation. The five subtests of the LCT-2 are where the ESL participants showed the poorest results in the study and the differences in their scores compared to the EFL participants were the most significant. The results of the LCT-2 are in accordance with the conclusion drawn from the CHAPPS scores, demonstrating how the ESL participants do not have adequate listening comprehension skills for high linguistically dependent tasks. The inability of the ESL participants to make inferences from what was said based on their limited linguistic knowledge and contextual knowledge may offer an explanation for their poor scores in the LCT-2. Vandergrift and Goh (2012:30) list the core skills for successful listening comprehension as listening for details, listening for global understanding, listening for main ideas, making inferences, predicting and listening selectively. The ESL participants' results of the LCT-2 are of great concern as learners are expected to have adequate listening comprehension skills in LoLT upon entry into Grade 1 in order to develop their CALP. They must be supported to develop adequate listening comprehension abilities in their LoLT in order to close the gap between them and EFL learners as highly linguistically dependent formal instruction is used from Grade 1. As the specific processes of auditory skills and listening comprehension in which these ESL learners experience difficulty have been identified, targeted intervention and curriculum support can be given.
Conclusion
The varying complexities and features of the three outcome measures used in this study provided the opportunity to describe layered processes of the ESL participants' auditory skills and listening comprehension abilities. From the results it was evident that the ESL participants' performance was poorer in all three tests compared to their EFL peers. A direct relationship was observed with the results obtained by the ESL participants showing that as the tasks from the three outcome measures became more linguistically dependent, the lower their scores were. This relationship suggested that the auditory skills and listening comprehension difficulties experienced were not strongly related to environmental interferences but rather to intrinsic factors such as their English language proficiency. Additionally, this conclusion is supported by the EFL and ESL DIN test and auditory attention span scores. These scores showed that listening comprehension difficulties of the ESL participants were not influenced by the basic processes of perceiving and attending to auditory information.
This study provides information that raises concern about how these learners' auditory skills and English listening comprehension abilities were not adequately developed upon entry into Grade 1 which may have negative effects on their acquisition of CALP. The recent report on the Annual National Assessment of 2011 (Department of Basic Education 2011) stated that only 12% - 31% of learners in Grades 2-7 had reached an 'achieved level of performance' in language and mathematics indicating that poor CALP in learners is very common in South Africa. A large number of South African learners make a sudden unsupported transition to English in Grade 1 (Kathard et al. 2011:59-71). It is important, however, to consider the limitations to this study such as the small study population sample when interpreting the results, discussion and conclusion. Additionally, all participants were taken from independent schools where resource allocation and availability as well as the educational environment may differ significantly from public schools. This limits the generalisation of these finding to ESL learners in other educational contexts. Lastly, it should be considered that one EFL learner did not pass the DIN test despite having normal hearing. Although the study draws attention to the lack of CALP in a single independent school and cannot be generalised, poorly developed listening comprehension skills for English in Grade 1 learners are widespread. The results isolated the areas of difficulty in auditory skills and listening comprehension which these ESL participants experienced. These specific areas of difficulty may be indirectly addressed by speech-language therapists through teachers and parents where education and curriculum support provided by speech-language therapists will aid in developing ESL learners' CALP in English. A suggestion is that preschool and foundation phase teachers increase their knowledge regarding the 'layers' of listening. This can be done either in their own capacity or via school-based speech-language therapists providing information sessions and workshops to their clients' or schools' teachers. This should equip teachers in identifying learners experiencing listening difficulties early in their academic career and refer them as soon as possible to a speech-language therapist. The focus should not only be on intervention for listening comprehension difficulties but rather on prevention too. Early identification of learners at risk of auditory skills and listening comprehension difficulties should occur prior to their Grade 1 academic year. As there was limited book reading reported at home in the ESL group, parent guidance on developing their child's CALP in the LoLT by means of shared book reading and the oral tradition of storytelling may be an important component of prevention.
Learners' auditory skills and listening comprehension abilities have been associated with language competence and literacy development (Wildschut, Moodley & Aronstam 2016:1-9; Wium & Louw 2015:19-41) which are necessary for academic success. Further studies should explore if relationships exist between Grade 1 ESL and EFL learners' listening comprehension abilities and various areas of their academic performance. Alternatively, studies to determine the auditory skills and listening comprehension abilities of Grade 1 ESL learners should be conducted and a large representative population sample should be employed in the study design.
Acknowledgements
This article is based mainly on K.A.'s Master's degree dissertation with the same title (see https://repository.up.ac.za/bitstream/handle/2263/65565/Anderssen_Auditory_201 8.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y) submitted in November 2017. The authors would like to thank the children, principals, parents of the child participants as well as the teachers who participated in this study.
Competing interests
The authors declare that they have no financial or personal competing interests that may have inappropriately influenced them in writing this article.
Authors' contributions
K.-L.A. was the primary author of the manuscript and collected and analysed the data. A.K. and L.P. assisted with the design of the study and provided continuous input and internal review of the manuscript.
Funding information
This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors.
Data availability statement
Data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study. Data also appear in the unpublished master's dissertation, 'Auditory skills and listening comprehension in English second language learners in Grade 1' by K. Anderssen, the first author of the current article, 2018, University of Pretoria.
Disclaimer
The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the authors.
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Correspondence:
Kate-Lyn Anderssen
katelynanderssen@gmail.com
Received: 28 Nov. 2017
Accepted: 02 Oct. 2019
Published: 29 Nov. 2019
ORIGINAL RESEARCH
A comparison of the early reading strategies of isiXhosa and Setswana first language learners
Tracy N. Probert
Department of English Language and Linguistics, Rhodes University, Makhanda, South Africa
ABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: A large amount of evidence highlights the obvious inequalities in literacy results of South African learners. Despite this, a sound understanding of how learners approach the task of reading in the African languages is lacking.
AIM: This article examines the role of the syllable, phoneme and morpheme in reading in transparent, agglutinating languages. The focus is on whether differences in the orthographies of isiXhosa and Setswana influence reading strategies through a comparative study of the interaction between metalinguistic skills and orthography.
SETTING: Data was collected from Grade 3 first-language and Grade 4 Setswana home-language learners attending no fee schools in the Eastern Cape and North West Province respectively.
METHODS: Learners were tested on four linguistic tasks: an open-ended decomposition task, a phonological awareness task, a morphological awareness task and an oral reading fluency task. These tasks were administered to determine the grain size unit which learners use in connected-text reading.
RESULTS: The results indicated that syllables were the dominant grain size in both isiXhosa and Setswana, with the use of morphemes as secondary grains in isiXhosa. These results are reflected in the scores of the metalinguistic tasks.
CONCLUSION: This research contributes to an understanding of how linguistic and orthographic features of African languages need to be taken into consideration in understanding literacy development.
Keywords: early literacy; reading strategies; isiXhosa; Setswana; grain size in word recognition; metalinguistic skills; conjunctive versus disjunctive orthography.
Introduction
South African education continues to be crippled by a literacy crisis. This is highlighted by ongoing school literacy evaluations. For example, according to the most recent Progress in International Reading Literacy Study (Howie et al. 2017), 78% of South African Grade 4 learners do not have basic reading skills and are at least 6 years behind the top performing countries, with 8 in 10 children unable to read for meaning (Howie et al. 2017). Reading performance in the African languages was particularly low, with 90% of Grade 4 learners tested in Setswana unable to read for meaning, with a similarly large percentage in isiXhosa learners, 88% (Howie et al. 2017). This has implications for later academic success for these learners, as they are constantly playing catch-up and this further entrenches inequalities in early literacy, which are evident in the current literacy results. The sources of the problem of the literacy crisis are multifaceted, with the majority of the studies on educational inequality focusing on social, historical and political issues.1 In addition, there are linguistic dimensions that need to be considered, such as the unique structure of the Southern Bantu languages, the different writing systems which they employ and decoding challenges associated with these orthographies. This is important in that the type of linguistic unit that best predicts successful reading depends on the language and the characteristics of the orthography in which children are learning to read (Goswami 2002; Ziegler et al. 2010), which, in turn, has pedagogical implications for early reading instruction.
One of the reasons why South African readers are listed as some of the poorest in the world (Howie et al. 2008, 2012, 2017) is that very little is known about how reading works in the African languages. Attempts at reducing inequalities through literacy depend to a large extent on understanding the factors that promote success in reading in these languages. Appropriate pedagogical methodologies which are based on the unique features of the African languages will prove immensely advantageous for improving literacy levels and empowering speakers of these languages.
Orthography and word structure in isiXhosa and Setswana
IsiXhosa and Setswana fall within the Southern Bantu language family, more specifically the Nguni language group (which includes isiXhosa, isiZulu, isiNdebele and SiSwati) and the Sotho language group (Setswana, Southern and Northern Sotho), respectively. The Southern Bantu languages2 in South Africa are agglutinating languages with mostly transparent orthographies. A word in the Southern Bantu languages includes rich, overt morphology. Nouns include noun class prefixes as well as stems, whereas verbs include morphological reflexes of subject marking, object marking, tense, aspect, mood, causativity and negation amongst others (Nurse & Phillipson 2003). Therefore, what is said to constitute a word in the Southern Bantu languages (specifically in the Nguni languages) tends to be much longer than what would be said to constitute a word in English:
(1) (a) star (English)
~ inkwenkwezi (isiXhosa)
NC9.star
(b) to use (English)
~ ukusebenzisa (isiXhosa)
INF.use.CAUS.FV
Furthermore, linguistic structure is mediated through orthography (Probert & De Vos 2016). Both isiXhosa and Setswana are agglutinating languages containing long, multimorphemic words; however, the Sotho group tends to have a disjunctive orthography,3 while the Nguni group has a conjunctive orthography. The examples below show that in isiXhosa, the morphological word coincides with the orthographic word (2a), but that in Setswana, the morphological word is represented by several orthographic words in that blank spaces are placed between the morphemes that make up the word (2b). The morphological word refers to the piece of speech which behaves as a unit of pronunciation as well as meaning in context, and as a domain for linguistic procedures, while the orthographic word refers to a written sequence bounded by spaces at each end (Trask 2004). It is the correspondence between orthographic and morphological words which distinguishes conjunctive orthographies from disjunctive orthographies:
(2) a. Ndiyababona SM1.SG.PRES.OM2.see.FV4
'I see them' (isiXhosa)
(one morphological word and one orthographic word)b. Ke a ba bona
SM1.SG.PRES.OM2.see.FV
'I see them' (Setswana)
(one morphological word and four orthographic words)
When learning to read, a reader is faced with language-specific processing challenges when attempting to recognise words in a particular language which, in turn, presupposes language-specific reading strategies. This leads one to the question of how readers unpack words in the Southern Bantu languages where the notion of what constitutes a 'word' differs across the different language groups. This is important for reading instructional methods and materials, as there is no one-size-fits-all approach to fluent reading across languages (Probert & De Vos 2016).
Current methods used to teach reading in the African languages often fail to consider the unique linguistic characteristics of these languages (Probert & De Vos 2016). Much of the current instructions used in South African classrooms is borrowed from the teaching of early reading in English (Pretorius & Spaull 2016). This is not necessarily the best way to teach early reading in African languages, given that the writing systems of the African languages are different to that of English, as illustrated in (1) and (2). English is an analytic language with an opaque orthography, whereas the African languages are agglutinating with transparent orthographies. Linguistic differences and similarities between English and the African languages which influence aspects of reading are seldom dealt with in teacher training programmes (Pretorius & Spaull 2016). Therefore, there is a lack of applied knowledge about how best to teach reading in the African languages, which is informed by linguistic principles. Furthermore, there is a complete absence of research on how differences in the disjunctive and conjunctive writing systems might engender different reading profiles or developmental trajectories, which has pedagogical implications for how best to teach reading in agglutinating African languages.
Word recognition, orthography and metalinguistic skills
The term 'metalinguistic skill' refers to the 'ability to identify, analyse and manipulate language forms' (Koda 2007:2). The two metalinguistic skills under investigation in this study are morphological awareness and phonological awareness. Morphological awareness is the readers' conscious awareness of the morphemic structure of words and their ability to reflect on and manipulate the meaningful parts of words (Kirby et al. 2012; McBride-Chang et al. 2005). Phonological awareness is the awareness that words can be broken down into units so that one can manipulate the individual sounds and syllables, which may not have meaning (Anthony & Francis 2005; Chard & Dickson 1999; Stahl & Murray 1994).
A number of studies have demonstrated that phonological awareness plays a fundamental role in reading success in alphabetic orthographies (Bradley & Bryant 1985; Castles & Colheart 2004; Stanovich, Cunningham & Cramer 1984). Phonological awareness is especially important in the early stages of literacy acquisition, when the regularity of phoneme-to-grapheme correspondence helps the reader recognise or decode new words. Wilsenach (2013) and Diemer, van der Merwe and de Vos (2015) show the significance of phonological awareness for reading in Northern Sotho and isiXhosa, respectively. In particular, Diemer et al. (2015) showed that learners perform much better at syllable awareness tasks than they do at phoneme awareness tasks. It must be acknowledged that while the syllabic nature of African languages might contribute to high levels of syllable awareness, this is not the only contributory factor. Children tend to do better at syllable awareness tasks than phoneme awareness ones as phoneme level tasks are more difficult. Therefore, younger children master syllable awareness more easily than phoneme awareness (Perfetti 1994; Shankweiler & Fowler 2004; Wilsenach 2013). In addition to this, phoneme awareness is influenced by learning of letter-sound relationships. It is for this reason that phoneme awareness generally correlates with reading success more than syllable awareness (Diemer 2015; Cunningham 1989; Godoy, Pinheiro & Citoler 2017). Furthermore, reading in the early years cannot be divorced from its classroom context. For example, much of what passes for early instruction in African language classrooms is the chanting of syllabic 'ba-be-bi-bo-bu' patterns of sounds. Learners are therefore very tuned into syllables. It is unsurprising that they do better on syllable-related tasks, given the syllabic nature of the African languages, but how does it impact on word and/or sentence reading?
Similarly, there is evidence that morphological awareness promotes literacy development in both early (Casalis & Louis-Alexandre 2000) and later literacy (Carlisle 2000), with correlations with comprehension, spelling and vocabulary (Carlisle 2003, 2000; Land 2015) and fluency scores (Rees 2016; Saiegh-Haddad & Geva 2007). Linking prefixes, suffixes and base words with an understanding of their meaning and function helps the reader recognise familiar words and access meaning (Carlisle & Stone 2005). Given the distinct morphological character of the Southern Bantu languages, the Bantu verb is of particular interest. Rees (2016) found a significant relationship (r = 0.61, p ˂ 0.0001) between morphological awareness and oral reading fluency (ORF) when she assessed 74 isiXhosa Grade 3 learners. According to her, having an explicit awareness of morphemes may help in processing the structure of agglutinating words while reading. This should, in practice, lead to comprehension in reading as readers rely on reading meaningful grain sizes. But to what extent does an awareness of the morpheme influence reading strategies? This has implications for early reading instruction and development, given that the different language groups' orthographies reflect morphological features in different ways.
Although evidenced in the literature that phonological awareness and morphological awareness are important for alphabetic literacy acquisition, what remains unclear is how the characteristics of orthography (conjunctivism vs. disjunctivism) and their relationship with the spoken language influence the development of literacy (Durgunog˘lu & Öney 1999). This is highly relevant given that the linguistic features of a language are reflected in its writing system. For example, the presence of phonological processes of vowel coalescence and elision in the Nguni language group make the use of a disjunctive script impractical (Louwrens & Poulos 2006). This is illustrated in example (3) below where two vowels 'a' and 'u' in sequence coalesce into 'o', making disjunctive transcription at odds with the phonetic pronunciation (Probert & De Vos 2016).
(2) Utata na umama
→ realised as: utata nomama
father and mother
According to Mattingly (1992:14), this is why the reader must acquire awareness of those linguistic features and he suggests that the orthography itself determines which aspects of representation are singled out for awareness. Both morphological and phonological features of the Southern Bantu language orthographies are thus relevant to the process of learning to read (Trudell & Schroeder 2006).
Word recognition is a foundation skill for reading (Aaron et al. 1999; Invenizzi & Hayes 2010; Snowling & Hulme 2005) and involves retrieving information about the spoken form and meaning of a word from its written form (Invenizzi & Hayes 2010; Snowling & Hulme 2005). Previous psycholinguistic studies have shown that word recognition can be influenced by orthography (Scholfield & Chwo 2005; Simon & Van Herreweghe 2010). Much of the research on word recognition and its interaction with orthography is guided by the orthographic depth hypothesis (ODH), originating with Katz and Frost (1992b). According to this hypothesis, the reading process is different for users of different orthographies, and these differences are usually because of their differing morphology and phonology. Readers of a shallow orthography rely more on phonological encoding - direct phoneme-to-grapheme mappings - whereas readers in a deep orthography rely more on orthographic processing - most likely a whole-word mapping. This 'strong' version of the ODH, however, gave way to a weaker version as it became apparent that readers of shallow orthographies rely not only on grapheme-to-phoneme correspondences but are also able to use the stored phonology from the lexicon, particularly when approaching unfamiliar or less transparent words (Katz & Frost 1992a; Probert & De Vos 2016). The weak ODH makes provision for the use of lexical decoding strategies by readers of shallow orthographies, as well as for the use of phoneme-to-grapheme mappings in deep orthographies. However, readers of deep orthographies cannot rely on phoneme-to-grapheme strategies alone (Probert & De Vos 2016). According to the hypothesis, the type of linguistic unit (grain size) that best predicts successful reading depends on the language and the characteristics of the orthography that children are learning (Goswami 2002; Share 2008).
The psycholinguistic grain size theory (PGST) was established to build upon the assertions of the ODH. 'Grain size' refers to the literacy processing units learners use to unpack words when reading (i.e. through the use of whole words, syllables, morphemes or phoneme-to-grapheme mappings). The PGST proposes that because languages vary in the consistency with which the phonology is represented in the orthography, there are developmental differences in the grain size of lexical representations (Ziegler & Goswami 2005). Differences in reading accuracy and reading speed found across orthographies reflect fundamental differences in the nature of phonological recoding and reading strategies that are developing in response to the orthography (Ziegler & Goswami 2005). The process of learning to read across different languages and orthographies involves a system of mapping the correspondences between symbols and sounds (Share 1995; Ziegler & Goswami 2006). Orthographies vary only in the degree to which they represent these. Alphabetic orthographies primarily aim at sequential representation of phonemes, but they also reflect linguistic features on the syllabic or morphemic level (Cook & Bassetti 2005).
The PGST describes the way in which a novice reader builds up the connections between print and speech at the very start of reading acquisition. The PGST explains that readers must solve three problems, phonological availability, orthographic granularity and consistency in order to learn to read. Children initially read by identifying larger units (i.e. the syllable) before smaller units (i.e. the phoneme). This is in line with the hierarchy model of word recognition (Anthony & Lonigan 2004; Scheule & Boudreau 2008; Ziegler & Goswami 2005). Research amongst Spanish readers aged 6-7 years has shown that languages with a simple phonological structure and a consistent orthographic representation display a lower association between phonemic awareness and reading, and higher associations between syllable awareness in early reading (Tolchinsky & Jisa 2017). This was attributed to the simplicity and saliency of the Spanish syllable structure and vowel system, which is reinforced by the consistency of the Spanish orthography. Learners were found to be significantly less proficient in phoneme isolation than in syllable deletion and were able to achieve reading success in Spanish without being able to explicitly segment words into phonemes (Tolchinsky & Jisa 2017). This accounts for a greater role that syllables play in reading at initial stages of literacy acquisition (Carraeiras & Perea 1998; Jiménez & Ortiz 2000). Readers of more phonologically transparent writing systems are therefore more likely to use strategies which focus on letter-phoneme conversion, and/or syllables (Cook & Bassetti 2005) than strategies of whole-word recognition or morpheme recognition when attempting to read at a young age.
The transparent nature of the Southern Bantu languages would thus yield the successful use of phonological decoding, in particular for correct pronunciation of the words, but it will not necessarily result in access to meaning. Given the agglutinating morpheme complexity found within the Southern Bantu languages, it would stand to reason that morphological awareness and morpheme recognition would be important in reading for meaning.
Therefore, linguistic factors which need to be considered in understanding reading in the African languages include the type of orthography, phonological and morphological features (see also Trudell & Schroeder 2007) and how these influence the grain size of word processing. Mindful of this, the main goal of this study was to investigate the effect of morphological and syllabic grain sizes on reading in conjunctive and disjunctive orthographies, respectively.
The following research questions are addressed in this article:
Research methods and design
Participants' schooling context
Data were collected from 74 primary school children in Grades 3 and 4 at four different schools in the Eastern Cape and North West provinces. The four schools all served low socio-economic communities and were situated in semi-rural townships. The learners were either isiXhosa or Setswana first language speakers.5
To protect the anonymity of the schools and for ease of reference, each school will be referred to by a group code. The first school, X.EC, is an isiXhosa-medium school in a small coastal town in the Eastern Cape. The second school, E.EC, is a small English-medium school, also from a small town in the Eastern Cape. The majority of the children at this school are isiXhosa first language speakers. For the isiXhosa sample, the learners tested were in the final quarter of Grade 3 (Term 4). The third school, T.NW, is a Setswana-medium school in a small district in the North West Province. The fourth school, E.NW, is an English-medium school in the same district. The Setswana sample is composed of learners in the first quarter of their Grade 4 year (Term 1).6
Measures, procedure and analysis
To determine the grain size unit (Ziegler & Goswami 2005; Ziegler et al. 2001) that learners use when reading conjunctive and disjunctive scripts, learners undertook four tasks: an open-ended decomposition task, a phonological awareness task, a morphological awareness task and an ORF task. There are currently no standardised measures of the metalinguistic skills for any of the Southern Bantu languages. These measures were therefore specifically developed for this study in both isiXhosa and Setswana and informed by linguistic principles unique to each of the languages.
All tasks were administered in the learners' first language (isiXhosa or Setswana) by a first language speaker of the language. The tasks took the form of word games. Learners were tested individually over a period of 2 days, with each participant spending a maximum of 20 minutes out of the classroom at a time. The ORF, phonological awareness task and parts of the morphological awareness task were recorded using a Dictaphone and Marantz recorder.
Table 1 provides a summary of the different tasks completed by the learners, the type of words used (real vs. pseudo) and the subtasks of each. Data coding for each task is discussed in more detail under each of the tasks.
Phonological awareness
The phonological awareness task consisted of three independent subtasks, each varying in linguistic and developmental difficulty. The three tasks included a segmenting, an isolation and a deletion task, which were co-developed by Probert (2016) and Diemer (2015).
The subtasks were all administered orally as follows: for the segmenting task, participants were given a pre-selected word and asked to segment it into relative phonological units (i.e. the syllable or the phoneme), for example, /gefɪnɐ/ segmented according to syllables would be /ge-fɪ-nɐ/, and /tʊzɐ/ segmented according to phonemes would be /t-ʊ-z-ɐ/. The isolation task required participants to identify a specific phonological unit within a whole word, for example, 'what is the first sound in /jʊnɐlɐ/?', the correct response would be /j/, and for 'what is the first syllable in /jʊnɐlɐ/?', the correct response would be /jʊ/. The third task was a deletion task in which participants were asked to delete a specific phonological unit from a word, for a phoneme example, say '/setɪrɐ/ without /s/'. The correct response being /etɪrɐ/.
Pseudo-words were chosen for the stimuli and all pseudo-words conformed to the orthographic and phonological properties of the language and were all pronounceable. They would therefore not have been seen by the participants prior to testing. Furthermore, shorter words were used as stimuli because the longer the word, the more difficult the task and the greater the cognitive load (Anthony et al. 2003). Therefore, two- and three-syllable pseudo-verbs were used, for example, tika, junala and tsilaba. Verbs were chosen, in particular, as the use of nouns requires noun class morphemes to be attached to the root, whereas for pseudo-verbs, there is no need for added morphemes and the manipulation can take place on the root alone.
Each of the phonological awareness tasks was coded separately on a three-point ordinal scale. A score of 2 was given for the correct answer, a score of 1 for a partially correct answer and a score of 0 for incorrect answers. There were equal items for each section of the assessment (10). Separate composition scores were computed for the set of syllable and phoneme tasks, respectively.
Morphological awareness
The morphological awareness task was originally developed by Rees (2016) for isiXhosa and adapted to Setswana (Probert 2016). The morphological awareness task consisted of two separate subtasks. They were (1) an oral manipulation of a singular and plural morphology task, more commonly known in the literature as the 'Wugs' test, and (2) a morpheme identification task. The oral manipulation of a singular and plural morphology task is an adaptation of the traditional test of inflectional awareness ('Wugs Test') (Berko 1958; Carlisle 2000) which requires learners to perform inflections on pseudo-words. This task aims to test children's inflectional morphological awareness, specifically their understanding of the noun classes in the language being tested. Participants were either asked the plural form after being given the singular form or asked for the singular form after being given the plural form. For example, the participant was presented with a pseudo-word containing the singular morpheme /le/ which is found in noun class 5. To make this word plural, the participant would need to replace the noun class morpheme /le/ with the plural noun class /ma/ from noun class 6. This subtask was administered orally, with the aid of pictures indicating singular versus plural.
For the 'Wugs' task, there were two criteria for each answer according to which the learners were assessed: (1) faithfulness to noun class (whether they used the correct noun class) and (2) singular to plural or plural to singular (whether they were able to go from singular to plural or plural to singular), for example, mora (sg) - mera (pl) / abazonko (pl) - umzonko (sg). Under each of these, the learners received a score of 1 if correctly identified and 0 if incorrect.
The morpheme identification task consisted of two parts: the first required the children to identify the part(s) of the word which mean negative. The second part asked them to identify past tense morphemes. It was chosen to look specifically at negation and past tense morphemes as these contain a range of allomorphs, for example, negation in the passive form, negation in the past tense, and so on. This was a written task and the participants were asked to highlight the morphemes which correspond to either negative or past tense in each of the respective languages. The children were given examples with different versions of the morphemes under investigation to avoid them replicating the example in every sentence. Morpheme identification is a decomposition task and tested both derivational and inflectional morphology. Real sentences were used, with morphemes at different syntactic positions in the sentences.
The identification task was scored on a three-point ordinal scale. The learners received a score of 2 if they identified at least one correct morpheme. A score of 1 was given when the learners highlighted the orthographic word where the morpheme rests, for example, the entire verb. Thus, for the sentence, 'Umama akaphekanga' the child highlighted 'phekanga', rather than 'aka' and 'anga'. A score of 0 was given when the child failed to identify the correct morpheme. Using the same example, the child may have highlighted 'umama', or 'aka'.
A composite score was computed for morphological awareness based on the above set of tasks.
Open-ended decomposition task
The open-ended decomposition task is the first of its kind in South Africa.7 This task required the participants to segment sentences8 in any way they felt appropriate. Given the open-ended nature of this task, the participants were not provided with examples of how to break up the sentences according to phonemes, syllables or morphemes, as they may have based their responses on the last or on the best explained example. The sentences appeared in large print on an A4 paper which had been laminated and the participants used a whiteboard marker to indicate where they would break up the sentences (see Figure 1). A research assistant then replicated how the child had broken up the sentence on a separate list.
For the coding of the participants' responses, model answers were created according to whether the sentences were broken up into phonemes, syllables or morphemes (see Table 2).9 Each participant's answers were then judged against this model. It is important to indicate at this point that none of the participants broke up the sentences using a purely phonemic approach.10 The use of the syllable and morpheme in approaching sentence reading was therefore chosen as the particular point of focus. The correct, incorrect (incorrectly divided a syllable or morpheme) and total number of syllable or morpheme boundaries inserted were then counted. The scale used for the scoring of the decomposition task was ordinal, composed of intervals.
The participant PA2-011 in the example given in Table 3 below, scored one out of two for having correctly identified morpheme boundaries and four out of four for syllable boundaries for the first sentence.
The d-prime statistical method was run on the results of the open-ended decomposition task to test for relative grain size.11 D-prime was originally developed within signal detection theory. It is a measure of sensitivity, computed on a basis of hit and false alarm rates (Kataoka & Johnson 2007). Given the open-ended nature of this task, the d-prime statistic is the most appropriate analysis tool in that, according to the signal detection theory, nearly all decision-making takes place in the presence of some uncertainty (Kataoka & Johnson 2007). A 'hit' was when a learner correctly identified a syllable or morpheme boundary where there was one present. A 'false alarm' was when a learner incorrectly identified a syllable or morpheme boundary where there was not one. D-prime was used as it uses a filter out effect, penalising guess work, as well as taking non-decisions and word breaks into account.
Oral reading fluency
Reading ability was measured using an ORF task. Participants were timed for 1 minute while reading the passage. This task was administered orally by first language speakers. Stories chosen were fictional and were at the appropriate grade level of the participants.12 The isiXhosa story had a total of 783 characters (110 words), and the Setswana story had a total of 1132 characters (285 words).
For the coding of the ORF task, the number of characters13 read accurately during the 1 minute interval was calculated. This was performed by subtracting the errors from the total number of characters read in a minute to get a score of correct characters read per minute (ccrpm).
Ethical considerations
Approval to conduct this research was obtained from the following gatekeepers: Rhodes University Ethical Standards Committee (ethical clearance tracking number: RU-HSD-14-02-0001), the Eastern Cape and North West Departments of Basic Education and school principals. In addition, parental consent and learner assent were sought and gained prior to testing. Each participant was assigned a code in order to ensure anonymity. All schools and participants were asked to volunteer to participate in this study.
Data analysis
Univariate statistics were conducted on the tasks undertaken by the learners. The probability plot correlation coefficient (PPCC) for normality was used to determine the normal distributions between the two language samples. Scores were normally distributed for each sample.14t-Tests (independent samples) were then used to test for statistical differences between the two groups, that is, isiXhosa and Setswana. For the decomposition task, the d-prime statistical method was run on the results to test for grain size. Pearson's correlation matrix was used to investigate the relationship between the metalinguistic skills. Finally, a multiple linear regression analysis was conducted to determine the relative contribution of phoneme awareness, syllable awareness and morphological awareness in predicting ORF scores. A reliability analysis (Cronbach's alpha) was also performed for each set of tasks (excluding ORF15).
Results
Research Question 1: What is the relative contribution of Phonological Awareness and Morphological Awareness in determining grain size literacy processing units in isiXhosa and Setswana?
Table 4 provides the descriptive statistics for isiXhosa and Setswana. This includes the mean percentages, standard deviations, t-score and p-value and reliability measure (alpha) for the metalinguistic tasks for isiXhosa and Setswana. As can be seen, the alpha indices for syllable awareness and phoneme awareness were high, but not so for morphological awareness.
Setswana learners did significantly better with phonological awareness (both syllable and phoneme awareness) than the isiXhosa learners. This is shown through the higher mean scores for these tasks for the Setswana group. Using a two sample t-test, it was found that the difference for syllable awareness and phoneme awareness between the isiXhosa learners and the Setswana learners was statistically significant (syllable awareness t (72) = 4.56 p < 0.001; phoneme awareness t (72) = 2.59, p < 0.05). Furthermore, the results show that performance on the syllable awareness task is higher than that for phoneme awareness for both isiXhosa (72.4 in comparison to 44.39) and Setswana learners (87.53 in comparison to 56.06). This difference was statistically significant for both groups (isiXhosa: t (39) = 7.25, p < 0.001; Setswana: t (31), p < 0.001).
For morphological awareness, the isiXhosa learners scored higher than the Setswana learners (M = 57.36 vs. M = 43.28). The difference in scores of the morphological awareness task was also found to be significant (t [72] = -4.83, p < 0.001). However, the results must be interpreted cautiously, as the reliability index was low (0.44).
To determine which of these variables best predicted reading fluency, a multiple regression (see Table 5) was conducted using the standard method, with ORF (ccrpm) as the dependent variable and phoneme awareness, syllable awareness and morphological awareness as independent variables. The r-values of the Pearson correlations are given in Table 6. Significance is indicated with an asterisk.
Results from the regression analysis showed that only syllable awareness significantly predicted ORF for both isiXhosa (p = 0.011) and Setswana (p = 0.034), and accounted for 14% (R2 0.148, SE = 0.148) and 19% (R2 = 0.194, SE = 0.161) of the variance, respectively. Neither morphological awareness (Xhosa: p = 0.39; Setswana: p = 0.12) nor phoneme awareness (Xhosa: p = 0.37; Setswana: p = 0.107) was found to significantly predict ORF.
Research Question 2: How do types of grain size literacy processing units differ in isiXhosa and Setswana readers?
This section explores the preferences in grain size while reading connected linguistic units. This is based on the results of the decomposition task using the d-prime statistical method. Particular attention was paid to the use of syllables and morphemes in breaking up sentences.16Table 7 provides a summary of the results on the decomposition task for isiXhosa and Setswana learners.
The Setswana learners (M = 1.49, SD = 0.826, HR = 75%) were more inclined to break up sentences into syllables than the isiXhosa group (M = 1.20, SD = 1.07, HR = 71%). This is indicated by the mean scores and hit rates. The difference found was, however, not statistically significant (t [72] = 1.64, p = 0.11). This is consistent with the results in Table 4 which shows that readers for both languages scored very well on syllable awareness measures, as well as with the regression model which shows that only syllable awareness was predictive of ORF in both isiXhosa and Setswana.
For morphemes, the isiXhosa learners (M = 0.58, SD = 0.57, HR = 60%) tended to the morpheme more than the Setswana learners (M = -0.23, SD = 0.28, HR = 45%). This difference was statistically significant (t [72] =7.22, p < 0.001). In particular, the Setswana readers had a false alarm rate of 55% which, if statistically significant, is worse than chance. For the open-ended task, learners were not primed to parse in any particular way. The fact that some learners chose to parse morphologically is important. It suggests that (1) these readers include a morphological component in their reading strategies but (2) it is not helpful to them. This suggests that a morphological parsing strategy is not helpful to Setswana readers (even for those readers who chose to parse in this way). In contrast, isiXhosa readers achieved better-than-chance success at identifying morpheme boundaries which shows that morphological parsing is a useful part of their text-decoding strategy. As Setswana is written largely disjunctively, the blank space often separates out at least some morphemes (especially in the verbal complex - but not for noun class prefixes amongst others). Thus, a morphological parsing strategy would be redundant at least part of the time. In contrast, the conjunctive style of isiXhosa presents readers with longer, multimorphemic words. Presented with this type of textual puzzle, a morphological parsing strategy can significantly assist in breaking up long words into smaller units. Consequently, it is expected that isiXhosa learners would include a morphological parsing as part of their reading strategy. It therefore appears that conjunctivism sets up the need for heightened morphological awareness.
Discussion
The general reading ability of the learners was extremely low. According to Spaull et al. (2017), the thresholds for reading in Grade 3 in Northern Sotho (similar to Setswana) are 39-48 words correct per minute (wcpm) and 20-32 in isiZulu (similar to isiXhosa). The learners in this study were reading at an average of 29 wcpm in Setswana and 12 wcpm in isiXhosa, which is substantially below the threshold. The findings showed the dominant use of the syllable when reading connected-text very slowly, which was supplemented by the use of the morpheme in isiXhosa. The syllable was also found to be the only significant metalinguistic skill which correlated to and was predictive of ORF scores.
Effect of conjunctivism and disjunctivism on grain size reading processing units
The decomposition task showed that learners use multiple grain sizes. This was particularly true for the isiXhosa learners. Using multiple grains in reading can be situated in the flexible-unit-size hypothesis (Brown & Deavers 1999; Ziegler & Goswami 2005), which states that English readers use a mixture of small and large grain size units in decoding strategies (Pae 2014; Ziegler & Goswami 2005). This hypothesis, however, has been limited to English word identification. The findings show that it can be extended and applied beyond English. In particular, even readers of a consistent orthography make use of more than one grain size. In the Southern Bantu languages, there is often an overlap in syllables and morphemes in the prefix domain. It is thus logical for these learners to develop syllable- and morpheme-sized units in parallel.
For phonological awareness, both isiXhosa and Setswana learners scored higher on syllable awareness than phoneme awareness. This finding is consistent with that of Tolchinsky and Teberosky (2017) and that of Diemer et al. (2015). She reported similar results and showed that isiXhosa learners show greater awareness of the syllable as a phonological unit than the phoneme. This finding can also be situated within the hierarchical model of word recognition (Anthony & Lonigan 2004; Scheule & Boudreau 2008; Ziegler & Goswami 2005), which confirms that an awareness of larger units (e.g. the syllable) precedes awareness of smaller units (e.g. the phoneme) (Ziegler & Goswami 2005). This is attributable to phonological development on the part of the learner, but also because of the nature of the Southern Bantu languages' phonological structure which tends to favour the syllable because of its consistent CV structure, with few consonant clusters and codas (Diemer 2015). Furthermore, the scores of the decomposition task suggest that the syllable is a primary grain size for both isiXhosa and Setswana learners. Syllable awareness was also found to be predictive of ORF in both isiXhosa and Setswana. This finding is particularly interesting in that the use of characters per minute is novel and shows that syllable awareness is important. However, when orthographic words per minute are used, the literature has shown that only phoneme awareness is important (Cunningham 1989; Diemer 2015; Godoy et al. 2017). It is therefore dependent on what is used to calculate what the ORF is. Nevertheless, these findings suggest that the use of the syllable could be a productive reading strategy for learners to use when reading connected-text in these languages. In contrast, it has generally been found that although English-speaking children have higher syllable awareness than phoneme awareness when beginning to read, it does not necessarily make it productive for them to use syllables as a grain for word recognition. This is probably because of the diversity of syllable types in English. However, the question remains whether this is true for the Southern Bantu languages in which the structure of syllables is simpler. Given this, the syllable could conceivably be more useful in word reading in these languages. Because the African languages are strongly syllabic, children find it relatively easy to identify syllables in their words.
Although the syllable was found to be the dominant grain size unit used in connected-text reading in both languages, the isiXhosa readers showed a greater sensitivity towards the use of the morpheme. This could be attributed to the conjunctive nature of isiXhosa. IsiXhosa learners need to know where the morphological segments are when breaking up sentences. This is because words are made up of a combination of prefixes and suffixes that are added to noun and verbal elements, so the ability to use morphological knowledge while reading is very important. They therefore pay closer attention to the morpheme which holds meaning. In contrast, the Setswana orthography tends to break up the linguistic word into syllables. However, some morphemes in Setswana are syllabic. The syllable and morpheme are often confounded. For this reason, when referring to grain size used by these learners, it may appear that they use the syllable as the dominant grain, but the morpheme cannot be excluded.
Studies across many different languages, such as Dutch (e.g. Libben 1994), English (e.g. Bradley 1980; Marlson-Wilson et al. 1994; Taft & Forster 1976), Italian (e.g. Caramazza, Laudanna & Romani 1988) and Serbo-Croatian (e.g. Feldman & Andjelkovic 1992), support the view that morpheme recognition and analysis contribute to word decoding. This is because reading strategies which involve morpheme recognition provide to some extent a direct mapping onto the lexicon of spoken words (Elbro & Arnbak 1996). For example, the mental lexicon may be organised in terms of stems and their endings rather than as wholes (Marlson-Wilson et al. 1994). Because of the nature of the conjunctive orthography, words in isiXhosa are particularly long; therefore, it follows that learners break up words into meaningful sections rather than attempting whole-word recognition. Using a grapheme-to-phoneme approach to decoding may also prove a cognitively heavy task, especially for long words which impose a burden on working memory. According to Carlisle and Stone (2005), readers benefit significantly from exposure to variant spellings of particular morphemes, and from practice in finding those morphemes within a string of affixes attached to the base word. Expectation of a certain morpheme in a particular slot in the verbal or nominal phrase, for instance, may be especially valuable for readers of Southern Bantu languages. This is because an awareness of the morphological structure can assist with complex word reading in languages which are morphologically rich in character and are thus automatically more complex (Acha, Laka & Perea 2010; Saiegh-Haddad & Geva 2007).
Furthermore, according to a study by Burani et al. (2008), who studied Italian readers, the morpheme is useful as a grain size for readers who have not yet fully mastered whole-word processing. This is particularly useful where 'whole words' are (1) long and (2) characterised by high levels of orthographic neighbourhood effects. Morphemic processing thus aids grapheme-to-phoneme decoding. Using the morpheme as a grain size also provides a lexical reading unit larger than the grapheme, but smaller than the whole word, which reduces the limitations owed to the analytical process of reading. This explanation by Burani et al. (2008) is important in explaining why the morpheme acts as a grain size in isiXhosa more than it does in Setswana. Setswana readers can rely on whole-word (lexical) parsing because of the disjunctive orthography which splits up the linguistic word. However, because of the conjunctive script, readers of isiXhosa cannot rely on whole-word (lexical) parsing because of the length of the words. They would need to use another grain size in decoding. Although the regression analysis indicated that morphological awareness was not a significant predictor of ORF in isiXhosa readers (p = 0.39), it may be that these learners were still reading too slowly to unglue themselves from the syllable.
Despite this, the isiXhosa learners demonstrated sensitivity towards the use of the morpheme in connected-text reading. The use of the morpheme as a grain size may therefore become more important as learners become more fluent. A longitudinal study would be necessary to determine whether morphological awareness plays a greater role for these learners at the higher grades. However, it must be acknowledged that the reliability index for the morphology test is low. There is therefore an urgent need for further research to be conducted on improving morphology assessments. Furthermore, the learners in this study were reading extremely slowly, and there is no information on how they were taught to read. More research on the contribution of syllable, phoneme and morphological factors needs to be undertaken, at different grades, and include learners with stronger reading skills.
Nevertheless, it has been shown that different languages require different metalinguistic skills when reading. These, along with the grain size unit which learners use as literacy processing units, are conditioned by the orthography in which the learner reads.
Conclusion
This article explored the effect that disjunctivism and conjunctivism of an orthography have on the differential use of grain sizes in reading strategies in isiXhosa and Setswana.
The findings showed that:
These findings support previous research regarding word recognition models and developmental patterns of reading. Studies on grain sizes in different orthographies have focused on a comparison of orthographic depth, comparing transparent to opaque orthographies. This study examined two languages with similar orthographic depth, but different writing systems. Morphological awareness appears to play a greater role for learners of a conjunctive orthography than for learners of a disjunctive orthography, with isiXhosa learners exhibiting higher levels of morphological awareness than the Setswana learners. Furthermore, the isiXhosa learners used the morpheme as a secondary grain in decoding.
Learners approached connected-text reading based upon the writing systems and language-specific structures of the language. An understanding of reading in the Southern Bantu languages should take into cognisance the linguistic processing units which underpin reading strategies, as well as how the orthography informs metalinguistic awareness skills. This should, in turn, inform teaching strategies and curriculum statements. Using a one-size-fits-all model further entrenches inequalities in literacy by making literacy inaccessible for the learners, who are already playing catch-up. An alignment between reading instruction with orthography will work towards ensuring that learners are exposed to reading strategies and instructions which are best suited to the language in which they are learning to read. It is evident that learners exhibit a strong awareness and sensitivity towards the syllable. Thus, the use of the syllable in connected-text reading becomes a simple and useful technique. However, the use of the phoneme remains necessary in achieving reading success (Cunningham 1989; Diemer 2015; Godoy et al. 2017). The use of the syllable in early word reading acts as a bridge to fluent decoding of words in reading. Furthermore, because of the nature of the rich morphological structures of the African languages, an approach that places greater emphasis on heightening morphological awareness is necessary. This is particularly relevant for isiXhosa L1 readers in the Foundation Phase where the use of morphemes as a word reading strategy in connected-text reading would prove beneficial.
This article contributes to a growing body of rigorous, transparent research which is needed to help build up knowledge and deepen understanding in the domain on literacy in the African languages. The focus of this article was on first language reading. Research is still needed in second-language reading, which would introduce the question of transfer of grain size. Furthermore, research with a bigger sample size is needed for further amplification of these findings.
Acknowledgements
The author wishes to extend her sincere thanks to the schools, teachers and learners for their generous participation in the study. She would also like to thank Prof. Mark de Vos for his invaluable supervision of this research.
Competing interests
The author declares that she has no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced her in writing this article.
Funding information
Data collection for this research was funded by the Sandisa Imbewu Project. This research was conducted under the supervision of Prof. Mark de Vos from the Rhodes University's Department of English Language and Linguistics.
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Correspondence:
Tracy Probert
t.probert@ru.ac.za
Received: 26 Mar. 2018
Accepted: 13 Sept. 2018
Published: 11 Apr. 2019
1 . Readers are directed to Heugh (2000), Pretorius and Mokwesana (2009), Tebekana and Cishe (2015) and van Staden and Bosker (2014) for more on the specific macro-factors which are faced by children in South Africa.
2 . The use of the term 'Bantu'' is an internationally accepted term to refer to the Bantu language group within the Niger-Congo language family. It is not used to refer to people as occurred during the apartheid regime. It is acknowledged that the use of the term 'Bantu' has derogatory connotations in lay usage within the Republic of South Africa, but it is used here in its technical linguistic sense.
3 . There are examples where in Sotho, some things are written conjunctively, for example, O nthagile (translated as, 'He kicked me'), where the object marker is written conjunctively with the verb.
4 . Glossing: SM1. sg: Subject marker Noun Class 1. sg. pres: present tense marker. OM2: Object marker Noun Class 2. See: verb root. fv: final vowel.
5 . Although children in the sample were mother tongue speakers of African languages, some were at English-medium schools. This may have had an influence on their phonological awareness and morphological awareness and the strategies used for reading. However, this data sample was part of a larger dissertation which investigated the influence of language of learning and teaching (LoLT). Results indicated that their scores on the metalinguistic tasks were not significantly different (p > 0.1 for all variables) between the learners who attended English schools versus those who attended school in their L1. Language of learning and teaching did not impact on L1 reading strategies (see Probert 2015 for more on this).
6 . Because of time constraints in working with four different schools, two of which were in different provinces, the data were collected at different times. However, every effort was made to ensure that data collection was done within a specific time frame in an effort to rule out as many variables as possible, which may have affected the outcome of the results. It must be acknowledged that this difference in data collection points serves as a limitation to the current study. However, although data were gathered at different collection points from the isiXhosa (October) and Setswana (February) learners, a maximum of 3 months transpired between the two collection data points. The Setswana learners' exposure to English was still minimal during this early stage of the school year and was therefore not deemed a significant problem in its potential to skew the results.
7 . As this research formed part of the author's master's dissertation, there were time constraints placed on the collection of data resulting in the task not being able to be piloted.
8 . Simple declarative sentences were used, which adhered to the consonant-vowel (CV) construction of these languages and followed the subject-verb-object (SVO) word order of the South Bantu Languages.
9 . The model answers were checked by a first-language speaker of the language, with two linguistic lecturers from Rhodes University (one of whom had specialisation in morphology and the other in phonology), as well as with a lecturer from the African Languages Department at Rhodes University.
10 . That is, breaking up the sentences by placing a 'line' between each grapheme.
11 . The following formula was used when calculating d-prime in Excel, = NORMSINV (HR) - NORMSINV (FA). The hit rate and false alarm rates were first transformed to their z-scores before calculations were made. z-Scores are the statistical measurement of a score's relationship to the mean in a group of scores (Howell 1999).
12 . The isiXhosa passage was obtained from Nali'Bali. The Setswana passage was obtained from the Resource Centre of the University's Education Department.
13 . The number of characters read per minute was calculated rather than the words read per minute, as the concept of what a word is differs from isiXhosa to Setswana. Coding it as words read per minute would result in an infelicitous comparison. Using characters makes it easier to compare across the two orthographies.
14 . Syllable awareness = 0.98 (isiXhosa and Setswana), phoneme awareness = 0.98 (isiXhosa), 0.97 (Setswana), morphological awareness = 0.99 (isiXhosa), 0.98 (Setswana).
15 . Alpha cannot be used on speeded tests.
16 . The reason for this is that, as mentioned earlier, none of the learners broke up words according to the phoneme level and/or whole word level.
ORIGINAL RESEARCH
Barriers and bridges between mother tongue and English as a second language in young children
Nora E. Saneka; Marike de Witt
Department of Psychology of Education, University of South Africa, Pretoria, South Africa
ABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: Social and economic aspirations held by parents can reflect a desire for their children to learn English as a second language. Bilingual education has the potential for empowering traditionally disadvantaged groups, particularly through competence in English, a language that positions identity with power, privilege and status, thus being a political and an economic issue.
AIM: The aim was to look critically at the language development of young second-language learners within their social context
SETTING: An early childhood centre in Durban, South Africa.
METHODS: Methodologically, a qualitative praxeological framework was used. Parent partnership in sustaining the mother tongue was sought and explored in focus group interviews, using an action-reflection cycle to understand the dilemma of young second-language learners in South Africa. Ways of overcoming language barriers using the strengths of the child were explored using persona dolls. These methods helped to develop sustained, shared thinking between children, their parents and the researcher.
RESULTS: Young children found their own means of engaging in meaning-making processes both at home and at school. The issue of linguicism was tackled by encouraging parental participation in sustaining the mother tongue while children learned English as a second language
CONCLUSION: As long as English means access to improved economic opportunities, there will be a bias against those whose home language is not English. The dilemma of the young English language learner remains an issue of equity, access and redress for past injustices.
Keywords: parent participation; the young second-language learner; the right to participation; socio-constructivism; critical constructivism; praxeological research.
Introduction
The purpose of this research was to look critically at the language development of young second-language learners within their social context, in relation to theory and practice (praxis). Language and communication are seen as fundamental to the child's right to participation, according to the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989). Young children, seen as agents of their own life, find their own means to engage in meaning-making processes both at home and at school. In this research, different ways were explored to overcome language barriers using this strength of the child, in the process documenting the child's capabilities to share with the parents and in discussion with them, to build up an image of identity of each child. The research became a means of encouraging parent participation in sustaining the mother tongue while the child learned English as a second language, that is, additive bilingualism.
Social and economic aspirations held by parents for their children can reflect a desire for their children to learn English as a second or additional language. Robb (1995:19) argues that bilingual education has the potential for empowering traditionally disadvantaged groups, particularly through competence in English, a language that positions identity in relation to power, privilege and status. Therefore, it is not just a political issue but also an economic issue.
The dilemma of the young English language learner from a lower socio-economic environment is that additive bilingualism means more; however, the mother tongue tends to be subtracted in favour of English. This results in what is known as subtractive bilingualism - to the detriment of the young child. Additive bilingualism can add complexity of thought; the young child can think conceptually beyond the restrictions of the one right word to multiple perspectives. Added vocabulary can also add a richness and complexity to thought. However, this type of intellectual development, mediated through more than one language and culture, is seen in elite bilingualism as additive bilingualism. Elite bilingualism develops within higher socio-economic classes where families provide books in both languages and have the leisure time to support the mother tongue as well as the additional language(s). In such families, high levels of conceptual skills are encouraged in both English and the mother tongue. However, children from lower socio-economic communities tend to have parents who are faced with many challenges including a lack of formal education, the low social status of their mother tongue and a lack of time if they work long hours away from their children. Their mother tongue may also not have a value within the formal education system or the economy. Common bilingualism as subtractive bilingualism or semilingualism tends to develop (Toukomaa 2000:215). The child may have acquired basic interpersonal communication skills in the second or additional language of English, but finds difficulty with cognitive academic language proficiency (Cummins 1979). This is the dilemma of the young second or additional language learner.
Children can also develop an arrogance when they use English because language use reveals social positioning. This can manifest in what has been termed 'linguicism' (Phillipson 2007). When children become more schooled than their parents or grandparents (in South Africa this schooling would be in English), this can lead to an intergenerational breakdown in communication. Wong Fillmore (1991:323-346) describes the resulting lack of respect of children for their older family members and loss of traditional family values or the wisdom of the elders.
Therefore, linguicism refers to the hegemony of language, the language spoken by the dominant social class. In South Africa, this tends to be English, possibly left over from the colonial era, where English has become a language seen as holding status and power. A family's mother tongue does not have this advantage. In spite of the Constitution, not much happens at grassroots level to enforce indigenous language use in South Africa. Children become aware of subtle social cues and see the power in language from their parents and are aware of non-dominant languages. Language ties in with race, ethnicity and social class which in turn reflect unequal access to resources in terms of job opportunities, social status and political power. English has its power in being the language of global communication.
Active collaboration between school and home becomes important, especially when the teachers do not speak the home language(s) or mother tongue. The early years are a vital period of time, but in this research the English language learner was already showing a choice to speak English in preference to the home language(s) or mother tongue. It was also seen that some parents encouraged their children to speak English as a home language even when their own spoken English was very limited (Saneka 2014:128).
Similar results have been found from research in other countries: '… they may refuse to use their home language anymore as it is difficult to use both, and English may have greater status in the children's eyes' (Gordon & Browne 2008:490). Wong Fillmore (1991) went so far as to suggest that learning a second language means losing the first.
The Republic of South Africa's (1997) language-in-education policy is that of additive bilingualism. The particular pre-primary school used in this research has been registered under the South African Department of Basic Education. It follows the curriculum and has both Zulu- and Xhosa-speaking teachers as well as English-, French- and Afrikaans-speaking teachers. However, as there is a need for children to be prepared for English-medium primary school education, English is the language of learning and teaching. Therefore, English is spoken by the teachers and English is the language the children are encouraged to use in response. The children are also free to converse with each other during free play in whichever language they prefer.
Issues arise for the mother tongue, particularly for children who come from disadvantaged backgrounds. This is especially the case when, according to Heugh (1995:179), the young English language learner receives such a strong, positive message about English in contrast to that of his or her mother tongue. Therefore, this research sought ways of encouraging the parents of young children to sustain mother tongue practice in the home while their child learned English as a second language in an early childhood centre situated in a lower socio-economic area.
Research methods and design
The setting for this study was an early childhood centre in a lower socio-economic area in Durban, South Africa. At the time of this research, 90 children within the age range 2-6 years old attended this centre and were educated at Grade 000, 00 and 0 (or R, the reception year) levels in preparation for entering school at the Grade 1 level. In terms of the nature of the research approach used, these children together with their parents and five teachers formed an inclusive purposive sample.
The researcher as a practitioner in the early childhood centre used a participatory action research methodology within a praxeological conceptual framework, using a socio-cultural and critical theoretical framework to examine practice (praxis). She used this methodology to explore the interface between the role players, the socio-cultural language context and interventions which could affirm the importance of sustaining the mother tongue of the young child while he or she was learning English as a second language. Parent partnership in sustaining the mother tongue was sought and explored in focus group interviews, with an action-reflection cycle used to understand the dilemma of the young second-language learner in South Africa. While participation was open to all parents, there were 16 who participated in the first round of focus group interviews and 8 in the second round 5 months later.
The inclusion of children as participants was motivated by the right to participate (United Nations General Assembly 1989), where participation was seen as a lens through which to critically examine values and beliefs. As Carla Rinaldi (2006:101) says: 'It is the value of research, but also the search for values'. Aims (reflecting our values) and methods (pedagogical practice) can be conceived of as closely interlinked. These aims and methods are socio-cultural in nature and therefore reflect how the norms and values of language practice are shaped and developed within a social and historical context.
In working with the children and their teachers, different methods were used in the research process to explore ways of overcoming language barriers using the strengths of the child. These methods, as '100 ways of listening to children' (Clark 2007:77) ultimately helped to develop 'sustained, shared thinking' between the children, their parents and the researcher and co-construction of knowledge around language practices (Siraj-Blatchford et al. 2002:10). Specifically, for this research, persona dolls were used (Saneka 2014):
Persona dolls are used as a 'tool' for the implementation of anti-bias education and are a means to 'narrate and create' the persona doll's life-story, in dialogue with the children. Each doll has its own 'persona', family history and individual identity. This is seen as a non-threatening way to include issues of language, identity, culture, race, class, and other anti-bias issues. The story of each doll is recorded in their 'I.D. Book' which can also be a type of 'journal' of the events in that doll's life as it is a record of the dialogue between the doll and the insights of the children. Children's participation (the dialogue between the 'persona doll' and the children) enables the story of the doll's life-situation to unfold in terms of how she/he (the persona doll) reacts and responds to the events in his/her life, with questions, suggestions and advice from the children. Each time he or she visits the children and 'chats' to them, the persona doll gives the children a 'voice' to express their thoughts and fears, hopes and struggles, leading the children from interpersonal awareness to intrapersonal awareness. The doll can become a 'mirror' to reflect the children's life-situation back to them, in order for them to reach a deeper understanding of their own thoughts and feelings and learn to empathize with the feelings of others, including the persona doll. (pp. 110-111)
Data were obtained from observing the behaviour of the children when interacting with the persona dolls. A picture of the persona dolls may be seen in Figure 1.
The research followed a praxeological methodology to discern the principle of the best interests of the child in relation to the right to participation and language practice at home and school (United Nations General Assembly 1989). Praxeology can lead to critical reflection on practice, particularly when using dialogue with others on subjective perceptions and values in relation to knowledge and experience (Pascal & Bertram 2012:480-486). According to Saugstad (2002:380-381), the Aristotelian description of knowledge is not just episteme ('factual knowledge' or 'universal, certain, eternal, general, non-contextual and abstract knowledge') but knowledge developed through praxis, incorporating values and ethics. Phronesis, through 'knowledge of political, social and ethical practice' becomes 'an ability to act morally correctly on the basis of the correct deliberations' (Saugstad 2002:380-381). Similarly, Pascal and Bertram (2012:486) outlined six principles for praxeological research, namely that it is ethical, democratic, critical, subjective, systematic and action based. These can all be seen as relevant to research on language practice, as the research could then explain the social and cultural context within which meaning-making develops, as well as provide the means of enquiring into the dilemma of the young second-language learner, with a view to transformative action to motivate and support parents.
Ethical considerations
This research received ethical clearance from the University of South Africa College of Education Research Ethics Committee (Reference Number 2013 MAY 4056485/CSLR).
Results
There were four broad sets of results, namely observations from interaction with the teachers, the first focus group interview, the second focus group interview and observations from the use of the persona doll. These findings are presented briefly here and explored in more depth in the discussion.
The interaction with the teachers is provided as anecdotal and used for background purposes as the teachers did not sign consent for participation in this research at this stage. There were weekly review meetings to discuss concerns and plan interventions. Concerns raised included observations that languages have different dialects, with Zulu being no exception. With its different dialects, the question of what pure Zulu is was raised. Some dialects can sound like slang. Thus, the purity of the mother tongue was challenged. Further challenges were noted where parents chose not to speak their mother tongue to their children, as well as children opting to speak English in preference to their mother tongue.
The first focus group interview with 16 parents was able to identify the advantages of English easily. It was argued that English is a universal language and makes it easy to communicate throughout the world. They also felt that English was necessary in education, particularly at tertiary level, as concepts are not easily translatable. Furthermore, they noted that there are not enough books available in the mother tongue. Additionally, the mother tongue became problematic when trying to communicate with their children on a number of levels - it was useful for discussing problems when children were younger than 4 years old, but older children would respond in English. The breakdown of communication also became intergenerational - when children went back home to the rural areas, they could not communicate with their grandparents who now saw their grandchildren as having a 'white' education and the grandparents doubted the value of this. Children would be labelled terms like 'coconut' (black on the outside and white on the inside). The parents noted that their children understood their mother tongue but refused to speak it to parents because of the school environment with much exposure to English. Finally, the parents were concerned about their children being isolated and bullied if they spoke only one language against a majority who spoke another language. They felt one language alone was incomplete and another was needed for better understanding.
There was a conceptual shift in the second focus group interview with 8 parents which took place 5 months later. It was noted that children isolated themselves from other Zulu-speaking children in the townships and would not play with them. English became the language of choice even if they were spoken to in an indigenous language such as Zulu. As the children were attending the centre in a lower socio-economic area, there was also the issue of exposure to 'street English' where the language usage would come across as rudeness and was seen as a culturally unacceptable way of speaking, for example, swearing. Thus, English was seen as not all good, especially when sounding disrespectful. It was necessary to promote the mother tongue home language, such as in having more story books available in other languages. It was difficult to reprimand in the second language as children could ignore their own language or block it out. Therefore, it was important to hold on to identity and family values, and language was tied to identity and power.
The use of the persona dolls with the children was a useful way to dialogue with them where they could identify on common ground, develop empathy and develop friendship, thus being able to discuss problems and situations. Thus, the dolls gave the children a chance to be heard, thereby also helping parents to communicate with their children, and the children would not be excluded by language. Specific instances of persona doll interactions are explored in depth in the next section.
Discussion
Children reached out intentionally to others seeking information and through gesture and language, used different modes and means of expression. They showed their curiosity: they investigated, expressed their ideas and feelings and wanted to be taken seriously (United Nations General Assembly 1989, Article 12). Some of the modes and means of expression in the research included painting and drawing, wooden block construction and outdoor play with water and sand. They also took their own photographs to show what their likes and dislikes were in their school environment. The research broadened the idea of participation from mere consultation to ways of listening to children for adults to understand their point of view. As Lansdown (2005) points out, a culture of listening to children is not generally the norm for adults (cited in Morrow & Richards 1996:97).
A central concern in the research was that children who are learning in a second or additional language can be silenced in many ways. This is why using the right to participation and children's rights as a lens for critical reflection on the research process emphasised the right to seek, receive and impart information, share experiences and ideas (United Nations General Assembly 1989, Article 13) and hold one's own opinion on matters (United Nations General Assembly 1989, Article 14). Of course, these rights are dependent on respectful and inclusive adult support and guidance (Lansdown 2004:5), as well as taking into account the evolving capacities of the child, as discerned by the adults (United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child 2005:42). The challenge for adults was to take account of the abilities, strengths and ways children expressed their own ideas, including the culture of childhood. In actualising these rights, we are informed that we have a duty to consider 'the best interests of the child as a primary concern' (Organization of African Unity (OAU) 1990, Article 3, (1) and Article 4; United Nations General Assembly 1989). However, there may be differing cultural and social perspectives on the value of the mother tongue or home language(s) in relation to English - a language of power. Therefore, the 'best interests' principle can become a matter of interpretation, contestation and debate between parents, children and teachers. In the post-apartheid situation, additive bilingualism is also a political question of equity and access.
Language as co-construction of meaning, but also of self-expression or identity, is shaped by the socio-cultural context. Affirming the child's emotions in the mother tongue as well, English becomes an important way for the child to develop empathy with others (Saneka 2014:131): 'Through others, we become ourselves' (Vygotsky 1931). This resonates with the deep African philosophical value of uBuntu, showing humanity, expressed as 'umuntu, ngumuntu, ngabantu'. This is translated as 'a person is a person because of other people'. In Africa this can be seen as expressing both humaneness as care or empathy for the other, and social solidarity. This can challenge us to ask the question about what kind of society we want and how our actions realise the values of that society. Many of the children in this research were enrolled in the early childhood centre to learn English because of the perceived social and economic advantage, but could become 'an English-speaking someone' which would cause a barrier between themselves and their friends at home (Saneka 2014:283).
The results of the research in the second focus group discussion revealed a perceived powerlessness experienced by the parents in the face of what seemed to be this choice or option for English made by their children, even when they spoke the mother tongue to them (Saneka 2014:159), and, in the case of one child, when he had had a Zulu-speaking teacher for the past 2 years (Saneka 2014:162). However, by the end of the research both the parents and the teachers were more aware of the issues in relation to language, power and identity. At the second focus group discussion, which concluded the research, a parent stated emphatically: 'The children must not lose their identity, but cling onto it and carry on with everything else. They must plant that one tree, then grab whatever they can, from everything else!' (Saneka 2014:294). Article 29 (c) of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (AOU 1989) stipulates the critical importance of:
… the development of respect for the child's parents, his or her own cultural identity, language and values, for the national values of the country in which the child is living, the country from which he or she may originate, and for civilizations different from his or her own. (p. 9)
The sense of belonging, which can come through interactions with peers, family or their teachers, is said to be a way to create 'a caring community of learners' (NAEYC 2009:16). A sense of belonging is essential for an infant to thrive and later for the well-being of the young child, as seen in attachment theory (Richter 2004:15). However, those who are perceived as not belonging may experience discrimination, bullying or teasing and the child may feel forced to conform to peer pressure, including in language practices.
The problem of linguicism
A crucial factor in the child's language development is the child's attitude towards the second or additional language(s), the value given to these languages by the parents and motivation to use the mother tongue. As an illustration, in the research process a newly enrolled Zulu-speaking child was observed by teachers in the fantasy play area, which they said was like a 'mother tongue nest', playing silently on the old computer while the other children were chatting to each other in their mother tongue, Zulu. In going through what has been termed the initial silent period while learning English, she was silent even in the midst of this busy hive of activity, surrounded by children speaking her mother tongue. Over the next couple of months at her school, single words in English and Zulu slowly started emerging and she proved to be highly verbal.
Some of the parents from the Congo were also choosing to speak English to their children at home, rather than their own mother tongue or French, another international language, even though their own proficiency in English was limited. Their children were identified as 'inventing imaginary words' or 'using formulaic speech to fill the gap' (Saneka 2014:128, 238).
Children were also seen to get the message that a way of speaking, an accent or certain language including English but not limited to English, is of higher prestige than others. However, this can create a barrier. For example, some of the teachers who spoke the mother tongue or home language(s) tended to use it for the discipline or correction of the child (Saneka 2014:129) and not for 'sustained shared thinking' (Siraj-Blatchford et al. 2002:10). Interactive conversation, playful exchanges of ideas, storytelling and other teaching situations were all in English, which seemed to reinforce the authority of English with the authority of the teacher (Saneka 2014:285). A parent also reported reprimanding his son in the mother tongue, before switching to English (Saneka 2014:279). Therefore, this encouraged a negative association with the mother tongue or home language(s). However, a parent also reported that her son only listened to her if she reprimanded him in English, instead of the mother tongue (Saneka 2014:286), '[b]ecause it's about power, and children love power' as the parent explained.
In one example, which was discussed by a parent at the first focus group discussion, his child had started testing adult attitudes to social norms of communication, in order to see how his parent would respond. The parent experienced difficulties with the child's lack of cooperation, especially when his child showed defiance. He was upset when his child shouted at him: 'No, no!', as that was interpreted as showing disrespect as it went against his social norms and values (Saneka 2014:268). Some of the other children also tested the limits by deliberately blocking out words in the home language with white noise, and one parent reported her child as saying 'Blah, blah, blah' while she attempted to talk to her (Saneka 2014:282) and showed selective hearing to avoid responding to her parent. Language use also revealed insiders and outsiders and a type of power play between the children as a form of linguicism (Saneka 2014:261).
The following two examples from the research are illustrative of this linguicism (Saneka 2014:151-154):
In the first example, 'Lunga' had to come to terms with a newly enrolled boy who started in August who had been brought up by his Zulu-speaking grandmother on the farm and could not speak any English. 'Lunga' started teasing him because he could not speak English. This happened although he himself could not speak any English at the beginning of the year and was also brought up by his grandmother, who only spoke Zulu and who travelled with him each day from an informal township area outside of the city and dropped him off on her way to work. When told of her grandson's prejudice against the new boy, she was horrified and said she would beat him up, saying this in Zulu! The teacher, together with her translator - one of the general assistants - persuaded her that this would not be the answer to the problem. The conflict between the two boys continued the next day when 'Lunga' thought it would be fun to smash a ball, a sphere constructed out of hexagonal shapes, that the new boy had not been able to construct for himself and which another friend had constructed for him. He had been cherishing it, because he found it too difficult to make himself. After being spoken to in their mother tongue by a Zulu-speaking teacher's assistant, they resolved the conflict and seemed to come to an understanding. They found a private space in a car constructed from a cardboard box in which they could pull down the visor and chat privately to one another.
The yellow hexagonal shapes had been shared by them and they were relaxing, as can be seen in Figure 2.
In the second example, one day, one of the boys started 'slaughtering' a cow at the dough table, using a plastic knife and shouting out the traditional terminology for the parts of the cow he was cutting off - the hooves, the head, and so on. This caused a lot of excitement and four other boys came to join him, including 'Luyanda', whose family background was Xhosa, and whose mother, in the course of a parent interview and in the first focus group discussion, had said that he was now choosing to speak English over Xhosa. She expressed some concern about it, particularly with regard to family functions in the township and her child's participation in these. 'Luyanda' came up with Xhosa terminology for slaughtering his cow, which was laughed at by the other boys who were using Zulu terminology. He then retreated into his shell, switching off from the celebratory mood of the other boys who were slaughtering their cows for the feast.
The concern is that frustration in communication and a sense of lack of respect towards others can lead to the use of force or violence. In our early childhood settings, children, in their interactions with each other, can also seem to reflect the needs and problems of the society around them. Various other problems with regard to observed prejudice against languages other than English were discussed by the teachers in the review meeting in a process of reflection-on-action, leading to reflection-to-action. For example, at the beginning of the year the Zulu-speaking teachers had reported that some of the children used to laugh when a Zulu-speaking teacher used Zulu in conversation, which also happened when Afrikaans words were used, such as teaching the children to greet in Afrikaans in the morning. Some of the Zulu-speaking staff members had also criticised the type of Zulu spoken by another staff member.
During a class where persona dolls were used, certain children also showed disrespect in the way they initially treated a Zulu-speaking persona doll called 'Sipho' (second from the right in the front row in Figure 1), pulling down his pants 'accidently' to see if he was a boy and acting roughly towards him. The purpose of the persona doll approach is to address issues of bias, prejudice, discrimination, bullying and to embrace diversity (Smith 2009:4). Therefore, this persona doll Sipho came to visit the children and chatted about his family, his likes and dislikes including the sleeping arrangements in his home, a small two-roomed house in a low-income semi-urban informal settlement. The persona doll Sipho visited the children regularly after this initial negative experience, and Sipho became their friend. He chatted about his grandmother who only spoke Zulu and his own preschool. Sipho had his own difficulties including bullying and teasing because the children with whom he played only wanted to talk to him in English. The aim of the persona doll approach was to develop an empathy for Sipho and for his struggles to be understood. His own language and culture were appreciated when he came to visit the children and chat about exciting events, such as a traditional family wedding he attended, a shopping trip, a visit to the farm and other positive events in which his ability to speak Zulu was an asset, together with the teacher's ability to speak Zulu and interpret what he was saying. The negative perception of Sipho in relation to his poverty and lack of English was alleviated. It was only when the children had connected with him in a positive way through the wedding that Sipho could speak through the teacher about his own problems at school and seek the advice and support of the children so that they accepted him as a friend (Saneka 2014:154).
It seems an anti-bias curriculum using the persona doll approach can become a vitally important means for children to express their thoughts and feelings and develop empathy for others. It can construct a positive self-identity as well as group identity. This is particularly important when children move between languages and between diverse ways of thinking (Gordon & Browne 2008:151) as they transition between home and school. Derman-Sparks and the ABC Task Force (1989) indicated that an anti-bias curriculum aims to develop in children a knowledgeable, confident self-identity and group identity, empathic interaction with people from diverse backgrounds, critical thinking and problem-posing about issues of bias, and an ability in the child to stand up for fairness and justice. This seems of critical importance in our post-apartheid society which is still marked by inequality, bias, prejudice and stigma. Anti-discrimination and respect for human dignity is integral to the South African Constitution and the Bill of Rights (Republic of South Africa 1996, Chapter 2).
The anti-bias curriculum can use the persona doll method effectively to support children's rights. The persona doll also has rights, for example, it has a name (the 'right to a name', United Nations General Assembly 1989, Article 7) and a personal identity, a life situation and a particular social context and need to belong. These all help the children to relate to real-life issues and problems which the persona doll mirrors to the children. The method of dialogue with the children helps them to empathise with the persona doll as it chats to them (Smith 2009:4). The persona doll confides in the children and receives their advice, becoming a means to empower children to change situations for the better. In this way, the persona doll in this research created a safe space for children to talk about their own situations and problems and share their feelings, opinions and ideas with each other. This finding supports Derman-Sparks and the ABC Task Force (1989), as cited by Smith (2009:114), in the third goal of the anti-bias curriculum: 'Each child will increasingly recognize unfairness, have language to describe unfairness, and understand that unfairness hurts', and in the fourth goal: 'Each child will demonstrate empowerment and the skills to act, with others or alone, against prejudice and/or discriminatory actions'.
Conclusion
The relevance of this research was that it examined the relationship between the educational environment of the school, the teaching commitment of the practitioner researcher and the social and political context of South African language-in-education policy (Pascal & Bertram 2012:484). This particular process was chosen as a conscious way of developing attentiveness and awareness (reflection-in-action and reflection-on-action) (Schön 1987:26) as well as acceptance of responsibility (reflection-to-action) in order to work towards transformation in language practices (Formosinho & Oliveira Formosinho 2012:600). In using this methodology, the researcher as practitioner aimed at phronesis or wise practice, using the child's right to participation as a lens for critical reflection (United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child 2009).
The post-Vygotskian socio-cultural theory that was used in conjunction with critical theory created the possibility for an interpretation of the social and cultural interactions of the children. Lev Vygotsky believed 'thinking depends on speech, on the means of thinking, and on the child's socio-cultural experience' (Vygotsky 1987:120, as quoted in Woolfolk 2007:42). This research looked specifically at language practices, in which the researcher used a praxeological methodology starting with a focus group discussion with the parents to engage their participation and ending the research process with a second focus group discussion. Language practices were seen as arising from the needs and aspirations of the society in which the child lives. The social and cultural interactions arising from these interactions are responsible for how the child chooses to use language, which can also create barriers in communication. One of the areas which was identified as an opportunity, but also a danger, was the verbalisation of the parent or teacher for the child. The choice of language by parent or child in different situations presented different kinds of challenges. In this research, identity ('who am I?') as subjectivity ('I am because you are') can be revealed through language choice, by teachers, parents and children. Critical theory was used to examine the nature of the child's language development and the perceived choice of the child to opt for English and powerlessness of the parents. This research attempted to affirm the important role of the parents if they continued to use the mother tongue and home language(s) at home. However, some parents placed the responsibility firmly back on the teacher - 'the children so much respect the teacher's authority' (Saneka 2014:285).
The research revealed that it is important to explore ways of affirming the role of the young child as an agent of his or her own life, while looking at the culture of childhood, power and subjectivity (identity) in relation to English as a second or additional language and the role of the mother tongue. In particular, the relationships children, parents and teachers form with each other are of vital importance (Malaguzzi 1993). In this research, the young learner revealed a sensitivity to cultural and linguistic cues resulting in a bias as to the relative value of languages in relation their home languages, even between the Southern African Nguni languages (Saneka 2014:152).
In the culture of childhood (Saneka 2014:143), there are many different modes and means of expression besides verbal language that need to be affirmed. There are also many ways of listening and responding to children in their search for meaning. In this regard, praxeology is an important methodology for developing critical, reflective practice and involving the parents in becoming more aware of the dilemma of the young English language learner and also being supported by teachers. Parents and teachers can both become conscientised (Freire 1972) as to their vital role in supporting the home language(s) and mother tongue while the child learns English.
The lens of the right to participate (United Nations General Assembly 1989) highlighted issues such as the perceived choice of language by children and who they choose to play with, bias and discrimination against those who speak a different language or are from different social and economic circumstances, and prejudice against those who are seen as black, poor and uneducated in comparison to those who speak English. It seems that as long as English is the means of access to improved economic opportunities, there will be a bias against those whose home language is not English. In South Africa, the dilemma of the young English language learner remains an issue of equity, access and redress for past injustices.
Acknowledgements
Competing interests
The authors declare that they have no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced them in writing this article.
Authors' contributions
N.E.S. wrote the article. Material was taken from an unpublished Master's dissertation in educational psychology, University of South Africa. M.D.W. was the Master's supervisor for N.E.S.
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Correspondence:
Nora Saneka
nora.ramsden@gmail.com
Received: 12 Dec. 2016
Accepted: 01 Sept. 2018
Published: 17 Apr. 2019